The Provinces of the Roman Empire from Caesar to Diocletian

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of

THE

PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

FROM CAESAR TO DIOCLETIAN

MACMILLAN AND CO., Limrrep

LONDON + BOMRAY ° CALCUTTA
MELBOURNE

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

NEW YORK + BOSTON ° CHICAGO
ATLANTA « SAN FRANCISCO

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Lip.
TORONTO

as,

THE PROVINCES

OF THE

ROMAN EMPIRE

FROM CAESAR TO DIOCLETIAN

BY

THEODOR MOMMSEN

TRANSLATED

WITH THE AUTHOR’S SANCTION AND ADDITIONS

RY

WILLIAM P. DICKSON, D.D., LL.D.

PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

VOL. I

WITH EIGHT MAPS BY PROFESSOR KIEPERT

MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
ST. MARTIN’S STREET, LONDON

1909

- Aree T e n Cras ia <2 a K- mÁ ante ON -a E O E A T Gea ne ~ mee IES ako Eat ara itip OE a i
aS ~~ ae: ae oe aai eel 7 = Oo en Coipo a ote me o at a n a A p daina e

eee aer OA A A E S E a a R y T E PE E a AN CUA

: First Edition 1886
Reprinted with corrections 1909

TO

LEOPOLD KRONECKER
AND

RICHARD SCHONE

IN GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCE

PREFACE

A WISH has often been expressed to me that the History
of Rome might be continued, and I have a desire to meet
it, although it is difficult for me, after an interval of thirty
years, to take up again the thread at the point where I
had to let it drop. That the present portion does not
attach itself immediately to the preceding, is a matter of
little moment ; the fifth volume would be just as much a
fragment without the sixth as the sixth now is without
the fifth. Besides, I am of opinion that, for the purposes
of the cultured public, in whose minds this History is
intended to promote an intelligent conception of Roman
antiquity, other works may take the place of the Two
Books, which are still wanting between this (the Eighth)
and the earlier ones, more readily than a substitute can be
found for that now issued. The struggle of the Repub-
licans in opposition to the monarchy erected by Caesar,
and the definitive establishment of the latter, are so well
presented in the accounts handed down to us from
antiquity that every delineation amounts essentially to a
reproduction of their narrative. The distinctive character
of the monarchical rule and the fluctuations of the
monarchy, as well as the general relations of government
influenced by the personality of the individual rulers,

x PREFACE.

which the Seventh Book is destined to exhibit, have been
at least subjected to frequent handling. Of what is here
furnished—the history of the several provinces from the
time of Caesar to that of Diocletian,—there is, if I am not
mistaken, no comprehensive survey anywhere accessible to
the public to which this work addresses itself; and it is
owing, as it seems to me, to the want of such a survey
that the judgment of that public as to the Roman imperial
period is frequently incorrect and unfair. No doubt such
a separation of these special histories from the general
history of the empire, as is in my opinion a preliminary
requisite to the right understanding of the history of the
imperial period, cannot be carried out completely as
regards various sections, especially for the period from
Gallienus to Diocletian ; and in these cases the general
picture, which still remains to be given, will have to sup-
ply what is wanting.

‘If an historical work in most cases acquires a more
vivid clearness by an accompanying map, this holds in an
especial degree true of our survey of the Empire of three
Continents according to its provinces, and but few of its
readers can have in their hands maps adequate for the pur-
pose. These will accordingly be grateful, along with me,
to my friend Dr. Kiepert, for having, in the manner and
with the limits suggested by the contents of these volumes,
annexed to them, first of all, a sheet presenting a general
outline of the Orbis Romanus, which serves moreover in
various respects to supply gaps in those that follow, and,
in succession, nine special maps of the several portions of
the empire drawn-——with the exception of sheets 5, 7, 8, 9
—on the same scale. The ancient geographical names

igs St

a gd ng hh i ee ee ee ee

PREFACE. xi

occurring in the volumes, and the more important modern
ones, are entered upon the maps; names not mentioned
in the volumes are appended only, in exceptional cases, as
landmarks for the reader’s benefit. The mode of writing
Greek names followed in the book itself has been displaced
by the Latinising spelling—for the sake of uniformity— |
in several maps in which Latin names _ preponderate.
The sequence of the maps corresponds on the whole to
that of the book ; only it seemed, out of regard for space,
desirable to present on the same sheet several provinces
such as, eg. Spain and Africa.

PREFATORY NOTE.

IN the fifth volume of his Roman History, issued in 1885,
Mommsen described the Roman provinces as they were
during the first three centuries of our era. It has been
called, by one specially qualified to judge, Otto Hirschfeld,
the best volume of the whole work. It is indeed a
wonderful book. Here Mommsen summed up with
supreme mastery a vast and multifarious mass of detail.
Thousands of inscriptions yielded up their secrets; all
scattered archaeological discoveries found recognition ;
the vast and dim areas of the provinces took definite
shape and colour. Now at length it became easy to
discern the true character of the Roman Empire. Our
horizon broadened beyond the backstairs of the Palatine
and the benches of the Curia to the wide lands north and
east and south of the Mediterranean, and we began to
realise the achievements of the Empire-—its long and
peaceable government of dominions extending into three
continents, its gifts of civilisation, language, and citizen-
ship to almost all its subjects, its creation of a stable and
coherent order out of which rose the Europe of to-day.
The old theory of an age of despotism and decay was
overthrown. The believer in human nature could now
feel confident that, whatever their limitations and defects,
the men of the Empire wrought for the progress and
happiness of the world.

The book was at once translated into English by, or

;
SY pene noel oe

im S

PREFATORY NOTE. xiii

at least under the supervision of, the late Dr. W. P.
Dickson, Professor of Divinity in the University of Glas-
gow. Twenty-five years before, the same translator had
rendered the earlier volumes of the history into English,
and rendered them to the satisfaction of all readers. The
translation of the fifth volume was less happy. Its style
was difficult, and its errors—at least in some chapters—
were numerous and surprising. The ideal remedy for the
evil would be a fresh version. But the ideal is seldom

attainable in published literature, and good prose transla-

tions are particularly rare. When, therefore, the time
came to reprint the book, it seemed best not to let it again
appear as it was, but to attempt some revision, even though
the existence of stereotyped plates confined that revision
within very narrow limits. J have accordingly altered a
large number of passages where Dr. Dickson’s rendering
was unintelligible or inaccurate, and I have tried to take
account of the few changes which Mommsen himself
introduced into the original German down to the fifth and
last edition of 1904. In doing this I have had valuable
help, which I desire to acknowledge, from Dr. George
Macdonald. That I have left many defects, both by
accident and by the exigencies of the stereotyped plates,
is inevitable. But the alterations run into several
hundreds, and at any rate “the government which pro-
hibited voluntary fireworks” (freiwillige Feuerwehren),
the “tribes who dwelt in hurdles” (Hiirden), and the
“crescents which gave the signal to run away ” (Hörner),
and some similar blots have vanished. As the translation
is intended for English readers, I have added some notes
on the chapter relating to Britain. It was far too large a
task to do the same for other chapters. But a few refer-
ences may be added here on two general questions. The
results obtained by recent excavations on the Germano-
Raetian Limes (Chapter IV., pp. 152 foll.) have been well

xiv PREFATORY NOTE.

summarised in E. Fabricius’ Dze Besztznahme Badens durch
die Römer (Heidelberg, 1905), in an article by G. Lachen-
maier in the Württembergische Vierteljahreshefte fiir Lan-
desgeschichte for 1906, and in one by the late Professor
Pelham in the Transactions of the Royal Historical
Society, reprinted as Chapter IX. in his collected papers
(Clarendon Press, 1909). The student should also con-
sult the excellent Berichte über die... rémisch-germ. For-
schung for 1905-8, edited by Dr. H. Dragendorff (Frank-
furt, 1905-9). The problem of the Hellenisation of
Syria (Chapter X.) has been treated, with a solution un-
favourable to the Hellenic element, by Theodor Noldeke
in the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlindischen Gesell-
schaft for 1885 (xxxix. 332), and the two views have
been compared by Mitteis in his Reschsrecht und Volksrecht
(Leipzig, 1891, pp. 25 foll.).

The maps are those prepared by the late Dr. Kiepert
for the original German. Modern and medieval names
are printed in letters slanting backwards ; in Maps VIII.
and IX. old Oriental names are included in square
brackets. The presence of a few German terminations
or words on some of the maps will, I hope, cause little
trouble.

F. HAVERFIELD.

CONTENTS

BOOK EIGHTH

THE PROVINCES AND PEOPLE, FROM CAESAR

TO DIOCLETIAN

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I.

THE NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY

CHAPTER II.

SPAIN .

CHAPTER III.

THE GALLIC PROVINCES

CHAPTER IV.

ROMAN GERMANY AND THE FREE GERMANS

PAGE

63

78

117

xvi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER V.

BRITAIN

CHAPTER VI.

THE DANUBIAN LANDS AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE

CHAPTER VII.

GREEK EUROPE

CHAPTER VIII.

ASIA MINOR

PAGE

170

195

252

320

+ oP

tee
Ow

BOOK EIGHTH.

_ THE PROVINCES AND PEOPLE FROM CAESAR TO
DIOCLETIAN.

Go through the world and converse with every one.
FırDUsSI.

VOL. I. I

INTRODUCTION.

THE history of Rome under the Empire presents problems
similar to those encountered in the history of the earlier
Republic.

Such information as may be directly obtained from
literary tradition is not merely without form and colour,
but in fact for the most part without substance. The list of
the Roman monarchs is just about as trustworthy and just
about as instructive as that of the consuls of the republic.
The great crises that convulsed the state may be dis-
cerned in outline ; but we are not much better informed
as to the Germanic wars under the emperors Augustus
and Marcus, than as to the wars with the Samnites. The
republican store of anecdote is very much more decorous
than its counterpart under the empire; but the tales
told of Fabricius and of the emperor Gaius are almost
equally insipid and equally mendacious. The internal
development of the commonwealth is perhaps exhibited
in the traditional accounts more fully for the earlier
republic than for the imperial period; in the former
case there is preserved a picture—however bedimmed and
falsified ——of the changes of political order that were
brought at least to their ultimate issue in the open Forum
of Rome; in the latter case the arrangements are settled
in the imperial cabinet, and come before the public, as a
rule, merely in unimportant matters of form. We must
take into account, moreover, the vast extension of the
sphere of rule, and the shifting of the vital development
from the centre to the circumference. The history of the
city of Rome widens out into that of the country of Italy,
and the latter into that of the Mediterranean world ; and
of what we are most concerned to know, we learn the
least. The Roman state of this epoch resembles a mighty

4 INTRODUCTION.

tree, the main stem of which, in the course of its decay,
is surrounded by vigorous offshoots pushing their way
upwards. The Roman senate and the Roman rulers soon
came to be drawn from any other region of the empire just
as much as from Italy; the Quirites of this epoch, who have
become the nominal heirs of the world-subduing legion-
aries, have nearly the same relation to the memories of the
olden time as our Knights of St. John have to Rhodes and
Malta; and they look upon their heritage as a right capable
of being turned to profitable account—as an endowment
provided for the benefit of the poor that shrink from work.

Any one who has recourse to the so-called authorities
for the history of this period—even the better among them
—finds difficulty in controlling his indignation at the telling
of what deserved to be suppressed, and at the suppression
of what there was need to tell. For this epoch was also
one productive of great conceptions and far-reaching
action. Seldom has the government of the world been
conducted for so long a term in an orderly sequence ;
and the firm rules of administration, which Caesar and
Augustus traced out for their successors, maintained their
ground, on the whole, with remarkable steadfastness not-
withstanding all those changes of dynasties and of dynasts,
which assume more than due prominence in a tradition
that looks merely to such things, and dwindles erelong into.
mere biographies of the emperors. The sharply-defined
sections, which—under the current conception, misled by
the superficial character of such a basis—are constituted
by the change of rulers, pertain far more to the doings of
the court than to the history of the empire. The carrying
out of the Latin-Greek civilising process in the form of
perfecting the constitution of the urban community, and
the gradual bringing of the barbarian or at any rate alien
elements into this circle, were tasks, which, from their very
nature, required centuries of steady activity and calm self-
development; and it constitutes the very grandeur of
these centuries that the work once planned and initiated
found this long period of time, and this prevalence of
peace by land and sea, to facilitate its progress. Old age

INTRODUCTION. 5

has not the power to develop new thoughts and display
creative activity, nor has the government of the Roman
empire done so; but in its sphere, which those who
belonged to it were not far wrong in regarding as the
world, it fostered the peace and prosperity of the many
nations united under its sway longer and more completely
than any other leading power has ever succeeded in doing.
It is in the agricultural towns of Africa, in the homes of the
vine-dressers on the Moselle, in the flourishing townships
of the Lycian mountains, and on the margin of the Syrian
desert that the work of the imperial period is to be sought
and to be found. Even now there are various regions of
the East, as of the West, as regards which the imperial
period marks a climax of good government, very modest
in itself, but never withal attained before or since; and,
if an angel of the Lord were to strike the balance whether
the domain ruled by Severus Antoninus was governed with
the greater intelligence and the greater humanity at that
time or in the present day, whether civilisation and national
prosperity generally have since that time advanced or retro-
graded, it is very doubtful whether the decision would prove
in favour of the present. But, if we find that this was the
case, we ask of our surviving books for the most part in vain
how it came to be so. They no more give an answer to this
question than the traditional accounts of the earlier republic
explain the mighty phenomenon of the Rome, which, in
the footsteps of Alexander, subdued and civilised the world.

The one void as little admits of being filled up as the
other. But it seemed worth our making the attempt for
once to turn away our eyes from the pictures of the rulers
with their bright or faded, and but too often falsified,
colours, as well as from the task of linking into a sem-
blance of chronological order fragments that do not fit
each other ; and, instead of this, to collect and arrange such
materials as tradition and the monuments furnish for a de-
scription of the Roman provincial government. It seemed
worth while to collate the accounts accidentally preserved
by the one or by the other, to note traces of the process of
growth embedded in its results, and to view the general

6 INTRODUCTION.

institutions in their relation to the individual provinces,
along with the conditions given for each by the nature of
the soil and of the inhabitants, so as to work out by the im-
agination—which is the author of all history as of all poetry
—if not a complete picture, at any rate a substitute for it.

In this attempt I have not sought to go beyond the
epoch of Diocletian. A summary glance, at the utmost,
into the new government which was then created may
fitly form the keystone of this narrative; to estimate it
fully would require a separate narration and another frame
for its setting—an independent historical work, carried
out in the large spirit and with the comprehensive glance
of Gibbon, but with a more accurate understanding of
details. Italy and its islands have been excluded ; for
the account of these cannot be dissociated from that of
the general government of the empire. The external
history, as it is called, of the imperial period is dealt with
as an integral part of the provincial administration ; what
we should call imperial wars were not carried on under
the empire against those outside of its pale, although the
conflicts called forth by the rounding off, or the defence,
of the frontier sometimes assumed such proportions as
to make them seem wars between two powers similar in
kind, and the collapse of the Roman rule in the middle of
the third century, which for some decades seemed as
though it were to become its definitive end, grew out of

the unhappy conduct of frontier-defence at several places.

simultaneously. Our narrative opens with the great work
of pushing forward, and of regulating the frontier towards
the north, which was partly carried out and partly failed
under Augustus. At other points we bring together the
events that occurred on each of the three chief arenas for
frontier-defence—the Rhine, the Danube, the Euphrates.
The remainder of the narrative is arranged according to
provinces. Charms of detail, pictures of feeling, sketches
of character, it has none to offer; it is allowable for the
artist, but not for the historian, to reproduce the features
of Arminius. With self-denial this book has been written ;
and with self-denial let it be read.

_ tt e e i IID i E IT TI TERE OTR PETER DG OARS IST TOC TORS Ry SAA NAOT ATT Sol a y TEESE g a a N e a e e NO a O

CHAPTER I
THE NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY.

THE Roman Republic extended its territory chiefly by Northem
means of the sea towards the west, south, and east: little pre
was done towards extending it in the direction, in which empire.
Italy and the two ‘peninsulas dependent upon it to the

west and east are connected with the great mainland of
Europe. The region which lay behind Macedonia was not
subject to the Romans, nor yet even the northern slope of

the Alps ; only the inland region behind the south coast

of Gaul had been annexed by Caesar to the empire.
Looking to the position occupied by the empire in general,

this state of things could not be allowed to continue ; the

fact that the inert and unstable rule of the aristocracy had

been superseded could not but tell with preeminent effect

in this sphere of action. Caesar had not charged the

heirs of his dictatorial power with the extension of Roman
territory on the north slope of the Alps and on the right

bank of the Rhine so directly as with the conquest of
Britain ; but in reality such an enlargement of the bounds
suggested itself far more naturally, and was more necessary,

than the subduing of the transmarine Celts, and we can
readily understand why Augustus took in hand the former

and omitted the latter. The task was divided into three

great sections—the operations on the northern frontier of

the Graeco-Macedonian peninsula, in the region of the
middle and lower Danube, in Illyricum ; those on the
northern frontier of Italy itself, in the region of the upper
Danube, in Raetia and Noricum ; lastly, those on the right

Dalmatian
war.

iv. 434.

8 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIN.

bank of the Rhine, in Germany. Though conducted for
the most part independently, the military political mea-
sures in these regions had yet an inward connection ; and,
as they all had their origin from the free initiative of the
Roman government, they can only be understood in their
success or in their partial failure, when they are looked at
from a military and political point of view as a whole.
We shall, therefore, in our account of them, follow the
connection of place rather than the order of time; the
structure, of which they are but parts, is better viewed in
its internal compactness than according to the succession
of the several buildings composing it.

The prelude to this great aggregate of action was
formed by the measures which Caesar the Younger, so
soon as he had his hands free in Italy and Spain, under-
took on the upper coasts of the Adriatic and in the inland
region adjacent to them. In the hundred and fifty years
that had elapsed since the founding of Aquileia, the
Roman merchant had doubtless from that centre possessed
himself more and more of the traffic; yet the state,
directly as such, had made little progress. Considerable
trading settlements had been formed at the chief ports of
the Dalmatian coast, and also, on the road leading from
Aquileia into the valley of the Save, at Nauportus (Upper
Laybach); Dalmatia, Bosnia, Istria, and Carniola were
deemed Roman territory, and the region along the coast
at least was actually subject ; but the founding of towns
in a legal sense still remained to be done, quite as much
as the subduing of the inhospitable interior.

Here, however, another element had to be taken into
account. In the war between Caesar and Pompeius the
native Dalmatians had as decidedly taken part for the
latter as the Roman settlers there had taken the side of
Caesar ; even after the defeat of Pompeius at Pharsalus,
and after the Pompeian fleet had been driven from the
Illyrian waters (iv. 456), the natives continued their
resistance with energy and success. The brave and able
Publius Vatinius, who had formerly taken a very effect-
ive part in these conflicts, was sent with a strong army to

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 9

Illyricum, apparently in the year before Caesar’s death, and
that merely as the vanguard of the main army, with which
the Dictator himself intended to follow in order to over-
throw the Dacians, who just then were putting forth their
rising power (iv. 305), and to regulate the state of affairs
in the whole domain of the Danube. The execution of
this plan was precluded by the daggers of the assassins.
It was fortunate that the Dacians did not on their part
penetrate into Macedonia; Vatinius himself fought
against the Dalmatians unsuccessfully, and sustained
severe losses. Thereafter, when the republicans took up
arms in the East, the Illyrian army joined that of Brutus,
and for a considerable time the Dalmatians remained free
from attack. After the overthrow of the republicans,
Antonius, to whom, in the partition of the empire, Mace-
donia had fallen, caused the insubordinate Dardani in the
north-west and the Parthini on the coast (eastward from
Durazzo) to be put to rout in the year 715, when the
celebrated orator Gaius Asinius Pollio gained triumphal
honours. In Illyricum, which was under Caesar, nothing
could be done so long as the latter had to direct his whole
power to the Sicilian war against Sextus Pompeius ; but
after its successful termination Caesar personally threw
himself with vigour into this task. The small tribes from
Doclea (Cernagora), as far as the Iapydes (near Fiume),
were in the first campaign (719) either brought back to
subjection or now for the first time subdued. It was not
a great war with pitched battles of note, but the mountain-
conflicts with the brave and desperate tribes, and the cap-
ture of the strongholds furnished in part with Roman
appliances of war, formed no easy task; in none of his
wars did Caesar display to an equal extent his own energy
and personal valour. After the toilsome subjugation of
the territory of the Iapydes, he marched in the very same
year along the valley of the Kulpa to the point where it
joins the Save; the strong place Siscia (Sziszek) situated
at that point, the chief place of arms of the Pannonians,
against which the Romans had never hitherto advanced
with success, was now occupied and destined as a basis

iv. 29%.

34 33.

YO NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK ViN.

for the war against the Dacians, which Caesar purposed next
to undertake. In the two following years (720, 721), the
Dalmatians, who had for a number of years been in arms
against the Romans, were forced to submit after the fall
of their fortress Promona (Promina, near Dernis, above
Sebenico). Still more important than these military suc-
cesses was the work of peace, which was carried on about
the same time, and which they were intended to secure.
It was doubtless in these years that the ports along the

= Istrian and Dalmatian coast, so far as they lay within the

Prepara-
tion for the
Dacian
war.

iv. 29%.

field of Caesars rule, Tergeste (Trieste), Pola, Iader
(Zara), Salonae (near Spalato), Narona (at the mouth of
the Narenta), as well as Emona (Laybach), beyond the
Alps, on the route from Aquileia over the Julian Alps
to the Save, obtained, through Caesar’s successor, some
of them town-walls, all of them town-rights. The places
themselves had probably all been already long in existence
as Roman villages; but it was at any rate of essential
importance that they were now inserted on a footing of
equal privilege among the Italian municipia.

The Dacian war was intended to follow ; but the civil
war stepped in before it a second time. It summoned the
ruler not to Illyricum, but to the East, and the heavings of the
great decisive struggle between Caesar and Antonius reached
even to the distant region of the Danube. The people of
the Dacians, united and purified by king Burebista
(Boerebistas, iv. 305), now under king Cotiso, found itself
courted by the two antagonists—Caesar was even accused
of having sought the king’s daughter in marriage, and
having offered to him in turn the hand of his five-year-old
daughter Julia. It is easy to understand how the Dacian
should, in view of the invasion planned by the father and
ushered in by the son with the fortification of Siscia, have

"` attached himself to the side of Antonius ; and had he done

what people in Rome feared—had he, while Caesar was
fighting in the East, penetrated from the north into de-
fenceless Italy ; or had Antonius, in accordance with the
proposal of the Dacians, sought the decision of the struggle

not in Epirus but in Macedonia, and drawn thither the

oO m AIM eee A pS ON ON aae, M a a O M M a L m a Ma a o- - ~ z -Í Z Sadie, Ot eee Ses

CHAP.. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. IL

Dacian bands to help him, the fortunes of the war might
perhaps have ended otherwise. But neither the one nor
the other took place; moreover, at that very time the
Dacian state, created by the vigorous hand of Burebista,
again went to pieces; internal troubles, perhaps also the
attacks from the north by the Germanic Bastarnae and by
the Sarmatian tribes that subsequently environed Dacia
on all sides, prevented the Dacians from interfering in the
Roman civil war, in the decision of which their future also
was at stake.

Immediately after that war was decided, Caesar set
himself to regulate the state of things on the lower
Danube. But, partly because the Dacians themselves
were no longer so much to be dreaded as formerly, partly
because Caesar now ruled no longer merely over Illyricum,
but over the whole Graeco-Macedonian peninsula, the latter
became the primary basis of the Roman operations. Let
us picture to ourselves the peoples, and the relations of
the ruling powers, which Augustus found there.

Macedonia had been for centuries a Roman province. Macedoni.
As such, it did not reach beyond Stobi to the north and °" fontier.
the Rhodope mountains to the east; but the range of
Rome’s power stretched far beyond the frontier proper of
the country, although varying in compass and not fixed
in point of form. Approximately the Romans seem to
have been the leading power at that time as far as the
Haemus (Balkan), while the region beyond the Balkan as
far as the Danube had been possibly trodden by Roman
troops, but was by no means dependent on Rome.!_ Be-
yond the Rhodope mountains the Thracian dynasts, who
were neighbours to Macedonia, especially those of the
Odrysians (ii. 309), to whom the greatest portion of the ii. 290.
south coast and a part of the coast of the Black Sea were
subject, had been brought by the expedition of Lucullus

1 Dio, li. 23, expressly says this as mpaypa mpòs rods 'Pwpalous Fv" ered ôè
to the year 725: réws pév ody tratr’ rév re Alyov drepéByoay Kal Thy Opaxnv
¢xolouy (i.e. so long as the Bastarnae rhv AevOednrov Evorovdov atrois osav
attacked only the Triballi—near xaréôpapov x. r. X. The allies in
Oescus in Lower Moesia, and the Dar- Moesia, of whom Dio, xxxviii, 10
dani in Upper Moesia), oddév opie: speaks, are the coast towns,

iv. 39.

60.
43-

62.

ii, 290.

12 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIIL

(iv. 41) under the Roman protectorate ; while the inhabit-
ants of the more inland territories, especially the Bessi on
the upper Maritza, were perhaps called subjects, but were not
so, and their incursions into the settled territory as well as
retaliatory expeditions into theirs were of constant occur-
rence. Thus, about the year 694, Augustus’ own father,
Gaius Octavius, and in the year 711, during the prepara-
tions for the war against the triumvirs, Marcus Brutus had
fought against them. Another Thracian tribe, the Denthe-
letae (in the district of Sofia), had, even in Cicero’s time,
on an incursion into Macedonia, threatened to besiege its
capital Thessalonica. With the Dardani, the western
neighbours of the Thracians, a branch of the Illyrian
family, who inhabited southern Servia and the district of
Prisrend, Curio, the predecessor in office of Lucullus, had
fought successfully ; and ten years later Cicero’s colleague
in the consulate, Gaius Antonius, unsuccessfully in the
year 692. Below the Dardanian territory, again, there
were settled close to the Danube Thracian tribes, the once
powerful but now reduced Triballi in the valley of the
Oescus (in the region of Plewna), and farther on, along
both banks of the Danube to its mouth, Dacians, or, as on
the right bank of the river they were usually called by the
old national name which was retained also by their Asiatic
kinsmen, Mysians or Moesians, probably in Burebista’s
time a part of his kingdom, now once more split up into
different principalities. But the most powerful people
between the Balkan and the Danube at that time were the
Bastarnae. We have already on several occasions met
with this brave and numerous race, the eastmost branch of
the great Germanic family (ii 308). Settled, strictly
speaking, behind the Transdanubian Dacians beyond the
mountains which separate Transylvania from Moldavia, at
the mouths of the Danube and in the wide region from
these to the Dniester, they were themselves outside of the
Roman sphere ; but from their ranks especially had both
king Philip of Macedonia and king Mithridates of Pontus
formed their armies, and in this way the Romans had
often already fought with them. Now they had crossed the

CHAP, NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 13

Danube in great masses, and established themselves north
of the Haemus ; in so far as the Dacian war, as planned
by Cæsar the father and then by the son, had doubtless
for its object to gain the right bank of the lower Danube,
it was not less directed against them than against the
Dacian Moesians on the right bank. The Greek coast
towns in the barbarian land, Odessus (near Varna), Tomis,
Istropolis, hard pressed by these movements of the nations
surging around them, were here as everywhere from the
outset clients of the Romans.

At the time of Caesar’s dictatorship, when Burebista
was at the height of his power, the Dacians had executed
that fearful devastating raid along the coast as far down
as Apollonia, the traces of which were not yet obliterated
after a century and a half. It may probably have been
this invasion that at first induced Caesar the elder to under-
take the Dacian war; and after that the son now ruled
also over Macedonia, he could not but feel himself under
obligation to interfere here at once and with energy. The
defeat which Cicero’s colleague, Antonius, had sustained
near Istropolis at the hands of the Bastarnae may be
taken as a proof that these Greeks needed once more the
aid of the Romans.

In fact soon after the battle of Actium (725) Marcus
Licinius Crassus, the grandson of him who had fallen
at Carrhae, was sent by Caesar to Macedonia as
governor, and charged now to carry out the cam-
paign that had twice been hindered. The Bastarnae,
who just then had invaded Thrace, submitted without
resistance, when Crassus had them summoned to leave
the Roman territory; but their retreat was not suffi-
cient for the Roman. He, on his part, crossed the
Haemus,! at the confluence of the Cibrus (Tzibritza) with
the Danube, defeated the enemy, whose king, Deldo, was
left on the field of battle ; and, with the help of a Dacian
prince adhering to the Romans, took prisoners all that had

1 When Dio says (li. 23): 7%» Serdica, the modern Sofia, on the
Zeyer Kadousévny mpocerolncaro upper Oescus, the key to the Moesian
kal és riv Muolda évéBade, the town country.
spoken of, doubtless, can only be

29.
Subjuga-
tion of
Moesia by
Crassus,

14 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIII,

escaped from the battle and sought shelter in a neighbour-
ing stronghold. Without offering further resistance the
whole Moesian territory submitted to the conqueror of the
Bastarnae. These returned next year to avenge the
defeat which they had suffered ; but they once more suc-
cumbed, and, with them, such of the Moesian tribes as had
again taken up arms. Thus these enemies were once for
all expelled from the right bank of the Danube, and the
latter was entirely subjected to the Roman rule. At the
same time the Thracians not hitherto subject were
chastised, the national shrine of Dionysos was taken from
the Bessi, and the administration of it was entrusted to the
princes of the Odrysians, who generally from that time,
under the protection of the Roman supreme power, exer-
cised, or were assumed to exercise, supremacy over the
Thracian tribes south of the Haemus. The Greek towns,
moreover, on the coast of the Black Sea were placed
under its protection, and the rest of the conquered territory
was assigned to various vassal-princes, on whom devolved
accordingly, in the first instance, the protection of the fron-

tier of the empire ;! Rome

1 After the campaign of Crassus
the conquered land was probably
organised in such a way that the
coast went to the Thracian kingdom,
as Zippel has shown (Rém. Jilyricum,
p. 243), and the western portion was,
just like Thrace, assigned in fief to
the native princes, in place of one of
whom must have come the praefectus
civitatium Moesiae et Triballiae (C. T.
Z. v. 1838), who was still acting
under Tiberius. The usual assump-
tion that Moesia was at first combined
with Illyricum, rests only on the cir-
cumstance that in the enumeration of
the provinces apportioned in the year
727 between emperor and senate in
Dio, liii. 12 it is not named, and so
was contained in ‘‘ Dalmatia.” But
this enumeration does not extend at
all to the vassal-states and the pro-
curatorial provinces, and so far all is in
due keeping with our assumption. On
the other hand, weighty arguments
tell against the usual hypothesis,

had no legions of her own

Had Moesia been originally a part of
the province of Illyricum, it would have
retained this name; for on the division
of a province the name was usually
retained, and only a defining epithet
added. But the appellation Illyricum,
which Dio doubtless reproduces Ze.,
was always in this connection restricted
to the upper (Dalmatia) and the lower
(Pannonia). Moreover, if Moesia was
a part of Illyricum, there was no
room left for that Prefect of Moesia
and Triballia, or in other words for
his kingly predecessor. Lastly, it
is far from probable that in 727 a
command of such extent and import-
ance should have been entrusted to a
single senatorial governor. On the
other hand, everything admits of easy
explanation, if small client- states
arose in Moesia after the war of
Crassus; these were as such from the
outset under the emperor, and, as the
senate did not take part in their suc-
cessive annexation and conversion into

27.

zt.

CHAP.1. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY.

15

left for these distant regions. Macedonia thereby became
an inland province, which had no further need of military
administration. The goal, which had been contemplated
in those plans of Dacian warfare, was attained.

Certainly this goal was merely a provisional one.
But before Augustus took in hand the definitive regula-
tion of the northern frontier he applied himself to re-
organise the provinces already belonging to the empire ;
more than ten years elapsed over the arrangement of
things in Spain, Gaul, Asia, and Syria. How, when what
was needful in these quarters was done, he set to work on
his comprehensive task, we have now to tell.

Italy, which bore sway over three continents, was still,
as we have said, by no means absolutely master in her
own house. The Alps, which sheltered her on the north,
were in all their extent, from one end to the other, filled
with small and but little civilised tribes of Illyrian, Raetian,
or Celtic nationality, whose territories in part bordered
closely on those of the great towns of the Transpadana—
that of the Trumpilini (Val Trompia) on the town of Brixia;
that of the Camunni (Val Camonica above the Lago d’Iseo)
on the town of Bergomum; that of the Salassi (Val d’Aosta)
on Eporedia (Ivrea)—and whose neighbourhood was by no
means wont to be peaceful. Often enough conquered and
proclaimed at the Capitol as vanquished, these tribes, in
spite of the laurels of the men of note that triumphed over
them, were constantly plundering the farmers and the
merchants of Upper Italy. The mischief was not to
be checked in earnest until the government resolved to
cross the Alpine chain and bring its northern slope also
under their power; for beyond doubt numbers of these
depredators were constantly streaming over the mountains
to pillage the rich adjoining country. In the direction

a governorship, this might easily be
unnoticed in the Annals. It was
completed in or before the year 743,
seeing that the governor, L. Calpur-
nius Piso then waging war against the
Thracians, to whom Dio (liv. 34)
erroneously assigns the province of

Pamphylia, can only have had as his
province Pannonia or Moesia, and, as
at that time Tiberius was acting as
legate in Pannonia, there is left for
him only Moesia. In 6 A.D. there
certainly appears an imperial governor
of Moesia.

Subjuga-
tion of the
Alps.

I6.

14.

Subjuga-
tion of the
Raeti,

I5.

16 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VII,

of Gaul also similar work had to be done; the tribes
in the upper valley of the Rhone (Valais and Vaud)
had indeed been subdued by Caesar, but are also named
among those that gave trouble to the generals of
his son. On the other side, the peaceful border-districts
of Gaul complained of the constant incursions of the
Raeti. The numerous expeditions arranged by Augustus
on account of these evils do not admit, or require, historical
recital ; they are not recorded in the triumphal Fasti and
do not fall under that head, but they gave to Italy for
the first time settled life in the north. We may mention
the subjugation of the already named Camunni in 738
by the governor of Illyria, and that of certain Ligurian
tribes in the region of Nice in 740, because they show
how, even about the middle of the Augustan age, these
insubordinate tribes pressed directly upon Italy. If the
emperor subsequently, in the collective report on his im-
perial administration, declared that violence had not been
wrongfully employed by him against any of these small
tribes, this must be understood to the effect that cessions of
territory and change of abode were demanded of them,
and they resisted the demand; only the petty cantonal
union formed under king Cottius of Segusio (Susa) sub-
mitted without a struggle to the new arrangement.

The southern slopes and the valleys of the Alps
formed the arena of these conflicts. The establishment of
the Romans on the north slope of the mountains and in
the adjoining country to the northward followed in 739.
The two step-sons of Augustus reckoned as belonging to
the imperial house, Tiberius the subsequent emperor, and
his brother Drusus, were thereby introduced into the career
of generalship for which they were destined; very secure and
very grateful were the laurels put before them in prospect.
Drusus penetrated from Italy up the valley of the Adige
into the Raetian mountains, and achieved here a first
victory; for the farther advance his brother, then governor
of Gaul, lent him a helping hand from Helvetia ; on the
lake of Constance itself the Roman triremes defeated the
boats of the Vindelici; on the emperor’s day, the Ist

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 17

August 739, in the vicinity of the sources of the Danube, 15-

was fought the last battle, whereby Raetia and the land

of the Vindelici—that is, the Tyrol, East Switzerland, and

Bavaria—became thenceforth constituent parts of the

Roman empire. The emperor Augustus had gone in

person to Gaul to superintend the war and the organisa-

tion of the new province. At the point where the Alps

abut on the Gulf of Genoa, on the height above Monaco,

a monument commanding a wide prospect of the Tyrrhene

Sea, and not even yet wholly effaced, was erected some

years later by grateful Italy to the emperor Augustus,

because under his government all the Alpine tribes from

the Upper to the Lower sea—the inscription enumerates

forty-six of them—had been brought under the power |
of the Roman people. It was no more than the simple {
truth; and this war was what war ought to be—the

guardian and the guarantee of peace.

A task more difficult doubtless than that of the war Organisa-
proper was the organisation of the new territory ; the more ton of
especially as considerations of internal policy exerted to
some extent a very disturbing influence on it. Since, as
things stood, the preponderance of military power might not
be located in Italy, the government had to take care that the
great military commands were removed as far as possible
from its immediate vicinity ; indeed one of the motives
that conduced to the occupation of Raetia itself was the
desire to remove the command, which probably up to this
time could not have been dispensed with in Upper Italy
itself, definitively away from that region, as was thereupon
actually done. It might most naturally have been ex-
pected that there would be created on the north slope of the
Alps a great centre for the military posts indispensable in
the newly acquired territory; but a course the very opposite
of this was followed. Between Italy on the one hand, and
the great commands on the Rhine and Danube on the
other, there was drawn a girdle of small governorships,
which were not merely all filled up by the emperor, but
were also filled up throughout with men not belonging to
the senate. Italy and the province of southern Gaul were

VOL. I. 2

A

f 18 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIL.

Maritime Alps (department of the Maritime Alps and the

province of Cuneo), the Cottian Alps with Segusio (Susa)
s as its chief town, and probably the Graian Alps (East
Savoy). Among these the second, administered by the
already named cantonal prince, Cottius, and his descend-
ants for a time under the form of clientship,! was of most
importance, but they all possessed a certain military
power, and were primarily destined to maintain public
safety in the territory concerned, and above all on the im-
portant imperial highways traversing it. The upper valley
of the Rhone again—that is, the Valais, and the newly
4 conquered Raetia—were placed under a commander of

higher standing not in rank, but doubtless in power ;

a corps, relatively speaking, considerable was here for

the time being indispensably requisite. In order, how-

ever, to provide for its being diminished as far as possible,

Raetia was in great measure depopulated by the removal

of its inhabitants. The circuit was closed by the similarly :

organised province of Noricum, embracing the largest

part of what is now German Austria. This wide and

fertile region had submitted without substantial resistance

to the Roman rule, probably in the form of a dependent

principality established in the first instance, but with its

prince erelong giving place to the imperial procurator, from

whom, for that matter, he did not essentially differ. Some,

at all events, of the Rhenish and Danubian legions had

their fixed quarters in the immediate neighbourhood, on

the one hand of the Raetian frontier at Vindonissa, on the

other of the Norican frontier at Poetovio, obviously to keep

in check the adjoining province; but in that intermediate

region as little were there armies of the first rank with

legions under senatorial generals, as there were senatorial

| separated by the three small military districts of the

1 The official title of Cottius was
not king, like that of his father
Donnus, but ‘‘ president of the can-
tonal union” (praefectus civitatium), as
he is named on the still standing arch
of Susa erected by him in honour of
9-8. Augustus in the year 745-6. But the

position was beyond doubt held for
life, and, under reservation of the
superior’s right to confirm it, also
hereditary ; so far therefore the union
was certainly a principality, as it is
usually so termed.

CHAP.. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 19

governors. The distrust towards the corporation governing
the state alongside of the emperor finds very forcible
expression in this arrangement.

Next to the protection of the peace of Italy the chief Roads and

aim of this organisation was to secure its communications
with the north, which were of not less urgent importance
for traffic than in a military point of view. With special
energy Augustus took up this task; and he doubtless
deserved that his name should still live at the present day
in those of Aosta and Augsburg, perhaps also in that of the
Julian Alps. The old coast-road, which Augustus partly
renewed, partly constructed, from the Ligurian coast
through Gaul and Spain to the Atlantic Ocean, can only
have served purposes of traffic. The road also over the
Cottian Alps, already opened up by Pompeius (iv. 28),
was finished under Augustus by the already mentioned
prince of Susa, and named after him; in like manner a
trading route, it connects Italy, by way of Turin and Susa,
with the commercial capital of south Gaul, Arelate. But
the military line proper—the direct connection between
Italy and the camps on the Rhine—led through the valley
of the Dora Baltea from Italy partly to Lyons the capital
of Gaul, partly to the Rhine. While the republic had con-
fined itself to bringing into its power the entrance of that
valley by founding Eporedia (Ivrea), Augustus possessed
himself of it entirely by not merely subjugating its inhabi-
tants—the still restless Salassi, with whom he had already
fought during the Dalmatian war—but extirpating them
outright ; 36,000 of them, including 8000 fighting men,
were sold under the hammer into slavery in the market-
place of Eporedia, and the purchasers were bound not to
grant freedom to any of them within twenty years. The
camp itself, from which his general Varro Murena had
achieved their final defeat in 729, became the fortress,
which, occupied by 3000 settlers taken from the imperial
guard, was to secure the communications—the town
Augusta Praetoria, the modern Aosta, whose walls and
gates then erected are still standing. It commanded
subsequently two Alpine routes, as well that which led

colonies in
the Alps,

iv. 27.

N

20 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIIL

over the Graian Alps or Little St. Bernard, along the
upper Isère and the Rhone to Lyons, as that which ran
over the Poenine Alps, the Great St. Bernard, to the valley
of the Rhone and to the Lake of Geneva, and thence into
the valleys of the Aar and the Rhine. But it was for the
first of these roads that the town was designed, as it

originally had only gates leading east and west; nor

could this be otherwise, for the fortress was built ten years
before the occupation of Raetia ; in those years, moreover,
the later organisation of the camps on the Rhine was not
yet in existence, and the direct connection between the
capitals of Italy and Gaul was altogether of the foremost
importance. In the direction of the Danube we have
already mentioned the laying out of Emona on the upper
Save, on the old trade-road from Aquileia over the Julian
Alps into the Pannonian territory. This. road was at
the same time the chief artery for the military communi-
cation of Italy with the region of the Danube. Lastly,
with the conquest of Raetia was connected the opening of
the route which led from the last Italian town Tridentum
(Trent), up the Adige valley, to the newly established
Augusta in the land of the Vindelici, the modern Augs-
burg, and onward to the upper Danube. Subsequently,
when the son of the general who had first opened up
this region came to reign, this road received the name
of the Claudian highway.’ It furnished the means of
connection, indispensable from a military point of view,
between Raetia and Italy; but in consequence of the
comparatively small importance of the Raetian army,

1 We know this road only in the
shape which the emperor Claudius,
the son of the constructor, gave to it ;
originally, of course, it cannot have
been called wia Claudia, but only
via Augusta, and we can hardly re-
gard as its terminus in Italy Altinum,
in the neighbourhood of the modern
Venice, since, under Augustus, all the
imperial roads still led to Rome.
That the road ran through the upper
Adige valley is shown by the milestone
found at Meran (C. Z. Z. v. 8003) ; that

it led to the Danube, is attested; the
connection of the making of this road
with the founding of Augusta Vindeli-
cum, though this was at first only a
market-village (forum), is more than
probable (C. Z Z. iii, p. 711); in
what way Augsburg and the Danube
were reached from Meran we do not
know. Subsequently the road was
rectified, so as to leave the Adige at
Bautzen, and to lead up the Eisach
valley over the Brenner to Augsburg.

CHAP.. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 21

and doubtless also in consequence of the more difficult
communication, it never had the same importance as the
route of Aosta. )

The Alpine passes and the north slope of the Alps
were thus in secure possession of the Romans. Beyond
the Alps there stretched to the east of the Rhine the land
of the Germans; to the south of the Danube that of the
Pannonians and the Moesians. Here, too, soon after the
occupation of Raetia, the offensive was taken, and nearly
contemporaneously in both directions. Let us look first
at what occurred on the Danube.

The Danubian region, to all appearance up to 727
administered along with Upper Italy, became then, on the
reorganisation of the empire, an independent administra-
tive district, Illyricum, under a governor of its own. It
consisted of Dalmatia, with the country behind it, as far as
the Drin—while the coast farther to the south had for
long belonged to the province of Macedonia—and of the
Roman possessions in the land of the Pannonians on the

Save. The region between the Haemus and the Danube.

as far as the Black Sea, which Crassus had shortly before
brought into dependence on the empire, as well as Noricum
and Raetia, stood in a relation of clientship to Rome, and
so did not belong as such to this province, but withal were
primarily dependent on the governor of Illyricum. Thrace,
north of the Haemus, still by no means pacified, fell, from
a military point of view, to the same district. It was a
continued effect of the original organisation, and one
which subsisted down to a late period, that the whole
region of the Danube from Raetia to Moesia was compre-
hended as a customs-district under the name Illyricum in
the wider sense, Legions were stationed only in Illyricum
proper, in the other districts there were probably no im-
perial troops at all, or at the utmost small detachments ;
the chief command was held by the proconsul of the new
province coming from the senate ; while the soldiers and
Officers were, as a matter of course, imperial. It attests
the serious character of the offensive beginning after the
conquest of Raetia, that in the first instance the co-ruler

27.
Erection of
Tllyricum.

I2.

First Pan-
nonian war
of Tiberius,

22 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIIL.

Agrippa took over the command in the region of the
Danube, to whom the proconsul of Illyricum had to
become de ture subordinate ; and then, when Agrippa’s
sudden death in the spring of 742 broke down this com-
bination, Illyricum in the following year passed into im-
perial administration, and the imperial generals obtained
the chief commands in it. Soon three military centres
were here formed, which thereupon brought about the
administrative division of the Danubian region into three
parts. The small principalities in the territory conquered
by Crassus gave place to the province of Moesia, the
governor of which henceforth, in what is now Servia and
Bulgaria, guarded the frontier against the Dacians and
Bastarnae. In what had hitherto been the province of
Illyricum, a part of the legionaries was posted on the
Kerka and the Cettina, to keep in check the still troublesome
Dalmatians. The chief force was stationed in Pannonia,
on what was then the boundary of the empire, the Save.
This distribution of the legions and organisation of the
provinces cannot be fixed with chronological precision ;
probably the serious wars which were waged simultane-
ously against the Pannonians and the Thracians, of
which we have immediately to speak, led in the first
instance to the institution of the governorship of Moesia,
and it was not till some time later that the Dalmatian
legions and those on the Save obtained commanders-in-
chief of their own.

As the expeditions against the Pannonians and the
Germans were, as it were, a repetition of the Raetian
campaign on a more extended scale, so the leaders, who
were put at their head with the title of imperial legates,
were the same—once more the two princes of the imperial
house, Tiberius, who, in the place of Agrippa, took up the
command in Illyricum, and Drusus, who went to the Rhine,
both now no longer inexperienced youths, but men in the
prime of their years, and well fitted to take in hand severe
work.

Immediate pretexts for the waging of war in the
region of the Danube were not wanting. Marauders from

Dy

CHAP, I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 23

Pannonia, and even from the peaceful Noricum, carried
pillage in the year 738 as far as Istria. Two years there-
after the Illyrian provincials took up arms against their
masters, and, although they returned to obedience without
offering opposition when Agrippa took over the com-
mand in the autumn of 741, yet immediately after his
death the disturbances are alleged to have begun afresh.
We cannot say how far these Roman accounts correspond
to the truth ; certainly the pushing forward of the Roman
frontier, required by the general political situation, formed
the real motive and aim of the war. As to the three
campaigns of Tiberius in Pannonia from 742 to 744 we
are very imperfectly informed. Their result was stated
by the government as the establishment of the Danube as
the boundary for the province of Illyricum. That this
river was thenceforth looked upon in its whole course as
the boundary of Roman territory, is doubtless correct ;
but a subjugation in the proper sense, or even an occupa-
tion, of the whole of this wide domain by no means took
place at that time.’ The chief resistance to Tiberius was
offered by the tribes already at an earlier date declared
Roman, especially by the Dalmatians ; among those first
effectively subdued at that time, the most noted was that
of the Pannonian Breuci on the lower Save. The Roman
armies, during these campaigns, probably did not cross
the Drave, and did not in any case transfer their standing
camp to the Danube. The region between the Save and
Drave was at all events occupied, and the headquarters of
the Illyrian northern army were transferred from Siscia
on the Save to Poetovio (Pettau) on the middle Drave,
while in the Norican region recently occupied the Roman
garrisons reached as far as the Danube at Carnuntum
(Petronell, near Vienna), at that time the last Norican
town towards the east. The wide and vast region between
the Drave and the Danube, which now forms western
Hungary, was to all appearance at that time not even
militarily occupied. This was in keeping with the whole
plan of the offensive operations that were begun; the
object sought was to be in touch with the Gallic army,

tal
a

I2, ro,

Thracian
war of Piso.

16.

13, 1I.

24 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BooK viu,

and for the new imperial frontier in the north-east the
natural base was not Buda, but Vienna.

Complementary in some measure to this Pannonian
expedition of Tiberius was that which was simultaneously
undertaken against the Thracians by Lucius Piso, per-
haps the first governor that Moesia had of its own. The
two great neighbouring nations, the Illyrians and the
Thracians, of whom we shall treat more fully in a sub-
sequent chapter, stood alike at that time in need of
subjugation. The tribes of inland Thrace showed themselves
still more obstinate than the Illyrians, and far from sub-
ordinate to the kings set over them by Rome; in 738 a
Roman army had to advance thither and come to the
help of the princes against the Bessi. If we had more
exact accounts of the conflicts waged in the one quarter
as in the other in the years 741 to 743, the contemporary
action of the Thracians and Illyrians would perhaps appear
as concerted. Certain it is that the mass of the Thracian
tribes south of the Haemus and presumably also those
settled in Moesia took part in this national war, and that
the resistance of the Thracians was not less obstinate than
that of the Illyrians. It was for them at the same time a
religious war; the shrine of Dionysos,’ taken from the
Bessi and assigned to the Odrysian princes well disposed
to Rome, was not forgotten; a priest of this Dionysos
stood at the head of the insurrection, and it was directed
in the first instance against those Odrysian princes. One
of them was taken and put to death, the other was driven
away ; the insurgents, in part armed and disciplined after
the Roman model, were victors in the first engagement
over Piso, and penetrated as far as Macedonia and into the

Thracian Chersonese; fears

1 The locality ‘‘in which the
Bessi honour the god Dionysos,”
and which Crassus took from them
and gave to the Odrysians (Dio, li.
25), is certainly the same Ziberi
patris lucus, in which Alexander
sacrificed, and the father of Augustus,
cum per secreta Thraciae exercitum
duceret, asked the oracle respecting

were entertained for Asia.

his son (Suetonius, Aug. 94), and
which Herodotus already mentions
(ìi. x1r; compare Euripides, He.
1267) as an oracular shrine placed
under the protection of the Bessi.
Certainly it is to be sought north-
wards of Rhodope; it has not yet
been discovered.

~—_—

wr

Sine Sn NS! Ed SS cn eis in 3 Sag feat IS ate A eG Re

BF a = tet ... Á y a oh E EA E-

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 25

Ultimately, however, Roman discipline gained the superi-
ority over these brave opponents ; in several campaigns
Piso mastered the resistance, and the command of Moesia,
instituted either already on this occasion or soon after-
wards on “the Thracian shore,” broke up the connection
of the Daco-Thracian peoples, by separating the tribes on
the left bank of the Danube and their kinsmen south of
the Haemus from each other, and permanently secured
the Roman rule in the region of the lower Danube.

The Germans still more than the Pannonians and
the Thracians gave the Romans occasion to feel that the
existing state of things could not permanently continue.
The boundary of the empire since Caesar’s time had been
the Rhine from the lake of Constance to its mouth
(iv. 258). It was not a demarcation of peoples, for already
of old in the north-east of Gaul the Celts had on various
occasions mingled with Germans, the Treveri and Nervii
would at least gladly have been Germans (iv. 244), and on
the middle Rhine Caesar himself had provided settlements
for the remnant of the hosts of Ariovistus—Triboci (in
Alsace) Nemetes (about Spires), Vangiones (about
Worms). Those Germans on the left of the Rhine indeed
adhered more firmly to the Roman rule than the Celtic
cantons, and it was not they that opened the gates
of Gaul to their countrymen on the right bank. But
these, long accustomed to predatory raids over the river
and by no means forgetting the half successful attempts
on several occasions to settle there, came unbidden. The
only Germanic tribe beyond the Rhine, which already in
Caesar’s time had separated from their countrymen and
placed themselves under Roman protection, the Ubii, had
to give way before the hatred of their exasperated
kinsmen and to seek protection and new abodes on the
Roman bank (716); Agrippa, although personally present
in Gaul, had not been able, amidst the pressure of the
Sicilian war then impending, to help them otherwise, and
had crossed the Rhine merely to effect their transference.
From this settlement of theirs our Cologne subsequently
grew up. Not merely were the Romans trading on the

Attack of
the Ger-
mans.

iv. 247.

iv. 233.

25.
20.

16,

Defeat of

Lollius.

German
war of
Drusus.

15.

38.

13.

26 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIIL

right bank of the Rhine subjected to various injuries by
the Germans, so that even in 729 an advance over the

‘Rhine was executed, and Agrippa in 734 had to expel

from Gaul Germanic hordes that had come thither from
the Rhine ;. but in 738 the further bank was affected by a
more general movement, which terminated in an invasion
on a great scale. The Sugambri on the Ruhr took the
lead, and with them their neighbours the Usipes on the
north in the valley of the Lippe, and the Tencteri on the
south; they attacked the Roman traders sojourning
among them and nailed them to the cross, then crossed
the Rhine, pillaged the Gallic cantons far and wide, and,
when the governor of Germany sent the legate Marcus
Lollius with the fifth legion against them, they first cut
off its cavalry and then put the legion itself to disgraceful
flight, on which occasion even its eagle fell into their
hands. After all this they returned unassailed to their
homes. This miscarriage of the Roman army, though
not of importance in itself, was not to be despised in
presence of the Germanic movement and even of the
troublesome feeling in Gaul; Augustus himself went to
the province attacked, and this occurrence may possibly
have been the immediate occasion for the adoption of that
great movement of offence, which, beginning with the
Raetian war in 739, led on to the campaigns of Tiberius
in Illyricum and of Drusus in Germany.

Nero Claudius Drusus, born in 716 by Livia in the
house of her new husband, afterwards Augustus, and loved
and treated by the latter like a son—evil tongues said,
as his son—the very image of manly beauty and of winning
grace in converse, a brave soldier and an able general, a
pronounced panegyrist, moreover, of the old republican
system, and in every respect the most popular prince of the
imperial house, took up, on the return of Augustus to
Italy (741), the administration of Gaul and the chief
command against the Germans, whose subjugation was
now contemplated in earnest. We have no adequate
means of knowing either the strength of the army then
stationed on the Rhine, or how matters stood with the

——————— SA = ee | Cr

CHAP.I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 27

Germans ; this much only is clear that the latter were
not in a position suitably to meet the compact attack.
The region of the Neckar formerly possessed by the Helvetii
(iii. 182), then for long a debateable border-land between
them and the Germans, lay desolate and dominated on
the one side by the recently subdued district of the
Vindelici, on the other side by the Germans friendly to
Rome about Strassburg, Spires, and Worms. Farther
northward, in the region of the upper Main, were settled
the Marcomani, perhaps the most powerful of the Suebian
tribes, but from of old at enmity with the Germans of the
middle Rhine. Northward of the Main followed first in
the Taunus the Chatti, farther down the Rhine the already
named Tencteri, Sugambri, and Usipes; behind them
the powerful Cherusci on the Weser, besides a number of
tribes of secondary rank. As it was these tribes on the
middle Rhine, with the Sugambri at their head, that had
carried out that attack on Roman Gaul, the retaliatory
expedition of Drusus was directed mainly against them,
and they too combined for joint resistance to Drusus and
for the institution of a national army to be formed from
the contingents of all these cantons. The Frisian tribes,
however, on the coast of the North Sea did not join the
movement, but persevered in their peculiar isolation.

It was the Germans who assumed the offensive. The
Sugambri and their allies again seized all the Romans
whom they could lay hold of on their bank, and nailed to
the cross the centurions among them, twenty in number.
The allied tribes resolved once more to invade Gaul, and
even divided the spoil beforehand—the Sugambri were to
obtain the people, the Cherusci the horses, the Suebian
tribes the gold and silver. So they attempted in the
beginning of 742 again to cross the Rhine, and hoped for
the support of the Germans on the left bank of the river,
and even for an insurrection of the Gallic cantons just at
that time excited by the unwonted matter of the census.
But the young general took his measures well ; he nipped
the movement in the Roman territory before it was well
set agoing, drove back the invaders even as they were

iii. 173.

4
4

rr,

28 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VI.

crossing the river, and then crossed the stream on his own
part, in order to lay waste the territory of the Usipes and
Sugambri. This was a repulse for the time ; the plan of
the war proper, designed on a grander scale, started from
the acquisition of the North Sea coast and of the mouths
of the Ems and the Elbe. The numerous and valiant tribe
of the Batavi in the delta of the Rhine was soon incor-
porated—-to all appearance, at that time and by amicable
concert—in the Roman empire; with its help a communi-
cation by water was established from the Rhine to the
Zuyder See, and from the latter to the North Sea, which
opened up for the Rhine-fleet a safer and shorter way to
the mouths of the Ems and Elbe. The Frisians on the
north coast followed the example of the Batavi and likewise
submitted to the foreign rule. It was doubtless still more
the moderate policy than the military preponderance of
the Romans, which paved the way for them here; these
tribes remained almost wholly exempt from tribute, and were
drawn upon for war-service in a way which did not alarm,
but allured them. From this basis the expedition proceeded
along the coast of the North Sea; in the open sea the
island of Burchanis (perhaps Borchum off East Friesland)
was taken by assault; on the Ems the fleet of boats of
the Bructeri was vanquished by the Roman fleet ; Drusus
reached as far as the Chauci at the mouth of the Weser.
The fleet indeed on its return homewards encountered
dangerous and unknown shallows, and, but for the Frisians
affording a safe escort to the shipwrecked army, it would
have been in a very critical position, Nevertheless, by
this first campaign the coast from the mouth of the Rhine
to that of the Weser had been gained for Rome.

After the coast was thus acquired, the subjugation of
the interior began in the next year (743). It was
materially facilitated by the dissensions among the Germans
of the middle Rhine. For the attack on Gaul attempted
in the previous year the Chatti had not furnished the
promised contingent ; in natural, but still far from politic,
anger the Sugambri had suddenly assailed the land of the
Chatti with all their force, and so their own territory as

ge a s o -a a a a gt gn Ee ee ee ee a ee A

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 29

well as that of their next neighbours on the Rhine was
occupied without difficulty by the Romans. The Chatti
thereupon submitted to the enemies of their enemies
without resistance; nevertheless, they were directed to
evacuate the bank of the Rhine and to occupy instead of
it that district which the Sugambri had hitherto possessed.
Not less did the powerful Cherusci farther inland on the
middle Weser succumb. The Chauci settled on the lower
stream were now assailed by land as they had been before
by sea; and thus the whole territory between the Rhine
and Weser was taken possession of, at least at the places
of decisive military importance. The return was, indeed,
just as in the previous year, on the point of being almost
fatal ; at Arbalo (site unknown) the Romans found them-
selves surrounded on all sides in a narrow defile by the
Germans and deprived of their communications ; but the
firm discipline of the legions, and the arrogant confidence
of success withal on the part of the Germans, changed
the threatened defeat into a brilliant victory? In the
next year (744) the Chatti revolted, indignant at the loss
of their old beautiful home; but now they for their part
remained alone, and were, after an obstinate resistance,
and not without considerable loss, subdued by the Romans
(745). The Marcomani on the upper Main, who after
the occupation of the territory of the Chatti were next
exposed to the attack, gave way before it, and retired into
the land of the Boii, the modern Bohemia, without inter-
fering from this point, where they were removed beyond
the immediate sphere of the Roman power, in the conflicts
on the Rhine. In the whole region between the Rhine
and Weser the war was at an end. Drusus was able
in 745 to set foot on the right bank of the Weser in
the canton of the Cherusci, and to advance thence to the
Elbe, which he did not cross, and presumably was in-
structed not to do so. Several severe combats took
place ; successful resistance was nowhere offered. But on
the return-march, which led apparently up the Saale and

1 That the battle at Arbalo (Plin. shown by Obsequens, 72, and so the
H.N. xi. 17, §5) belongs to this year, is narrative in Dio, liv. 33, applies to it.

Death of
Drusus.

Continu-
ance of the
war by
Tiberius.

8, 7.

|
]
|

30 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIIL

thence to the Weser, a severe blow befell the Romans, not
through the enemy but through an incalculable misfor-
tune. The general fell with his horse and broke his
thigh-bone ; after thirty days of suffering he expired in
the distant land between the Saale and Weser,! which had
never before been trodden by a Roman army, in the arms
of his brother who had hastened thither from Rome, in
the thirtieth year of his age and in the full consciousness of
his vigour and of his successes, long and deeply lamented
by his adherents and the whole people—perhaps to be
pronounced fortunate, because the gods granted to him to
depart from life young, and to escape the disillusions and
embitterments which tell most painfully on those highest
in station, while his brilliant and heroic figure continues
still to live in the remembrance of the world. |
In the course of things, as a whole, the death of the
able general made—as might be expected—no change.
His brother Tiberius arrived early enough not merely to
close his eyes, but also with his firm hand to bring the
army back and to carry on the conquest of Germany.
He commanded there during the two following years
(746, 747), in the course of which there were no con-
flicts on a larger scale, but the Roman troops showed
themselves far and wide between the Rhine and Elbe, and

1 That the fall of Drusus took place
in the region of the Saale we may be
allowed to infer from Strabo, vii. 1, 3,
p. 291, although he only says that he
perished on the march between Salas
and Rhine, and the identification of
the Salas with the Saale rests solely
on the resemblance of name. From
the scene of the mishap he was then
transported as far as the summer
camp (Seneca, Cons. ad Marciam 3:
ipsis illum hostibus aegrum cum vene-
ralione et pace mutua prosequentibus
nec optare quod expediebat audentibus),
and in that camp he died (Sueton.,
Claud. 1). This camp lay in the
heart of the barbarian land (Valerius
Max. v. 5, 3) and not very far from
the battlefield of Varus (Tacitus, 4772.
ii. 7, where the vetus ara Druso sita
is certainly to be referred to the place

where he died); we may be allowed
to seek it in the region of the Weser.
The dead body was then conveyed to
the winter-camp (Dio, lv. 2) and there
burnt; thisspot was regarded, according
to Roman usage, also as the place of
burial, although the depositing of the
ashes took place in Rome, and to
this is to be referred the honorarius
tumulus with the annual obsequies
(Sueton. 7. ¢.), Probably we have to
seek for this place at Vetera. When
a later authcr (Eutropius, vii. 13)
speaks of the monumentum of Drusus
at Mentz, this is doubtless not the
tomb, but the elsewhere mentioned
Tropaeum (Florus, ii. 30: Marcoman-
orum spoliis et insignibus quendam
editum tumulum in tropaci modum
excoluit).

cHAaP.1. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY.

31
when Tiberius made the demand that all the countries
should formally acknowledge the Roman rule, and at
the same time declared that he could only accept that
acknowledgment from all the cantons simultaneously,
they complied without exception ; last of all the Sugambri,
for whom indeed there was no real peace. What pro-
gress in a military point of view had been made, is
shown by the expedition, falling a little later, of Lucius
Domitius Ahenobarbus. The latter was able, as governor
of Illyricum, probably from Vindelicia as a basis, to assign
to a restless horde of Hermunduri settlements in the land
of the Marcomani itself; and on this expedition he reached
as far as, and beyond, the upper Elbe, without meeting
with resistance The Marcomani in Bohemia were
completely isolated, and the rest of Germany between the
Rhine and Elbe was a Roman province—though still by
no means reduced to tranquillity.

Of the military-political organisation of Germany, as
at ‘that time planned, we have but a very imperfect
knowledge, because, on the one hand, there is an utter
want of accurate information as to the arrangements made
in earlier times to protect the Gallic eastern frontier,
and, on the other hand, those made by the two brothers
were in great part destroyed by the subsequent develop-
ment of affairs. There was no attempt to move the
Roman frontier-guard away from the Rhine; to this
matters might perhaps come, but they had not yet done
so. Just as was the case in Illyricum at that time with
the Danube, the Elbe was doubtless the political boundary
of the empire, but the Rhine was the line of frontier-
defence, and from the camps on the Rhine the connections
in rear ran to the great towns of Gaul and to its ports.”

1 What we learn from Dio, lv. 10,
partly confirmed by Tacitus, Ann. iv.
44, cannot be apprehended otherwise.
Noricum and Raetia must have been
put under this governor as an excep-
tional measure, or the course of
operations induced him to pass beyond
the limit of his governorship. The
assumption that he marched through

Bohemia itself, which would involve
still greater difficulties, is not required
by the narrative.

2 To a connection in rear of the
camp on the Rhine with the port of
Boulogne we might perhaps take the
much disputed notice of Florus, ii. 30,
to refer: Bonnam (or Bormam) et Ges-
soriacum pontibus iunxit classtbusque

Camp on
the left
bank of the
Rhine,

32 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIII,

The great headquarters during these campaigns was what
was afterwards named the “Old Camp,” Castra vetera,
(Birten near Xanten), the first considerable height
below Bonn on the left bank of the Rhine, from a military
point of view corresponding nearly to the modern Wesel
on the right. This place, occupied perhaps since the
beginning of the Roman rule on the Rhine, had been
instituted by Augustus as a stronghold for curbing
Germany ; and, if the fortress was at all times the basis
for the Roman defensive on the left bank of the Rhine,
it was not less well chosen for the invasion of the right,
situated, as it was, opposite to the mouth of the Lippe
which was navigable far up, and connected with the right
bank by a strong bridge. The counterpart to this “Old
Camp,” at the mouth of the Lippe was probably formed
by that at the mouth of the Main, Mogontiacum, the
modern Mentz, to all appearance a creation of Drusus ;
at least the already mentioned cessions of territory imposed
on the Chatti, as well as the constructions in the Taunus
to be mentioned further on, show that Drusus clearly
perceived the military importance of the line of the Main,
and thus also that of its key on the left bank of the
Rhine. If the legionary camp on the Aar was, as it
would seem, instituted to keep the Raeti and Vindelici to
their obedience (p. 18), it may be presumed to have been
laid out about this time ; but then it had merely an out-
ward connection with the Gallico-German military arrange-
ments. The legionary camp at Strassburg hardly reaches
back to so early atime. The line from Mentz to Wesel
formed the basis of the Roman military dispositions.
That Drusus and Tiberius had—apart from the Narbonese
province which was then no longer imperial—the gover-
norship of all Gaul as well as the command of all the

firmavit, with which is to be com-
pared the mention by the same author
of forts on the Maas. Bonn may
reasonably have been at that time
the station of the Rhine-fleet ; Bou-
logne was in later times still a fleet-
station. Drusus might well have
occasion to make the shortest and

safest land-route between the two
stations for the fleet available for
transport, though the writer, prob-
ably bent on striking effect, awakens
by his pointed mode of expression
conceptions which cannot be in that
form correct.

CHAP, I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 33

Rhenish legions, is an ascertained point; apart from
these princes, the civil administration of Gaul may at
that time perhaps have been separated from the com-
mand of the troops on the Rhine, but scarcely
was the latter thus early divided into two co-ordinate
commands,! ?

Correlative to these military arrangements on the left
bank of the Rhine were those adopted on the right. In
the first place the Romans took possession of the right
bank itself. This step affected above all the Sugambri,
in whose case certainly retaliation for the captured eagle and
the crucified centurions contributed to it. The envoys sent
to declare their submission, the most eminent men of the
nation, were, at variance with the law of nations, treated
as prisoners of war, and perished miserably in the Italian
fortresses. Of the mass of the people, 40,000 were
removed from their homes and settled in the north of
Gaul, where they subsequently, perhaps, meet us under
the name of the Cugerni. Only a small and harmless
remnant of the powerful tribe was allowed to remain in
their old abodes, Suebian bands were also transferred
to. Gaul, other tribes were pushed farther into the interior,
such as the Marsi and doubtless also the Chatti; on the
middle Rhine the native population of the right bank was
everywhere dislodged or at any rate weakened. Along
this bank of the Rhine, moreover, fortified posts, fifty in
number, were instituted. In front of Mogontiacum the
territory taken from the Chatti, thenceforth the canton of
the Mattiaci near the modern Wiesbaden, was brought
within the Roman lines, and the height of Taunus strongly

1 As to the administrative parti-
tion of Gaul there is, apart from the
separation of the Narbonensis, an
utter absence of accounts, because it
rested only on imperial ordinances,
and nothing in reference to it came
into the records of the senate. But
the first information of the existence
of separate Upper and Lower German
commands is furnished by the cam-
paigns of Germanicus, and the battle
of Varus can hardly be understood

VOL. I

under that assumption ; here, doubt-
less, the Asberna inferiora appear,
viz. that of Vetera (Velleius, ii. 120),
and the counterpart to it, the superi-
ora, can only have been formed by
that of Mentz; but this was not
under a colleague of Varus, but under
his nephew, who was thus subordi-
nate to him in command. Probably
the partition only took place, in
consequence of the defeat, in the last
years of Augustus.

3

Positions
on the right
bank of the
Rhine.

34 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK vui.

fortified." But above all the line of the Lippe was taken
possession of from Vetera; of the two military roads
furnished at intervals of a day’s march with forts, on the
two banks of the river, the one on the right bank at
least is as certainly the work of Drusus as the fortress of
Aliso in the district of the sources of the Lippe, probably
the present village of Elsen, not far from Paderborn,’
is attested to have been so. Moreover, there was the
already mentioned canal from the mouth of the Rhine to
the Zuider See, and a dyke drawn by Lucius Domitius
Ahenobarbus through the marshy flat country between the
Ems and the lower Rhine—the so-called “long bridges.”
Besides, there were detached Roman posts scattered through
the whole region ; such are subsequently mentioned among
the Frisians and the Chauci, and in this sense it may be
correct that the Roman garrisons reached as far as the
Weser and the Elbe. Lastly, the army encamped in winter,
no doubt, on the Rhine ; but in summer, even though no

1 The praesidium constructed by
Drusus 722 monte Tauno (Tacitus,
Ann. i. 56), and the ¢povpiov &
Xdrros map’ aùr 7G ‘Privy associated
with Aliso (Dio, liv. 33), are probably
identical, and the special position of
the canton of the Mattiaci is evidently
connected with the construction of
Mogontiacum.

2 That the ‘* fort at the confluence
of the Lupias and the Helison,” in
Dio, liv. 33, is identical with the oftener
mentioned Aliso, and this must be
sought on the upper Lippe, is subject
to no doubt; and that the Roman
winter-camp at the sources of the
Lippe (ad caput Lupiae, Velleius, ii.
205), the only one of the kind, so far
as we know, on German ground, is to
be sought just there, is at least very
probable. That the two Roman
roads running along the Lippe, and
their fortified places of bivouac, led at
least as far as the region of Lippstadt,
the researches of Hélzermann in par-
ticular have shown. The upper
Lippe has only one confluent of note,
the Alme, and as the village of Elsen
lies not far from where the Alme

falls into the Lippe, some weight may
be here assigned to the similarity of
name. Tothe view, supported among
others by Schmidt, which places Aliso
at the confluence of the Glenne (and
Liese) with the Lippe, the chief ob-
jection is that the camp ad caput
Lupiae must then have been different
from Aliso, and in general this point
lies too far from the line of the Weser,
while from Elsen the route leads
directly through the Déren defile into
the Werra valley. Schmidt, who does
not adhere to the identification of
Aliso and Elsen, remarks generally
(Westfälische Zeitschrift für Gesch. und
Alterthumskunde, xx. p. 259), that
the heights of Weser (not far from
Elsen), and generally the left margin
of the valley of the Alme, are the
centre of a semicircle formed by the
mountains in front, and this high-
lying, dry region, allowing an exact
look-out as far as the mountains,
which covers the whole country of
the Lippe and is itself covered in
front by the Alme, is well adapted for
the starting-point of a march towards
the Weser.

cHAP.1. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 35

expeditions properly so called were undertaken, uniformly
in the conquered country, as a rule near Aliso.

The Romans, however, did not make mere military
arrangements in the newly acquired domain. The Ger-
mans were urged, like other provincials, to have law
administered to them by the Roman governor, and the
summer expeditions of the general gradually developed
into the usual judicial circuits of the governor. The
accusation and defence of the accused took place in the
Latin language ; the Roman advocates and legal assessors
began, on the right as on the left side of the Rhine, their
operations, sorely felt everywhere, but here deeply exasper-
ating to the barbarians, who were unaccustomed to such
things. Much was lacking to the full carrying out of
the provincial organisation ; a formal assessment of taxa-
tion, a reguiated levy for the Roman army, were not yet
thought of. But as the new cantonal union had just
been instituted in Gaul in connection with the divine
adoration of the monarch there introduced, a similar
arrangement was made also in the new Germany. When
Drusus consecrated for Gaul the altar of Augustus at
Lyons, the Germans last settled on the left bank of the
Rhine, the Ubii, were not received into this union; but
in their- chief place, which, as regards position, was for
Germany nearly what Lyons was for the three Gauls, a
similar altar for the Germanic cantons was erected, the
priesthood of which was, in the year 9, administered by
the young Cheruscan prince Segimundus, son of Segestes.

Political differences, however, in the imperial family
broke down or interrupted the full military success. The
discord between Tiberius and his stepfather led to the
former resigning the command in the beginning of 748.
The dynastic interest did not allow comprehensive military
operations to be entrusted to other generals than princes
of the imperial house; and after the death of Agrippa
and Drusus, and the retirement of Tiberius, there were
no able generals in that house. Certainly in the ten
years, when governors with the ordinary powers bore
sway in Illyricum and in Germany, the military operations

Organisa-
tion of the
province

Germany.

thats eal —_— mm

Tiberius
once more
commander
in chief.

36 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK vit.

there may not have undergone so complete an interrup-
tion as they appear to us to have done, seeing that
tradition, with its courtly colouring, does not in its report
deal out equal measure to campaigns conducted by, and
to those conducted without, princes ; but the arrest laid
on them was unmistakable, and this itself was a retrogres-
sion. Ahenobarbus, who, in consequence of his alliance
by marriage with the imperial house—his wife was the
daughter of a sister of Augustus—had greater freedom
of action than other officers, and who in his Illyrian
governorship had crossed the Elbe without encountering
resistance, afterwards as governor of Germany reaped no
laurels there. Not merely the exasperation, but the
courage also, of the Germans was again rising, and in the
year 2 the country appears again in revolt, the Cherusci
and the Chauci under arms. Meanwhile at the imperial
court death had interposed, and the removal of the young
sons of Augustus had reconciled the latter and Tiberius.
Scarcely was this reconciliation sealed by his adoption
as a son and proclaimed (4), when Tiberius resumed
the work where it had been broken off, and once more
in this and in the two following summers (5-6) led the
armies over the Rhine. It was a repetition of, and an
advance upon, the earlier campaigns. The Cherusci were
brought back to allegiance in the first campaign, the
Chauci in the second; the Cannenefates, adjoining the
Batavi, and not inferior in bravery, the Bructeri, settled
in the region of the sources of the Lippe and on the
Ems, and various other cantons, submitted, as did also
the powerful Langobardi, here first mentioned, dwelling
at that time between the Weser and Elbe. The first
campaign led over the Weser into the interior; in the
second at the Elbe itself the Roman legions confronted
the Germanic general levy on the other bank. From
the year 4 to 5 the Roman army took up, apparently for
the first time, its winter quarters on German soil at Aliso.
All this was attained without any considerable conflicts ;
the circumspect conduct of the war did not break resist-
ance, but made it impossible. This general aimed, not

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 37

at unfruitful laurels, but at lasting success. The naval
expedition, too, was repeated; like the first campaign
of Drusus, the last of Tiberius was distinguished by the
navigating of the North Sea. But the Roman fleet
this time advanced farther; the whole coast of the
North Sea, as far as the promontory of the Cimbri, that
is, the extremity of Jutland, was explored by it, and it
then, sailing up the Elbe, joined the land-army stationed
on the latter. The emperor had expressly forbidden the
crossing of the river; but the tribes beyond the Elbe—the
Cimbri just named, in what is now Jutland, the Charudes
to the south of them, the powerful Semnones between
the Elbe and the Oder—were brought at least into relation
to the new neighbours.

It might have been thought that the goal was reached.
But one thing was still wanting to the establishment of
the iron ring which was to surround the Great Germany ;
it was the establishment of a connection between the
middle Danube and the upper Elbe—the occupation of the
old home of the Boii, which with its mountain-cincture
planted itself like a gigantic fortress between Noricum
and Germany. The king Maroboduus, of noble Marco-
manian lineage, but in his youth by prolonged residence
in Rome introduced to its firmer military and political
organisation, had after his return home—perhaps during
the first campaign of Drusus and the transmigration,
thereby brought about, of the Marcomani from the Main
to the upper Elbe—not merely raised himself to be prince
of his people, but had also moulded his rule not after the
loose fashion of the Germanic kings, but, one might say,
after the model of the Augustan. Besides his own
people, he ruled over the powerful tribe of the Lugii
(in what is now Silesia), and the body of his clients must
have extended over the whole region of the Elbe, as the
Langobardi and the Semnones are described as subject
to him. Hitherto he had observed entire neutrality in
presence of the other Germans as of the Romans. He
gave perhaps to the fugitive enemies of the Romans an
asylum in his country, but he did not actively mingle in

Campaign
against
Maro-
boduus.

= a aa a Ene Ge

Dalmato-
Pannonian
insurrec-
tion.

38 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK vill.

the strife, not even when the Hermunduri had settlements
assigned to them by the Roman governor on Marcomanian
territory (p. 31), and when the left bank of the Elbe
became subject to the Romans. He did not submit to
them, but he bore all these occurrences without inter-
rupting, on that account, his friendly relations with the
Romans. By this certainly not magnanimous and scarce
even so much as prudent policy, he had gained this much,
that he was the last to be attacked ; after the completely
successful Germanic campaigns in the years 4 and 5 his
turn came. From two sides—from Germany and Noricum
—the Roman armies advanced against the Bohemian
mountain-circle ; Gaius Sentius Saturninus, advanced up
the Main, clearing the dense forests from Spessart to
the Fichtelgebirge with axe and fire; while Tiberius in
person, starting from (Carnuntum, where the Illyrian
legions had encamped during the winter of the years 5-6,
advanced against the Marcomani. The two armies,
amounting together to twelve legions, were even in
number so superior as almost to double that of their
opponents, whose fighting force was estimated at 70,000
infantry and 4000 horsemen. The cautious strategy of
the general seemed on this occasion also to have quite
ensured success, when a sudden incident interrupted the
farther advance of the Romans.

The Dalmatian tribes and the Pannonians, at least
of the region of the Save, for a short time obeyed the
Roman governors; but they bore the new rule with an
ever increasing grudge, above all on account of the taxes,
to which they were unaccustomed, and which were relent-
lessly exacted. When Tiberius subsequently asked one
of the leaders as to the grounds of the revolt, he answered
that it had taken place because the Romans set not dogs
and shepherds, but wolves, to guard their flocks. Now
the legions from Dalmatia were brought to the Danube,
and the men capable of arms were called out, in order to
be sent thither to reinforce the armies. These troops
made a beginning, and took up arms not for, but against,
Rome. Their leader was one of the Daesitiatae (around

CHAP.1. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 39

Serajevo), Bato. The example was followed by the
Pannonians, under the leadership of two Breuci, another
Bato and Pinnes. All Illyricum rose with unheard of
rapidity and unanimity. The number of the insurgent
forces was estimated at 200,000 infantry and 9000
horsemen. The levy for the auxiliary troops, which
had taken place more especially among the Pannonians
to a considerable extent, had diffused more widely a
knowledge of Roman warfare, along with the Roman
language and even Roman culture. Those who had
served as Roman soldiers formed now the nucleus of the
insurrection? The Roman citizens settled or sojourning
in large number in the insurgent regions, the merchants,
and above all, the soldiers, were everywhere seized and
slain. The independent tribes, as well as those of the
provinces, entered into the movement. The princes of
the Thracians, entirely devoted to the Romans, certainly
brought their considerable and brave bands to the aid of
the Roman generals; but from the other bank of the
Danube the Dacians, and with them the Sarmatae, broke
into Moesia. The whole wide region of the Danube
seemed to have conspired to put an abrupt end to the
foreign rule.

The insurgents were not disposed to await attack, but
planned an invasion of Macedonia, and even of Italy.
The danger was serious; the insurgents might, by cross-
ing the Julian Alps, stand in a few days once more before
Aquileia and Tergeste—they had not yet forgotten the
way thither—-and in ten days before Rome, as the
emperor himself expressed it in the senate, to make
sure at all events of its assent to the comprehensive and
urgent military preparations. In the utmost haste new
forces were raised, and the towns more immediately

1 This and not more is what
Velleius says (ii. 110): iz omnibus
Pannonits non disciplinae (= military
training) /zantummodo, sed linguae quo-
que notitia Romanae, plerisque etiam
litterarum usus et familiaris animo-
rum erat exercitatio, ‘These are the

same phenomena as are met with in
the case of the Cheruscan princes,
only in increased measure ; and they
are quite intelligible when we bear in
mind the Pannonian and Breucian
alae and cohortes raised by Augustus.

—<. oe

“eS m wo

40 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK vit.

threatened were provided with garrisons; in like manner
whatever troops could be dispensed with were despatched
to the threatened points. The first to arrive at the spot
was the governor of Moesia, Aulus Caecina Severus, and
with him the Thracian king Rhoemetalces; soon other
troops followed from the transmarine provinces. But above
all Tiberius was obliged, instead of penetrating into
Bohemia, to return to Illyricum. Had the insurgents
waited till the Romans were engaged in the struggle
with Maroboduus, or had the latter made common cause

with them, the position might have been a very critical

one for the Romans. But the former broke loose too
early, and the latter, faithful to his system of neutrality,
condescended just at this time to conclude peace with the
Romans on the basis of the status guo. Thus Tiberius
had, no doubt, to send back the Rhine-legions, because
Germany could not possibly be denuded of troops, but
he could unite his Illyrian army with the troops arriving
from Moesia, Italy, and Syria, and employ it against the
insurgents. In fact the alarm was greater than the
danger. The Dalmatians, indeed, broke repeatedly into
Macedonia and pillaged the coast as far as Apollonia ;
but there was no invasion of Italy, and the fire was soon
confined to its original hearth.

Nevertheless, the work of the war was not easy ; here,
as everywhere, the renewed overthrow of the subjects was
more laborious than the subjugation itself. Never in the
Augustan period was such a body of troops ever united
under the same command; already in the first year of
the war the army of Tiberius consisted of ten legions
along with the corresponding auxiliary forces, and in
addition numerous veterans who had again joined of their
own accord and other volunteers, together about 120,000
men; later he had fifteen legions united under his
banners.! In the first campaign (6 A.D.) the contest was

1 If we assume that of the twelve form the army there, the Illyrian
legions who were on the march army of Tiberius numbered seven,
against Maroboduus (Tacitus, 477. ii. and the number of ten (Velleius, ii.
46), as many as we find soon after 113) may fairly be referred to the
in Germany, that is, five, went to contingents from Moesia and Italy,

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 4I

waged with very varying fortune; the large places, like
Siscia and Sirmium, were successfully protected against
the insurgents, but the Dalmatian Bato fought as ob-
stinately and in part successfully against the governor of
Pannonia, Marcus Valerius Messalla, the orator’s son, as
his Pannonian namesake against Aulus Caecina governor
of Moesia. The petty warfare above all gave much
trouble to the Roman troops. Nor did the following
year (7), in which along with Tiberius his nephew the
young Germanicus appeared on the scene of war, put an
end to the ceaseless conflicts. It was not till the third
campaign (8) that the Romans succeeded in subduing in
the first instance the Pannonians, chiefly, as it would seem,
through the circumstance that their leader, gained over by
the Romans, induced his troops all and sundry to lay
down their arms at the river Bathinus, and surrendered his
colleague in the supreme command, Pinnes, to the Romans,
for which he was recognised by them as prince of the
Breuci. Punishment indeed soon befell the traitor; his
Dalmatian namesake caught him and had him executed,
and once more the revolt blazed up among the Breuci;
but it was speedily extinguished again, and the Dalma-
tian was confined to the defence of his own home. There
Germanicus and other leaders of division had in this, as in
the following year (9), to sustain vehement conflicts in the
several cantons ; in the latter year the Pirustae (on the
borders of Epirus) and the canton to which the leader
himself belonged, the Daesitiatae, were subdued, one bravely
defended stronghold being reduced after another. Once
more in the course of the summer Tiberius himself took
the field, and set in motion all his fighting force against
the remains of the insurrection. Even Bato, shut up by
the Roman army in the strong Andetrium (Much, above

that of fifteen to the contingents from
Egypt or Syria, and to the further

legions brought up by A. Caecina and
Plautius Silvanus ex transmarints pro-

levies in Italy, whence the newly
raised legions went no doubt to Ger-
many, but those thereby relieved went
to the army of Tiberius. Velleius
(ii, 112) speaks inaccurately, at the
very beginning of the war, of five

vincis ; firstly, the transmarine troops
could not be at once on the spot, and
secondly, the legions of Caecina were
of course the Moesian. Comp. my
commentary on the Afon. Ancyr. 2d
ed. p. 71.

—
= ST

42 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BooK vii.
Salonae), his last place of refuge, gave up the cause as

t He left the town, when he could not induce the
= eradoes to submit, and yielded himself to the victor,
oe whom he found honourable treatment; he was
ee ated as a political prisoner to Ravenna, where he
i T Without their leader the troops still for a time
aa the vain struggle, till the Romans captured the
fort by assault—it is probably this day, the 3d August, that
is recorded in the Roman calendar as the anniversary of
the victory achieved by Tiberius in Illyricum.

Retribution fell also on the Dacians beyond the
Danube. Probably at this time, after the Illyrian war was
decided in favour of Rome, Gnaeus Lentulus led a strong
Roman army across the Danube, reached as far as the
Marisus (Marosch) and emphatically defeated them in
their own country, which was then for the first time
trodden by a Roman army. Fifty thousand captive
Dacians were made to settle in Thrace.

Men of later times termed the “ Batonian war” of the
years 6-9 the most severe which Rome had to sustain
against an external foe since that of Hannibal. It
inflicted severe wounds on the Illyrian land; in Italy
the joy over the victory was boundless when the young
Germanicus brought the news of the decisive success to
the capital. The exultation did not last long; almost
simultaneously with the news of this success there came
to Rome accounts of a defeat, such as reached the ears
of Augustus but once in his reign of fifty years—a defeat
which was still more significant in its consequences than
in itself.

The state of things in the province of Germany has
been already set forth. The recoil which follows on any
foreign rule with the inevitableness of a natural event,
and which had just set in in the Illyrian land, was in
preparation also among the cantons of the middle Rhine.
The remnants of the tribes settled immediately on the
Rhine were indeed quite discouraged ; but those dwelling
farther back, especially the Cherusci, Chatti, Bructeri,
Marsi, were less injuriously affected and by no means

CHAP.. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 43

powerless. As always in such cases, there was formed in
every canton a party of the compliant friends of the
Romans, and a national party preparing in secret a
renewed rising. The soul of the latter was a young man
of twenty-six years, of the Cheruscan princely house,
Arminius son of Sigimer; he and his brother Flavus had
received from the emperor Augustus the gifts of Roman
citizenship and of equestrian rank,! and both had fought
with distinction as officers in the last Roman campaigns
under Tiberius; the brother was still serving in the
Roman army and had established a home for himself in
Italy. Naturally Arminius also was regarded by the
Romans as a man specially to be trusted ; the accusations,
which his better informed countryman Segestes brought
forward against him, availed not to shake this confidence
in view of the well-known hostility subsisting between the
two. Of the further preparations we have no knowledge ;
that the nobility and especially the noble youth took the
side of the patriots, was a matter of course, and found
clear expression in the fact that Segestes’s own daughter,
Thusnelda, in spite of the prohibition of her father,
married Arminius, while her brother Segimundus and
Segestes’s brother Segimer, as well as his nephew Sesi-
thacus, played a prominent part in the insurrection. It
had not a wide range, far less than that of the Illyrian
rising ; it can scarcely in strictness be called a Germanic
revolt ; the Batavi, the Frisii, the Chauci on the coast took
no part in it, as little such of the Suebian tribes as were
under Roman rule, still less king Maroboduus ; in reality
only those Germans rose who had some years previously
leagued themselves against Rome, and against whom the
offensive of Drusus was primarily directed. The Illyrian
rising doubtless promoted the ferment in Germany, but

1 Velleius (ii. 118) says so; ad-
siduus militiae nostrae prioris comes,
iure eliam civitatis Romanae eius
equestres consequens gradus; which
coincides, with the ductor popularium
of Tacitus, 422. ii. 10, Such officers
must have been of no infrequent

occurrence at this time; thus, there
fought in the third campaign of Dru-
sus inter primores Chumtstinctus et
Avectius tribuni ex civitate Nervtorum
(Liv. Zp. 141), and under Germani-
cus Chariovalda dux Batavorum (Tac.
Ann, ii. 11).

Varus.

44 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. Book Vill.

there is no trace of any thread of connection between
the two similar and almost contemporary insurrections ;
had such a connection subsisted the Germans would
hardly have waited to strike till the Pannonian rising
had been overpowered and the very last strongholds in
Dalmatia were surrendering. Arminius was the brave
and shrewd, and above all things fortunate, leader-in the
conflict of despair over the lost national independence—
nothing less, but also nothing more.

It was more the fault of the Romans than the merit
of the insurgents, if the plan of the latter succeeded.
So far, certainly, the Illyrian war had an effect on Ger-
many. The able generals, and to all appearance also the
experienced troops, had been moved from the Rhine to
the Danube. The Germanic army was apparently not
diminished, but the greatest part of it consisted of new
legions formed during the war. Still worse was its posi-
tion as to leaders. The governor, Publius Quinctilius
Varus, was, no doubt, the husband of a niece of the
emperor, and a man of ill-acquired, but princely, wealth
and of princely arrogance, but inert in body and obtuse
in mind, and without any military gifts or experience—
one of those many Romans in high station who, in con-
sequence of an adherence to the old mixture of admin-
istrative functions with those of higher command, wore
the general’s scarf after the model of Cicero. He knew
not how to spare nor yet to see through the new subjects ;
oppression and exaction were practised, as had been the
wont of his earlier governorship over the patient Syria ;
the headquarters swarmed with advocates and clients ; and
in grateful humility the conspirators especially received
judgment and justice at his hands, while the net was being
drawn more and more closely around the arrogant praetor.

1 The effigy of Varus is shown on
a copper coin of the African town
Achulla, struck under his procon-
sulate of Africa in the year 747-8,
B.C. 7-6 (L. Müller, Mum. de Panci-
enne Afrique, ii. p. 44, comp. p. 52).
The base which once supported the

statue erected to him by the town of
Pergamus has again been brought to
light by the excavations there; the
subscription runs: 6 dj mos [érluncer]
HórMov Kowrxrihov Zégrov vldy Ovdp
[ov] ráons dperh[s evexa].

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY.

45

The position of the army was what was then the
normal one. There were at least five legions in the pro-
vince, two of which had their winter-quarters at Mogon-
tiacum, three in Vetera or else in Aliso. The latter had
taken up their summer encampment in the year 9 on the
Weser. The natural route of communication from the
upper Lippe to the Weser leads over the low chain of
heights of the Osning and of the Lippe Forest, which
separates the valley of the Ems from that of the Weser,
through the Doren defile into the valley of the Werra,
which falls into the Weser at Rehme, not far from Minden.
Here therefore, approximately, the legions of Varus at
that time were encamped. As a matter of course this
summer camp was connected with Aliso, the base of the
Roman position on the right bank of the Rhine, by a
road supplied with depots. The good season of the year
came to its close, and they were making ready for the
return march, when the news came that a neighbouring
canton was in revolt; and Varus resolved, instead of lead-
ing back the army by that depot-route, to take a circuit
and by the way to bring back the rebels to allegiance! So
they set out; the army consisted, after numerous reduc-
tions, of three legions and nine divisions of troops of the
second class, together about 20,000 men? When the

1 The report of Dio, the only one
which hands down to us a somewhat
connected view of this catastrophe,
explains the course of it sufficiently,
if we only take further into account
—what Dio certainly does not bring
into prominence — the general re-
lation of the summer and winter
camps, and thereby answer the ques-
tion justly put by Ranke (Welige-
schichte, iii. 2, 275), how the whole
army could have marched against a
local insurrection. The narrative of
Florus by no means rests on sources
originally different, as that scholar
assumes, but simply on the dramatic
accumulation of motives for action,
such as is characteristic of all his-
torians of this type. The peaceful
dispensing of justice by Varus and

the storming of the camp are both
known to the better tradition, and
that in their causal connection. The
ridiculous representation of the Ger-
mans breaking in at all the gates into
the camp, while Varus is sitting on
the judgment-seat and the herald is
summoning the parties before him, is
not tradition, but a picture manufac-
tured from it. That this is in utter
antagonism to the description by
Tacitus of the three bivouacs, as well
as to sound reason, is obvious.

2 The normal strength of the three
alae and the six cokortes is not to be
calculated exactly, inasmuch as among
them there may have been double divi-
sions (#iJtarzac); but the army cannot
have numbered much over 20,000
men. On the other hand, there ap-

46 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. Book vil,

army had removed to a sufficient distance from its line of
communication, and penetrated far enough into the path-
less country, the confederates in the neighbouring cantons
rose, cut down the small divisions of troops stationed
among them, and broke forth on all sides from the defiles
and woods against the army of Varus on its march.
Arminius and the most notable leaders of the patriots had
remained to the last moment at the Roman headquarters
to make Varus secure. On the very evening before
the day on which the insurrection burst forth they had
supped in the general’s tent with Varus; and Segestes,
when announcing the impending outbreak of the revolt,
had adjured the general to order the immediate arrest
of himself as well as of the accused, and to await the justi-
fication of his charge by the facts. The confidence of
Varus was not to be shaken. Arminius rode away from
table to the insurgents, and was next day before the
ramparts of the Roman camp. The military situation
was neither better nor worse than that of the army of
Drusus before the battle at Arbalo, and than had, under
similar circumstances, often been the plight of Roman
armies. The communications were for the moment lost ;
the army, encumbered with heavy baggage in a pathless
country and at a bad rainy season in autumn, was separated
by several days’ march from Aliso; the assailants were
beyond doubt far superior in number to the Romans. In
such cases it is the solid quality of the troops that is de-
cisive ; and, if the decision here for once was unfavourable
to the Romans, the result was doubtless mostly due to
the inexperience of the young soldiers, and especially to
the want of head and of courage in the general. After
the attack took place the Roman army continued its
march, now beyond doubt in the direction of Aliso, amidst
constantly increasing pressure and increasing demoralisa-
tion. Even the higher officers failed in part to do their
pears no reason for assuming a account for the comparatively small
material difference of the effective number of the auxilia, which were
strength from the normal. The always by preference employed for

numerous detachments which are this duty.
mentioned (Dio, lvi. 19) serve to

CHAP.. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 47

duty ; one of them rode away from the field of battle
with all the cavalry, and left the infantry to sustain the
conflict alone. The first to despair utterly was the general
himself ; wounded in the struggle, he put himself to death
before the matter was finally decided, so early indeed, that
his followers still made an attempt to burn the dead body
and to withdraw it from being dishonoured by the enemy.
A number of the superior officers followed his example.
Then, when all was lost, the leader that was left sur-
rendered, and thereby put out of his own power what re-
mained open to these last—an honourable soldier’s death.
Thus perished the Germanic army in one of the valleys of
the mountain-range that bounds the region of Miinster, in
the autumn of the year 9 A.D.! The eagles fell—all three

1 As Germanicus, coming from the
Ems, lays waste the territory between
the Ems and Lippe, that is, the
region of Miinster, and not far from
it lies the 7eutoburgiensis saltus, where
Varus’s army perished (Tacitus, 477.
i. 61), itis most natural to understand
this description, which does not suit
the flat Miinster region, of the range
bounding the Miinster region on the
north-east, the Osning; but it may
also be deemed applicable to the
Wiehen mountains somewhat farther
to the north, parallel with the Osning,
and stretching from Minden to the
source of the Hunte. We do not
know at what point on the Weser
the summer camp stood ; but in ac-
cordance with the position of Aliso
near Paderborn, and with the con-
nections subsisting between this and
the Weser, it was probably some-
where near Minden. The direction
of the march on the return may have
been any other excepting only the
nearest way to Aliso; and the catas-
trophe consequently occurred not on
the military line of communication
between Minden and Paderborn itself,
but at a greater or less distance from
it. Varus may have marched from
Minden somewhat in the direction
of Osnabriick, then after the attack
have attempted from thence to reach
Paderborn, and have met with his

end on this march in one of those
two ranges of hills. For centuries
there have been found in the dis-
trict of Venne at the source of the
Hunte a surprisingly large number
of Roman gold, silver, and copper
coins, such as circulated in the time
of Augustus, while later coins hardly
occur there at all (comp. the proofs in
Paul Hofer, der Feldzug des Germani-
cus im Jahre 16, Gotha, 1884, p. 82, f.)
The coins thus found cannot belong
to one store of coins on account of
their scattered occurrence and of the
difference of metals, nor to a centre
of traffic on account of their proximity
as regards time ; they look quite like
the leavings of a great extirpated army,
and the accounts before us as to the
battle of Varus may be reconciled
with this locality. As to the year of
the catastrophe there should never
have been any dispute; the shifting
of it to the year 10 is a mere mis-
take. The season of the year is in
some measure determined by the fact
that between the arrangement to cele-
brate the Illyrian victory and the
arrival of the unfortunate news in
Rome there lay only five days, and
that arrangement probably had in
view the victory of 3d Aug., though
it did not immediately follow on the
latter. Accordingly the defeat must
have taken place somewhere in Sep-

Tiberius
again on the
Rhine.

48 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VII,

of them—into the enemy’s hand. Not a division cut its
way through, not even those horsemen who had left their
comrades in the lurch; only a few who were isolated and
dispersed were able to effect their escape. The captives,
especially the officers and the advocates, were fastened to
the cross, or buried alive, or bled under the sacrificial knife
of the German priests. The heads cut off were nailed as a
token of victory to the trees of the sacred grove. Far and
wide the land rose against the foreign rule ; it was hoped
that Maroboduus would join the movement; the Roman
posts and roads on the whole right bank of the Rhine
fell without further trouble into the power of the victors.
Only in Aliso, the brave commandant Lucius Caedicius,
not an officer, but a veteran soldier, offered a resolute re-
sistance, and his archers were enabled to make the en-
campment before the walls so annoying to the Germans,
who possessed no weapons for distant fighting, that they
converted the siege into a blockade. When the last
stores of the besieged were exhausted, and still no relief
came, Caedicius broke out one dark night; and this remnant
of the army, though burdened with numerous women and
children, and suffering severe losses through the assaults
of the Germans, in reality ultimately reached the camp at
Vetera. Thither also the two legions stationed in Mentz
under Lucius Nonius Asprenas had gone on the news of the
disaster. The resolute defence of Aliso, and the rapid
intervention of Asprenas, hindered the Germans from
following up the victory on the left bank of the Rhine,
and perhaps the Gauls from rising against Rome.

The defeat was soon compensated, in so far as the
Rhine army was immediately not simply made up to its
strength, but considerably reinforced. Tiberius once more
took up the supreme command, and though for the year
following on the battle of Varus (10) the history of the
war had no combats to record, it is probable that arrange-
ments were then made for the occupation of the Rhine-

tember or October, which also ac- the march back from the summer to
cords with the circumstance that the the winter camp.
last march of Varus was evidently

CHAP, I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 49

frontier by eight legions, and simultaneously for the division
of this command into that of the upper army, with Mentz
as its headquarters, and that of the lower with the head-
quarters at Vetera, an arrangement, as a whole, which
thereupon remained normal! for centuries. It could not
but be expected that this increase of the army of the
Rhine would be followed by the energetic resumption of
operations on the right bank. The Romano-German
conflict was not a conflict between two powers equal in
the political balance, in which the defeat of the one might
justify the conclusion of an unfavourable peace; it was
the conflict of a great civilised and organised state against
a brave but, in a political and military aspect, barbarous
nation, in which the ultimate result was settled from the
first, and an isolated failure in the plan as sketched might
as little produce any change as the ship gives up its voyage
because a gust of wind drives it out of its course. But it
was otherwise. Tiberius, doubtless, went across the Rhine
in the following year (11), but this expedition did not
resemble the former one. He remained during the
summer on that side, and celebrated the emperor's birth-
day there, but the army kept to the immediate neighbour-
hood of the Rhine, and of expeditions on the Weser and
on the Elbe there was nothing said. Evidently the object
was only to show to the Germans that the Romans still
knew how to find the way into their country, and per-
haps also to make such arrangements on the right bank of
the Rhine as the change of policy required.

The great command embracing both armies was re-
tained, and retained accordingly in the imperial house.
Germanicus had already exercised it in the year 11 along
with Tiberius; in the following year (12), when the
administration of the consulate detained him in Rome,
Tiberius commanded alone on the Rhine ; with the begin-
ning of the year 13 Germanicus took up the sole
command. The state of things was regarded as one of
war with the Germans ; but these were years of inaction.!

1 Tacitus, Aun. I. 9, and Dio, state of war; but nothing at all is
lvi. 26, attest the continuance of the reported from the nominal campaigns

VOL. I. 4

Germani-
cus on the
Rhine,

Se -

50 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK vill,
The fiery and ambitious,
reluctance the “constraint imposed _ on

ee

as bore with
im, , and_ “we “can.

_understand „how, a: as an “officer, he > should not forget | the

three _eagles_in the’ hands ‘of. the” enemy, and. how, as
that had been destroyed. Soon the > opportunity presented `
itself, and he took it On the 19th August of the year
14, the emperor Augustus died. The first change in
the throne of the new monarchy did not pass over without
a erisis and’ Germanicus had opportunity of proving by
deeds to his father that he was disposed to maintain

. allegiance to him. But at the same time he found in it

warrant for resuming, even unbidden, the long-wished-for
invasion of Germany; he declared that he had by this
fresh campaign to repress the not inconsiderable ferment
that had been called forth among the legions upon the

; change of sovereign. Whether this was a real reason or

offensive.

a pretext we know not, and perhaps he did not himself
know. The commandant of the Rhine army could not
be debarred from crossing the frontier anywhere, and it
always to a certain degree depended on himself how far
he should proceed against the Germans. Perhaps too, he
believed that he was acting in the spirit of the new ruler,
who had at least as much claim as his brother to the
name of conqueror of Germany, and whose announced
appearance in the camp on the Rhine might, doubtless, be
conceived of, as though he were coming to resume the con-

-~ quest of Germany broken off at the bidding of Augustus.
Renewed ~~

"However this may be, the offensive beyond the
Rhine began anew. Even in the autumn of the year 14,

of the summers of 12, 13, and 14,
and the expedition of the autumn of
14 appears as the first undertaken by
Germanicus. It is true that Germani-
cus had been proclaimed as Imper-
ator probably even in the lifetime of
Augustus (Mon. Ancyr. p. 17); but
there is nothing to hinder our referring
this to the campaign of the year 11, in
which Germanicus commanded with
proconsular power alongside of Tiber-
ius (Dio, lvi. 25). In the year 12 he

was in Rome for the administration
of the consulate, which he retained
throughout the year, and which was
still at that time treated in earnest ;
this explains why Tiberius, as has
now been proved (Hermann Schulz,
Quaest. Ovidianae, Greifswald, 1883,
p. 15), still went to Germany in the
year 12, and resigned his Rhenish
command only at the beginning of
the year 13, on the celebration of the
Pannonian victory.

/

f

|

eee ae OO

we ===

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 5I

Germanicus in person led detachments of all the legions
at Vetera over the Rhine, and penetrated up the Lippe
pretty far into the interior, laying waste the country far
and wide, putting to death the natives, and destroying
the temples, such as that of Tanfana held in high honour.
Those assailed—chiefly Bructeri, Tubantes, and Usipes,—
sought to prepare the fate of Varus for the crown-prince
on his way home; but the attack recoiled before the
energetic bearing of the legions. As this advance met
with no censure, but on the contrary, thanks and marks
of honour were decreed to the general for it, he went
farther. In the opening of the year 15 he assembled
his main force, in the first instance on the middle Rhine,
and advanced in person from Mentz against the Chatti
as far as the upper confluents of the Weser, while the
lower army, farther to the north, attacked the Cherusci
and the Marsi. There was a certain justification for this
proceeding in the fact that the Cherusci favourably
disposed towards Rome, who had, under the immediate
impression of the disaster of Varus, been obliged to join
the patriots, were now again at open variance with the
much stronger national party, and invoked the intervention
of Germanicus. He was actually successful in liberating
Segestes, the friend of the Romans, when hard pressed by
his countrymen, and at the same time in getting posses-
sion of his daughter, the wife of Arminius. Segestes’
brother Segimerus, once the leader of the patriots by the
side of Arminius, submitted. The internal dissensions of
the Germans once more paved the way for the foreign
rule. In the very same year Germanicus undertook his
main expedition to the region of the Ems; Caecina
marched from Vetera to the upper Ems, while he in
person went thither with the fleet from the mouth of the
Rhine; the cavalry moved along the coast through the
territory of the faithful Frisians. When reunited the
Romans laid waste the country of the Bructeri and the
whole territory between the Ems and Lippe, and thence
made an expedition to the disastrous spot where, six
years before, the army of Varus had perished, to erect a

Retreat of
Caecina.

52 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK viii.

monument’ to their fallen comrades. On their farther
advance the Roman cavalry were allured by Arminius and
the exasperated hosts of the patriots into an ambush, and
would have been destroyed had not the infantry come up
and prevented greater mischief. More serious dangers
attended the return homeward from the Ems, which
followed at first the same routes as the march thither.
The cavalry arrived at the winter camp uninjured. See-
ing that the fleet was not sufficient for conveying the infantry
of four legions, owing to the difficulty of navigation—it
was about the time of the autumnal equinox—Germanicus
disembarked two of them and made them return along
the shore; but inadequately acquainted with the ebbing
and flowing of the tide at this season of the year, they
lost their baggage and ran the risk of being drowned ez
masse. The retreat of the four legions of Caecina from
the Ems to the Rhine resembled exactly that of Varus ;
indeed, the difficult, marshy country offered perhaps still
greater difficulties than the defiles of the wooded hills.
The whole mass of natives, with the two princes of
the Cherusci, Arminius and his highly esteemed uncle
Inguiomerus, at their head, threw themselves on the
retreating troops in the sure hope of preparing for them
the same fate, and filled the morasses and woods all
around. But the old general, experienced in forty years’
of war service, remained cool even in the utmost peril,
and kept his despairing and famishing men firmly in
hand. Yet even he might not perhaps have been able
to avert the mischief but for the circumstance that, after
a successful attack during the march, in which the
Romans lost a great part of their cavalry and almost the
whole baggage, the Germans, sure of victory and eager
for spoil, in opposition to Arminius’ advice, followed the
other leader, and instead of further surrounding the enemy,
attempted directly to storm the camp. Caecina allowed
the Germans to come up to the ramparts, but then burst
forth from all posterns and gates with such vehemence
upon the assailants that they suffered a severe defeat, and
in consequence of it the further retreat took place without

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 53

material hindrance. Those at the Rhine had already
given up the army as lost, and were on the point of
casting off the bridge at Vetera, to prevent the Germans
at least from penetrating into Gaul; it was only the
resolute remonstrance of a woman, the wife of Germanicus
and daughter of Agrippa, which frustrated the desperate
and disgraceful resolve.

The resumption of the subjugation of Germany thus
began not quite successfully. The territory between the
Rhine and Weser had indeed been again trodden and
traversed, but the Romans had no decisive results to
show, and the enormous loss in material, particularly in
horses, was sorely felt, so that, as in the times of Scipio,
the towns of Italy and of the western provinces took part
in patriotic contributions to make up for what was lost.

For the next campaign (16) Germanicus changed his
plan of warfare. He attempted the subjugation of Germany
on the basis of the North Sea and the fleet, partly because
the tribes on the coast, the Batavi, Frisians, and Chauci,
adhered more or less to the Romans, partly in order to
shorten the marches—in which much time was spent and
much loss incurred—from the Rhine to the Weser and
Elbe and back again. After he had employed this
spring, like the previous one, for rapid advances on the
Main and on the Lippe, he, in the beginning of summer,
embarked his whole army at the mouth of the Rhine in
the powerful transport-fleet of 1000 sail which had mean-
while been made ready, and actually arrived without loss
at the mouth of the Ems, where the fleet remained.
Thence he advanced, as may be conjectured, up the Ems
as far as the mouth of the Haase, and then along the
latter as far up as the Werra-valley, and through this to
the Weser. By this means the carrying of the army,
80,000 strong, through the Teutoburg Forest, which was
attended with great difficulties, particularly as to provisions,
was avoided. A secure reserve for supplies was furnished
in the camp beside the fleet, and the Cherusci on the
right bank of the Weser were assailed in flank instead
of in front. Here the Romans encountered the levy ex

Campaign
of the year
I6.

ENONSE EEE E E O

54 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK Vill.

masse of the Germans, again led by the two chiefs of the
patriot party, Arminius and Inguiomerus. What warlike
resources were at their disposal is shown by the fact that
on two occasions, one shortly after the other, in the
Cheruscan country—first on the Weser itself and then
somewhat farther inland’—they fought in the open field
against the whole Roman army, and in both hardly
contested the victory. The latter certainly fell to the
Romans, and of the German patriots a considerable
number were left on the fields of battle. No prisoners
were taken, and both sides fought with extreme exaspera-
tion. The second tropaeum of Germanicus spoke of
the overthrow of all the Germanic tribes between the
Rhine and Elbe; the son placed this campaign of his
alongside of the brilliant campaigns of his father, and
reported to Rome that in the next campaign he should
have the subjugation of Germany complete. But Arminius
escaped, although wounded, and continued still at the
head of the patriots ; and an unforeseen mischief marred
the success won by arms. On the return home, which
the greater part of the legions made by sea, the transport-
fleet encountered the autumn storms of the North Sea.
The vessels were dashed on all sides upon the islands of
the North Sea, and as far as the British coasts. A great
portion were destroyed, and those that escaped had for
the most part to throw horses and baggage overboard,
and to be glad of saving their bare life. The loss of
vessels was, as in the times of the Punic war, equivalent
to a defeat. Germanicus himself, cast adrift alone with
the admiral’s ship on the desolate shore of the Chauci,
was in despair at this misfortune, and on the point of
seeking his death in that ocean the assistance of which
he had at the beginning of this campaign invoked so

2 The hypothesis of Schmidt ( West-
Jal, Zeitschrift, xx. p. 301)—that the
first battle was fought on the Idis-
tavisian field somewhere near Biicke-
burg, and the second, on account of
the morasses mentioned on the occa-
sion, perhaps on the Steinhudersee,

near the village of Bergkirchen, which
lies to the south of this—will not be
far removed from the truth, and may
at least help us to realise the matter.
In this, as in most of the accounts of
battles by Tacitus, we must despair
of reaching an assured result.

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 55

earnestly and so vainly. Doubtless afterwards the loss
of men proved not to'be quite so great as it had at first
appeared, and some effective blows which the general, on
his return to the Rhine, inflicted on the nearest barbarians,
raised the sunken courage of the troops. But, taken as
a whole, the campaign of the year 16, as compared with
that of the preceding year, ended in more brilliant victories
doubtless, but also in much more serious loss.

The recall of Germanicus was at the same time the Thealtered

abolition of the command-in-chief of the Rhenish army.
The mere division of the command put an end to the
conduct of the war as heretofore pursued; the circum-
stance that Germanicus was not merely recalled, but
obtained no successor, was tantamount to ordaining the
defensive on the Rhine. Thus the campaign of the year 16
was the last which the Romans waged in order to subdue
Germany and to transfer the boundary of the empire from

situation.

the Rhine to the Elbe. That this was the aim of the _

campaigns of Germanicus is shown by their very course,
and by the trophy that celebrated the frontier of the
Elbe. The re-establishment, too, of the military works on
the right bank of the Rhine, of the forts of the Taunus,
as well as of the stronghold of Aliso and the line con-
necting it with Vetera, belonged only in part to such an
occupation of the right bank as was in keeping with the
restricted plan of operations after the battle of Varus ; in
fact it had a far wider scope. But the designs of the
general were not, or not quite, those of the emperor. It is
more than probable that Tiberius from the outset allowed
rather than sanctioned the enterprises of Germanicus on
the Rhine, and it is certain that he wished to put an end
to them by recalling him in the winter of 16-17. Beyond
doubt, at the same time, a good part of what had been at-
tained was given up, and in particular the garrison was with-
drawn from Aliso. As Germanicus, even in the following
year, found not a stone left of the memorial of victory erected
in the Teutoburg Forest, so the results of his victories dis-
appeared like a flash of lightning into the water, and none
of his successors continued the building on this basis,

ne

Motives for
the change
of policy.

56 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BOOK VIIL

If Augustus gave up the conquered Germany as lost
after the battle of Varus, and if Tiberius now, when the
conquest had once more been taken in hand, ordered it
to be broken off, we are well entitled to ask, What
motives guided the two notable rulers in this course,
and what was the significance of these important events
for the general policy of the empire ?

The battle of Varus is an enigma, not in a military
but in a political point of view—not in its course, but in
its consequences. Augustus was not wrong when he
demanded back his lost legions, not from the enemy nor
from fate, but from the general ; it was a disaster such as
unskilled leaders of division from time to time bring about
for every state. We have difficulty in conceiving that
the destruction of an army of 20,000 men without further
direct military consequences should have given a decisive
turn to the policy at large of a judiciously governed uni-
versal empire. And yet the two rulers bore that defeat
with a patience as unexampled as it was critical and
hazardous for the position of the government in relation
to the army and to its neighbours; they allowed the
conclusion of peace with Maroboduus, which, beyond
doubt, was meant to be in strictness a mere armistice, to
become withal definitive, and made no further attempt
to get the upper valley of the Elbe into their hands. It
must have been no easy thing for Tiberius to see the
collapse of the great structure begun in concert with his
brother, and after the latter’s death almost completed by
himself ; the energetic zeal with which, as soon as he had
again entered on the government, he took up the Ger-
manic war which he had begun ten years ago, enables us
to measure what this self-denial must have cost him. If,
nevertheless, the self-denial was persevered in not merely
by Augustus, but also after his death by Tiberius him-
self, there is no other reason to be found for it than
that they recognised the plans pursued by them for
twenty years for the changing of the boundary to the
north as incapable of execution, and the subjugation
and mastery of the region between the Rhine and the

=e maae ee ag O O

LS ere Bek

CHAP.. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 57

Elbe appeared to them to transcend the resources of
the empire.

If the previous boundary of the empire ran from the
middle Danube up to its source and to the upper Rhine,
and thence down that river, it was, at all events, materi-
ally shortened and improved by being shifted to the
Elbe, which in its head-waters approaches the middle
Danube, and to its course throughout ; in which case,
probably, besides the evident military gain, there came
into view also the political consideration that the keeping
' of the great commands as far as possible remote from
Rome and Italy was one of the leading maxims of the
Augustan policy, and an army of the Elbe would hardly
have played such a part in the further development of
Rome as the armies of the Rhine but too soon undertook.
The preliminary conditions to this end, the overthrow of
the Germanic patriot-party and of the Suebian king in
Bohemia, were no easy tasks; nevertheless they had
already once stood on the verge of succeeding, and with
a right conduct of the war these results could not fail to
be reached. But it was another question whether, after the
institution of the Elbe frontier, the troops could be with-
drawn from the intervening region ; this question had
been raised in a very serious way for the Roman govern-
ment by the Dalmato-Pannonian war. If the mere im-
pending movement of the Roman Danube-army into
Bohemia had called forth a popular rising in Illyricum,
that was only put down by the exertion of all their mili-
tary resources after a four years’ conflict, this wide region
might not be left to itself either at the time or for many
years to come. Similar, doubtless, was the state of the
case on the Rhine. The Roman public was wont, indeed,
to boast that the state held all Gaul in subjection by
means of the garrison at Lyons 1200 strong; but the
government could not forget that the two great armies on
the Rhine not merely warded off the Germans, but also
had a very material bearing on the Gallic cantons that were
not at all distinguished by submissiveness. Stationed on
the Weser or even on the Elbe, they would not have ren-

The Elbe
frontier.

ae

And its
abandon-
ment.

58 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 800K vill,

dered this service in equal measure; and to keep both
the Rhine and the Elbe occupied was beyond their power.

Thus Augustus might well come to the conclusion
that with the strength of the army as it then stood—con-
siderably increased indeed of late, but still far below the
measure of what was really requisite—that great regulation
of the frontier was not practicable ; the question was thus
converted from a military one into one of internal policy,
and especially into one of finance. Neither Augustus nor
Tiberius ventured to increase still further the expense of
the army. We may blame them for not doing so. The
paralysing double blow of the Illyrian and the Germanic
insurrections with their grave disasters, the great age and
the enfeebled vigour of the ruler, the increasing disinclina-
tion of Tiberius for initiating any fresh and great under-
taking, and above all any deviation from the policy of
Augustus, doubtless co-operated to induce this result, and
did so, perhaps, to the injury of the state. By the de-
meanour of Germanicus, not to be approved but easily to
be explained, we perceive how keenly the soldiers and the
youth felt the abandonment of the new province of Ger-
many. In the poor attempt to retain, at least nominally,
the lost Germany with the help of the two German can-
tons on the left of the Rhine, and in the ambiguous
and uncertain words with which Augustus himself in his
account of the case lays or forgoes claim to Germany as
Roman, we discern how perplexed was the attitude of the
government towards public opinion in this matter. The
grasping at the frontier of the Elbe was a mighty, perhaps
a too bold stroke, undertaken possibly by Augustus—who
did not generally soar so high—only after years of hesita-
tion, and doubtless not without the determining influence
of the younger stepson who was in closest intercourse
with him. But to retrace too bold a step is, as a rule,
not a mending of the mistake, but a second mistake.
The monarchy had need of warlike honour unstained and
of unconditional warlike success, in quite another way than
the former burgomaster-government ; the absence of the
numbers 17, 18, and 19—never filled up since the battle

CHAP. I. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 59

of Varus—in the roll of regiments, was little in keep-
ing with military prestige, and the peace with Maroboduus,
on the basis of the status guo, could not be construed by
the most loyal rhetoric into a success. The assumption
that Germanicus began those far-reaching enterprises in
opposition to the strict orders of his government is forbid-
den by his whole political position ; but the reproach that
he made use of his double position, as supreme commander
of the first army of the Rhine and as future successor
to the throne, in order to carry out at his own hand his
politico-military plans, is one from which he can as little
be exempted as the emperor from the no less grave reproach
of having started back perhaps from the forming, or per-
haps only from the clear expression and the sharp execu-
tion, of his own resolves. If Tiberius at least allowed the
resumption of the offensive, he must have felt how much
was to be said for a more vigorous policy ; he may per-
haps, as over-considerate people do, have left the decision,
so to speak, to destiny, till at length the repeated and
severe misfortunes of the crown-prince once more justified
the policy of despair. It was not easy for the government
to bid an army halt which had brought back two of the
three lost eagles ; but it was done. Whatever may have
been the real and the personal motives, we stand here at
a turning-point in national destinies. History, too, has its
flow and its ebb ; here, after the tide of Roman sway over
the world has attained its height, the ebb sets in. North-
ward of Italy the Roman rule had for a few years reached
as far as the Elbe; since the battle of Varus its bounds
were the Rhine and the Danube. A legend—but an old
one—relates that the first conqueror of Germany, Drusus,
on his last campaign at the Elbe, saw a vision of a
gigantic female figure of Germanic mould, that called
to him in his own language the word “Back!” The word
was not spoken, but it was fulfilled.

Nevertheless the defeat of the Augustan policy, as Germans
the peace with Maroboduus and the sufferance of the Gy.
Teutoburg disaster may well be termed, was hardly a vic-
tory of the Germans. After the battle with Varus the

Wet he Se ee

Fall of
Maro-
boduus.

60 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BooK vill.

hope must doubtless have passed through the minds of
the best, that a certain union of the nation would accrue
from the glorious victory of the Cherusci and their allies,
and from the retiring of the enemy in the west as in the
south. Perhaps in these very crises the feeling of unity
may have dawned on the Saxons and Suebians formerly
confronting each other as strangers. The fact that the
Saxons sent from the battle-field the head of Varus to
the king of the Suebians, can be nothing but the savage
expression of the thought that the hour had come for all
Germans to throw themselves in joint onset upon the
Roman empire, and thus to secure the frontier and the
freedom of their land, as they could alone be secured, by
striking down the hereditary foe in his own home. But
the cultured man and the politic king accepted the gift of
the insurgents only in order to forward the head to the
emperor Augustus for burial; he did nothing for, but also
nothing against, the Romans, and persevered unshaken in
his neutrality. Immediately after the death of Augustus
there were fears at Rome of the Marcomani invading
Raetia, but apparently without cause; and when Ger-
manicus thereupon resumed the offensive against the
Germans from the Rhine, the mighty king of the Marco-
mani looked on inactive. This policy of finesse or of
cowardice dug its own grave amidst a Germanic world
fiercely excited, and drunk with patriotic successes and
hopes. The more remote Suebian tribes but loosely con-
nected with the empire, the Semnones, Langobardi, and
Gothones, declared off from the king, and made common
cause with the Saxon patriots; it is not improbable that
the considerable forces, which were evidently at the disposal
of Arminius and Inguiomerus in the conflicts with Ger-
manicus, flowed to them in great part from these quarters.

Soon afterwards, when the Roman attack was sud-
denly broken off, the patriots turned (17) to assail Maro-
boduus, perhaps to assail the kingly office in general, at
least as the latter administered it on the Roman model.

1 The statement of Tacitus (Amz. of the republicans against the mon-
ii. 45), that this was properly a war archists, is probably not free from a

CHAP.1. NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. 61

But even among themselves divisions had set in; the
two nearly related Cheruscan princes, who in the last
struggles had led the patriots, if not victoriously, at any
rate bravely and honourably, and had hitherto constantly
fought shoulder to shoulder, no longer stood together in
this war. The uncle Inguiomerus no longer tolerated his
being second to his nephew, and at the outbreak of the
war passed to the side of Maroboduus. Thus matters
came to a decisive battle between Germans and Germans,
nay, between the same tribes; for Suebi as well as Cherusci
fought in both armies. Long the conflict wavered ; both
armies had learned from the Roman tactics, and on both
sides the passion and the exasperation were alike. Arminius
did not achieve a victory properly so called, but his
antagonist left to him the field of battle; and, as Maro-
boduus seemed to have fared the worst, those who
had hitherto adhered to him left him, and he found him-
self confined to his own kingdom. When he asked for
Roman aid against his overpowerful countrymen, Tiberius
reminded him of his attitude after the battle of Varus,
and replied that now the Romans in turn would remain
neutral. His fate was rapidly decided. In the very
following year (18) he was surprised in his royal abode
itself by a prince of the Gothones, Catualda, to whom he
had formerly given personal offence, and who had there-
upon revolted from him with the other non-Bohemian
Suebi; and, abandoned by his own people, he with diffi-
culty made his escape to the Romans, who granted to him
the asylum which he sought—he died many years after-
wards, as a Roman pensioner, at Ravenna.

Thus the opponents as well as the rivals of Arminius
had become refugees, and the Germanic nation looked to
none else than to him. But this greatness was his danger
and his destruction. His own countrymen, especially his
own clan, accused him of going the way of Maroboduus
and of desiring to be not merely the first, but also the

wish to transfer Hellenico- Roman called forth not by the nomen regis,
views to the very different Germanic as Tacitus says, but by the certum
world. So far as the war had an imperium visque regia of Velleius (ii.
ethico-political tendency, it would be 108).

End of
Arminius.

62 NORTHERN FRONTIER OF ITALY. BooK VIII

lord and the king of the Germans—whether with reason or
not, and whether, if he wished this, he did not perhaps wish
what was right, who can say? The result was a civil war
between him and these representatives of popular freedom ;
two years after the banishment of Maroboduus he too,
like Caesar, fell by the dagger of nobles of republican
sentiments near to his person. His wife Thusnelda and
his son born in captivity, Thumelicus, on whom he had
never set eyes, marched at the triumph of Germanicus
(26th May, 17) among the other Germans of rank, in
chains to the Capitol ; the old Segestes was for his fidelity
to the Romans provided with a place of honour, whence
he might look on at the public entry of his daughter and
his grandson. They all died within the Roman empire ;
with Maroboduus the wife and son of his antagonist met
in the exile of Ravenna. When Tiberius remarked at
the recall of Germanicus that there was no need to wage
war against the Germans, and that they would of them-
selves take care to do what was requisite for Rome, he
knew his adversaries ; in this, at all events, history has
pronounced him right. But to the high-spirited man
who, at the age of six-and-twenty, had released his Saxon
home from the Italian foreign rule, who thereafter had
been general as well as soldier in a seven years’ struggle
for that freedom regained, who had staked not merely
person and life, but also wife and child for his nation,
to fall at the age of thirty-seven by an assassin’s hand—
to this man his people gave, what it was in their power
to give, an eternal monument in heroic song.

! CHAPTER IL. `
SPAIN.

THE accidents of external policy caused the Romans to Conclusion
establish themselves on the Pyrenaean peninsula earlier of the con-
than in any other part of the transmarine mainland, and
to institute there two standing commands. There, too,
the republic had not, as in Gaul and Illyricum, confined
itself to subduing the coasts of the Italian sea, but had
rather from the outset, after the precedent of the Barcides,
contemplated the conquest of the whole peninsula. With
the Lusitanians (in Portugal and Estremadura) the Romans
had fought from the time that they called themselves
masters of Spain; the “more remote province” had been
instituted, strictly speaking, against these tribes and
simultaneously with the “nearer” one; the Callaeci
(Gallicia) became subject to the Romans a century before
the battle of Actium ; shortly before that battle the sub-
sequent dictator Caesar had, in his first campaign, carried
the Roman arms as far as Brigantium (Corunna), and con-
solidated afresh the annexation of this region to the more
remote province. Then, in the years between the death
of Caesar and the sole rule of Augustus, there was unceas-
ing warfare in the north of Spain; no fewer than six
governors in this short time won triumphs there, and per-
haps the subjugation of the northern slope of the Pyrenees
was effected chiefly in this epoch.’ The wars with the

1 There triumphed over Spain— 720 C. Norbanus Flaccus (consul in 34.
apart from the doubtless political 716), between 720 and 725 L. Mar- 38, 34, 29.
36. triumph of Lepidus—in 718 Cn. cius Philippus (consul in 716) and 38.
40. Domitius Calvinus (consul in 714), in Appius Claudius Pulcher (consul in

|

27.

27.

26, 25.

38, 28.
39, 26.
29.

25.

64 SPAIN. BOOK VIII.

cognate Aquitanians on the north side of the mountains,
which fall within the same epoch, and the last of which
was victoriously ended in the year 727, must stand in
connection with these events. On the reorganising of the
administrative arrangements in 727 the peninsula went
to Augustus, because there was a prospect of extensive
military operations there, and it needed a permanent gar-
rison. Although the southern third of the more remote
province, thenceforth named from the river Baetis (Guad-
alquivir) was soon given back to the government of the
senate, by far the greater portion of the peninsula
remained constantly under imperial administration, includ-
ing the greater part of the more remote province, Lusi-
tania and Callaecia,? and the whole of the large nearer one.
Immediately after the institution of the new supreme con-
trol Augustus resorted in person to Spain, with a view, in
his two years’ stay (728, 729), to organise the new ad-
ministration, and to direct the occupation of the portions
of the country not yet subject. This he did from Tarraco
as his headquarters, and it was at that time that the
seat of government of the nearer province was transferred
from New Carthage to Tarraco, after which town this
province is thenceforth usually named. While it appeared

716), in 726 C. Calvisius Sabinus
(consul in 715), and in 728 Sex. Ap-
puleius (consul in 725). The his-
torians mention only the victory
achieved over the Cerretani (near
Puycerda in the eastern Pyrenees) by
Calvinus (Dio, xlviii. 42; comp.
Velleius, ii. 78, and the coin of Sabi-
nus with Osca, Eckhel, v. 203).

1 As Augusta Emerita in Lusi-
tania only became a colony in 729
(Dio, liii. 26), and this cannot well
have been left out of account in the
list of the provinces in which Augus-
tus founded colonies (Mon. Ancyr. p.
119, comp. p. 222), the separation of
Lusitania and Hispania Ulterior must
not have taken place till after the
Cantabrian war.

2 Callaecia was not merely occu-
pied from the Ulterior province, but
must still in the earlier time of Augus-

tus have belonged to Lusitania, just
as Asturias also must have been at
first attached to this province. Other-
wise the narrative in Dio, liv. 5, is
not intelligible ; T. Carisius, the
builder of Emerita, is evidently the
governor of Lusitania, C. Furnius the
governor of the Tarraconensis. With
this agrees the parallel representation
in Florus, ii. 33, for the Drigaecins of
the MSS. are certainly the Spiyacxwol,
whom Ptolemy, ii. 6, 29, adduces
among the Asturians. Therefore
Agrippa, in his measurements, com-
prehends Lusitania with Asturia and
Callaecia (Plin. Æ. W. iv. 22, 118), and
Strabo (iii. 4, 20, p. 166) designates
the Callaeci as formerly termed Lusi-
tani. Variations in the demarcation
of the Spanish provinces are men-
tioned by Strabo, iii. 4, 19, p-
166.

i

CHAP, II. SPAIN. 65
necessary on the one hand not to remove the seat of ad-
ministration from the coast, the new capital on the other
hand commanded the region of the Ebro and the commu-
nications with the north-west and the Pyrenees. Against
the Astures (in the provinces of Asturias and Leon), and
above all, the Cantabri (in the Basque country and the
province of Santander), who obstinately held out in these
mountains and overran the neighbouring cantons, a war-
fare attended by difficulties and heavy losses was pro-
longed—with interruptions, which the Romans called
victories—for eight years, till at length Agrippa succeeded
in breaking down the open resistance by destroying the
mountain towns and transplanting their inhabitants to the
valleys.

If, as the emperor Augustus says, from his time the
coast of the ocean from Cadiz to the mouth of the Elbe
obeyed the Romans, the obedience in this corner of it was
far from voluntary and little to be trusted. Matters were
still apparently far from having reached a proper pacifica-
tion in north-western Spain. There is still mention in
Nero’s time of war-expeditions against the Asturians. A
still clearer tale is told by the occupation of the country,
as Augustus arranged it. Callaecia was separated from
Lusitania and united with the Tarraconensian province, to
concentrate in one hand the chief command in northern
Spain. Not merely was this province then the only one
which, without bordering on an enemy’s country, obtained
a legionary military command, but no fewer than three
legions? were directed thither by Augustus—two to Asturia,

1 These were the Fourth Mace- 44).

Military or-
ganisation
in the
North-
west.

All three were on occasion of

donian, the Sixth Victrix, and the
Tenth Gemina. The first of these
went, in consequence of the shifting
of quarters of the troops occasioned
by the Britannic expedition of Clau-
dius, to the Rhine. The two others,
although in the meanwhile employed
elsewhere on several occasions, were
still, at the beginning of the reign of
Vespasian, stationed in their old gar-
rison-quarters, and with them, instead
of the Fourth, the First Adiutrix newly
instituted by Galba (Tacitus, Hist. i.
VOL. I.

the Batavian war sent to the Rhine,
and only one returned from it. For
in the year 88 there were still several
legions stationed in Spain (Plin.
Paneg. 143 comp. Hermes, iii. 118),
of which one was certainly the Seventh
Gemina already, before the year 79,
doing garrison-duty in Spain (C. Z. Z.
ii. 2477); the second must have been
one of those three, and was probably
the First Adiutrix, as this soon after
the year 88 takes part in the Danu-
bian wars of Domitian, and is under

5

66 SPAIN. BOOK VIII.

one to Cantabria; and, in spite of the military pressure in
Germany and in Illyricum, this occupying force was not
diminished. The headquarters were established between
the old metropolis of Asturia, Lancia, and the new Asturica
Augusta (Astorga) in Leon that still at present bears its
name. With this strong occupation of the north-west is
probably connected the construction of roads undertaken
there to a considerable extent in the earlier imperial period,
although we are not able to demonstrate the connection
in detail, seeing that the allocation of these troops in the
Augustan age is unknown to us. Thus there was estab-
lished by Augustus and Tiberius for the capital of Col-
laecia, Bracara (Braga), a connection with Asturica, that is,
with the great headquarters, and not less with the neigh-
bouring towns to the north, north-east, and south.
Tiberius made similar constructions in the territory of the
Vascones and in Cantabria.’ Gradually the occupying
force could be diminished, and under Claudius one legion,
under Nero a second, could be employed elsewhere. But
these were regarded only as drafted off, and still at the
beginning of the reign of Vespasian the Spanish garrison
had resumed its earlier strength ; it was reduced, in the
strict sense, only by the Flavian emperors, by Vespasian
to two, by Domitian to one legion. From thence down
to the time of Diocletian a single legion, the Seventh
Gemina, and a certain number of auxiliary contingents
garrisoned Leon.

No province under the monarchy was less affected by
outward or by inward wars than this land of the far west.
While at this epoch the commanderships of the troops
assumed, as it were, the positions of competing parties, the

Trajan stationed in upper Germany,
which suggests the conjecture that it
was one of the several legions brought
in 88 from Spain to upper Germany,
and on this occasion came away from
Spain. In Lusitania no legions were
stationed.

1 The camp of the Cantabrian
legion may have been at the place
Pisoraca (Herrera on the Pisuerga,
between Palencia and Santander),

which alone is named on inscriptions
of Tiberius and of Nero, and that as
starting point of an imperial road
(C. Z. Z. ii. 4883, 4884), just as the
Asturian camp was at Leon. Augusto-
briga also (to the west of Saragossa)
and Complutum (Alcalá de Henares
to the north of Madrid) must have
been centres of imperial roads, not on
account of their urban importance, but
as places of encampment for troops.

CHAP, II. SPAIN. 67

Spanish army played throughout a secondary part in
that respect; it was only as helper of his colleague that
Galba entered into the civil war, and mere accident car-
ried him to the first place. The force holding the north-
west of the Peninsula, which even after its reduction still
strikes us as comparatively strong, leads us to infer that
this region had not been completely obedient even in the
second and third centuries; but we are unable to state
anything definite as to the employment of the Spanish
legion within the province which it held in occupation.
The struggle against the Cantabrians had been waged with
the help of vessels of war ; subsequently the Romans had
no occasion to institute a permanent naval station there.
It is not till the period after Diocletian that we find the
Pyrenaean peninsula, like the Italian and the Graeco-
Macedonian, without a standing garrison.

That the province of Baetica was, at least after the
beginning of the second century, visited on various
occasions from the opposite coast by the Moors—the
pirates of Rif—we shall have to set forth in detail when
we survey the affairs of Africa. We may presume that
this serves to explain why, although in the senatorial
provinces elsewhere imperial troops were not wont to be
stationed, by way of exception Italica (near Seville) was
provided with a division of the legion of Leon.’ But it
chiefly devolved on the command stationed in the province
of Tingi (Tangier) to protect the rich south of Spain from
these incursions. Still it happened that towns like Italica
and Singili (not far from Antequera) were besieged by
the pirates,

If preparation was anywhere made by the republic
for the great all-significant work of the imperial period—
the Romanising of the West—it was in Spain. Peaceful
intercourse carried forward what the sword had begun ;
Roman silver money was paramount in Spain long before
it circulated elsewhere outside of Italy ; and the mines,
the culture of the vine and olive, and the relations of

l With this we may connect the only temporarily and with a detach-
fact that the same legion was, though ment, on active service in Numidia.

Incursions
of the
Moors.

Introduc-
tion of
{talian

municipal
law.

fii. 4.

iv. 543.

68 SPAIN. BOOK VIII.

traffic produced a constant influx of Italian elements to
the coast, particularly in the south-west. New Carthage,
the creation of the Barcides, and from its origin down to
the Augustan age the capital of the Hither province and
the first trading port of Spain, embraced already in the
seventh century a numerous Roman population ; Carteia,
opposite to the present Gibraltar, founded a generation
before the age of the Gracchi, was the first transmarine
civic community with a population of Roman origin
(iii. 4); the old and renowned sister-town of Carthage,
Gades, the modern Cadiz, was the first foreign town out
of Italy, that adopted Roman law and Roman language
(iv. 573). While thus along the greatest part of the
coast of the Mediterranean the old indigenous as well as
the Phoenician civilisation had already, under the republic,
conformed to the ways and habits of the ruling people,

in no province under the imperial period was Romanising

15, 14.

so energetically promoted on the part of the ruling power
as in Spain. First of all the southern half of Baetica,
between the Baetis and the Mediterranean, obtained,
partly already under the republic or through Caesar,
partly in the years 739 and 740 through Augustus, a
stately series of communities with full Roman citizenship,
which here occupy not the coast especially, but above all
the interior, headed by Hispalis (Seville) and Corduba
(Cordova) with colonial rights, Italica (near Seville)
and Gades (Cadiz) with municipal rights. In southern
Lusitania, too, we meet with a series of equally privileged
towns, particularly Olisipo (Lisbon), Pax Julia (Beja),
and the colony of veterans founded by Augustus during
his abode in Spain and made the capital of this pro-
vince, Emerita (Merida). In the Tarraconensis the
burgess-towns are found predominantly on the coast—

_Carthago Nova, Ilici (Elche), Valentia, Dertosa (Tortosa),

Tarraco, Barcino (Barcelona); in the interior only the
colony in the Ebro valley, Caesaraugusta (Saragossa), is
conspicuous. In all Spain under Augustus there were
numbered fifty communities with full citizenship ; nearly
fifty others had up to this time received Latin rights,

Es

CHAP. II. SPAIN. 69

and stood as to inward organisation on a par with the
burgess-communities. Among the rest the emperor
Vespasian likewise introduced the Latin municipal
organisation on occasion of the general imperial census
instituted by him in the year 74. The bestowal of
‘burgess-rights was neither then, nor generally in the
better imperial period, extended much further than it had
been carried in the time of Augustus;? as to which
probably the chief regulative consideration was the
restricted right of levy in regard to those who were citizens
of the empire.

The indigenous population of Spain, which thus
became partly mixed up with Italian settlers, partly led
towards Italian habits and language, nowhere emerges so
as to be clearly recognised in the history of the imperial
period. Probably that stock, whose remains and whose
language maintain their ground up to the present day in
the mountains of Biscay, Guipuscoa, and Navarre, once
filled the whole peninsula, as the Berbers filled the region
of north Africa. Their language, different from the
Indo-Germanic, and destitute of flexion like that of the
Finns and Mongols, proves their original independence ;
and their most important memorials, the coins, in the
first century of the Roman rule in Spain embrace the
peninsula, with the exception of the south coast from
Cadiz to Granada, where the Phoenician language then
prevailed, and of the region northward of the mouth of
the Tagus and westward of the sources of the Ebro,
which was then probably to a large extent practically
independent, and certainly was utterly uncivilised. In
this Iberian territory the south-Spanish writing is clearly
distinguished from that of the north province; but not
less clearly both are branches of one stock. The
Phoenician immigration here confined itself to still
narrower bounds than in Africa, and the Celtic mixture
did not modify the general uniformity of the national

l The expression used by Josephus referred to the bestowal of Latin rights
(contra Ap. ii. 4), that ‘the Iberians by Vespasian, and is an incorrect state-
were named Romans,” can only be ment of one who was a stranger.

Romanis-
ing of the
Iberians.

fii, 209 f.

Language.

70 SPAIN. BOOK VIII.

development in a way that we can recognise. But the
conflicts of the Romans with the Iberians belong mainly to
the republican epoch, and have been formerly described
(ii, 221 f.) After the already mentioned last passages
of arms under the first dynasty, the Iberians vanish
wholly out of sight. To the question, how far they became
Romanised in the imperial period, the information that
has come to us gives no satisfactory answer. That in
the intercourse with their former masters they would
have always occasion to make use of the Roman language,
needs no proof; but under the influence of Rome the
national language and the national writing disappear even
from public use within their own communities. Already
in the last century of the republic the native coinage,
which at first was to a large extent allowed, had become
in the main set aside; from the imperial period there
is no Spanish civic coin with other than a Latin legend.!
Like the Roman dress, the Roman language was largely
diffused even among those Spaniards who had not Italian
burgess-rights, and the government favoured the de facto
Romanising of the land? When Augustus died the
Roman language and habits prevailed in Andalusia,
Granada, Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, Aragon; and a
good part of this is to be accounted for not by colonising
but by Romanising. By the ordinance of Vespasian

1 Probably the most recent monu-
ment of the native language, that
admits of certainty as to its date, is a
coin of Osicerda—which is modelled
after the denarii with the elephant
that were struck by Caesar during
the Gallic war—with a Latin and
Iberian legend (Zobel, Æstudio his-
torico de la moneda antigua espaftola,
ii. Ir), Among the wholly or
partially local inscriptions of Spain
several more recent may be found ;
public sanction is not even probable
in the case of any of them.

2 There was a time when the com-
munities of peregrini had to solicit
from the senate the right to make
Latin the language of business; but
for the imperial period this no longer

held good. On the contrary, at this
time probably the converse was of
frequent occurrence. For example,
the right of coining was allowed on
the footing that the legend had to be
Latin. In like manner public build-
ings erected by non-burgesses were
described in Latin; thus an inscrip-
tion of Ilipa in Andalusia (C. Z. Z.
ii, 1087) runs: Urchatl Atitta f(ilius)
Chilasurgun portas fornic(es) aedifi-
cand(a) curavit de s(ua) p(ecunta).
That the wearing of the toga was
allowed even to non-Romans, and
was a Sign of a loyal disposition, is
shown as well by Strabo’s expression
as to the Tarraconensis togata, as
by Agricola’s behaviour in Britain
(Tacitus, Agric. 21).

i —

CHAP, II. SPAIN. 71

previously mentioned the native language was restricted
de jure to private intercourse. That it held its ground
in this, is proved by its existence at the present day ;
what is now confined to the mountains, which neither
the Goths nor the Arabs ever occupied, must in the
Roman period certainly have extended over a great
part of Spain, especially the north-west. Nevertheless
Romanising certainly set in very much earlier and more
strongly in Spain than in Africa; monuments with
native writing from the imperial period can be pointed
to in Africa in fair number, hardly at all in Spain; and
the Berber language at present still prevails over half of
north Africa, the Iberian only in the narrow valleys of
the Basques. It could not be otherwise, partly because
in Spain Roman civilisation emerged much earlier and
much more vigorously than in Africa, partly because the
natives had not in the former as in the latter the free
tribes to fall back upon.

The native communal constitution of the Iberians
was not perceptibly to our view different from the Gallic.
From the first Spain, like the Celtic country on either
side of the Alps, was broken up into cantonal districts ;
the Vaccaei and the Cantabri were hardly in any essential
respect distinguished from the Cenomani of the Trans-
padana and the Remi of Belgica. The fact that on the
Spanish coins struck in the earlier epoch of the Roman
rule it is predominantly not the towns that are named, but
the cantons,—not Tarraco but the Cassetani, not Saguntum
but the Arsenses—shows, still more clearly than the his-
tory of the wars of the time, that in Spain too there once
subsisted larger cantonal unions. But the conquering
Romans did not treat these unions everywhere in like
fashion. The Transalpine cantons remained even under
Roman rule political commonwealths ; the Spanish were,
like the Cisalpine, simply geographical conceptions. As
the district of the Cenomani is nothing but a collective
expression for the territories of Brixia, Bergomum, and so
forth, so the Asturians consist of twenty-two politically
independent communities, which to all appearance do not

The Span-
ish com-
munity.

72 SPAIN. BOOK VIII.

legally concern each other more than the towns of Brixia
and Bergomum.! Of these communities the Tarracon-
ensian province numbered in the Augustan age 293, in
the middle of the second century 275. Here, therefore,
the old canton-unions were broken up. This course was
hardly determined by the consideration that the compact-
ness of the Vettones and the Cantabri seemed more
hazardous for the unity of the’ empire than that of the
Sequani and the Treveri; the distinction doubtless was
chiefly based on the diversity of the time and of the form
of conquest. The region on the Guadalquivir became
Roman a century and a half earlier than the banks of the
Loire and the Seine; the time when the foundation of
the Spanish organisation was laid was not so very far
from the epoch at which the Samnite confederacy was
dissolved. There the spirit of the old republic prevailed ;
in Gaul the freer and gentler view of Caesar. The
smaller and powerless districts, which after the dissolu-
tion of the unions became the pillars of political unity—
the small cantons or clans—became changed in course of
time, here as everywhere into towns. The beginnings
of urban development, even outside of the communities
that attained Italian rights, go far back into the republican,

1 These remarkable arrangements
are clear, especially from the lists of
Spanish places in Pliny, and have
been well exhibited by Detlefsen
(Philologus, xxxii., 606 f.). The
terminology no doubt varies. As the
designations civitas, populus, gens,
belong to the independent community,
they pertain de jure to these portions;
thus, eg. there is mention of the X
civitates of the Autrigones, of the XXJZ
populs of the Asturians, of the gens
Zoelarum (C. I. L. ii, 2633), which
is just one of these twenty-two tribes.
The remarkable document which we
possess concerning these Zoelae (C. Z.
L. ii. 2633) informs us that this gers
was again divided into gentilitates,
which latter are also themselves called
gentes, as this same document and
other testimonies (Zp4. £. ii. p. 243)
prove. Civis is also found in reference

to one of the Cantabrian populi (Eph.
Ep. ii. p. 243). But even for the
larger canton, which indeed was once
the political unit, there are no other
designations than these, strictly speak-
ing, retrospective and incorrect ; gens
in particular is employed for it even
in the technical style (e.g., C. Z. L.
ii. 4233 Zntercat[iensis] ex gente Vac-
cacorum). That the commonwealth in
Spain was based on those small dis-
tricts, not on the cantons, is clear as
well from the terminology itself as
from the fact that Pliny in iii. 3, 18,
places overagainst those 293 places
the civitates contributae aliis; more-
over it is shown by the official af
census accipiendos civitatium XXIII
Vasconum et Vardulorum (C. J. L.
vi, 1463) compared with the censor
civitatis Remorum foederatae (C. T.
Z. xi. 1855, comp. 2607).

CHAP. II. SPAIN.

73

perhaps into the pre-Roman, time; subsequently the general
bestowal of Latin rights by Vespasian must have made
this conversion general or very nearly so! In reality
there were among the 293 Augustan communities of the
province of Tarraco 114, and among the 275 of the
second century only twenty-seven, that were not urban
communities.

Of the position of Spain in the imperial administration
little is to be said. In the levy the Spanish provinces
played a prominent part. The legions doing garrison-
duty there were probably from the beginning of the prin-
cipate raised chiefly in the country itself; when afterwards
on the one hand the occupying force was diminished, and
on the other hand the levy was more and more restricted
to the garrison-district proper, Baetica, sharing in this
respect the lot of Italy, enjoyed the dubious blessing
of being totally excluded from military service. The
auxiliary levy, to which especially the districts that lagged
behind as regards urban development were subjected,
was carried out on a great scale in Lusitania, Callaecia,
Asturia, and not less in the whole of northern and inland
Spain ; Augustus, whose father had formed even his body-
guard of Spaniards, recruited in none of the territories
subject to him (setting aside Belgica) so largely as in Spain.

For the finances of the state this rich country was
beyond doubt one of the most secure and most produc-
tive sources ; but we have no detailed information trans-
mitted to us.

The importance of the traffic of these provinces admits

2 As the Latin communal constitu-
tion is unsuited for a community not
organised as a town, those Spanish
communities, which still after Vespa-
sian’s time lacked urban organisation,
must either have been excluded from
the bestowal of Latin rights or have
had special modifications to meet
their case. The latter may be re-
garded as having more probability.
Inscriptions, even of the gentes, sub-
sequent to Vespasian’s time, show a
Latin form of name, as C. Z. JZ, ii.

2633, and Eph, Ep, ii. 322; and if
isolated ones from this period should
be found with non- Roman names, it
must always be a question whether
this is not simply due to actual neg-
ligence. Presumptive proofs of non-
Roman communal organisation, com-
paratively frequent in the scanty
inscriptions that certainly date before
Vespasian (C. Z. Z. ii. 172, 1953,
2633, 5048), have not been met with
by me in inscriptions that are cer-
tainiy subsequent to Vespasian,

Levy.

74 SPAIN. BOOK VIII.

of being inferred in some measure from the careful provi-
sion of the government for the Spanish roads. Between
the Pyrenees and Tarraco there have been found Roman
milestones even from the last times of the republic, such
as no other province of the West exhibits. We have
already remarked that Augustus and Tiberius promoted
road-making in Spain mainly for military reasons ; but the
road formed by Augustus at Carthago Nova can only have
been constructed on account of traffic, and it was traffic
mainly that was served by the imperial highway named
after him, and partly regulated partly constructed anew
byhim. This road, continuing the Italo-Gallic coast-road
and crossing the Pyrenees at the Pass of Puycerda, went
thence to Tarraco, then pretty closely followed the coast
by way of Valentia as far as the mouth of the Jucar, but
thence made right across the interior for the valley of the
Baetis,’ then ran from the arch of Augustus—which marked
the boundary of the two provinces, and with which a new
numbering of the miles began—through the province Baetica
to the mouth of the river, and thus connected Rome with the
ocean. This was certainly the only imperial highway in
Spain. Afterwards the government did not do much for
the roads of Spain; the communes, to which these were soon
in the main entrusted, appear, so far as we see, to have pro-
vided everywhere—apart from the tableland of the interior
—communications to such an extent as was required by the
state of culture in the province. For, mountainous as Spain
is and not without steppes and waste land, it is yet one
of the most productive countries of the earth, both through
the abundance of the fruits of the soil and through its
riches of wine and oil and metals. To this were early
added manufactures, especially in iron wares and in woollen
and linen fabrics. In the valuations under Augustus no
Roman burgess-community, Patavium excepted, had such
a number of rich people to show as the Spanish Gades

1 The direction of the va Augusta ii. 4920-4928) as those found between
is specified by Strabo (iii. 4, 9, p. Tarragona and Valencia (zd. 4949-
160); to it belong all the milestones 4954), and lastly, the numerous ones ad

which have that name, as well those Zano Augusto, qui est ad Baetem, or ab
from the region of Lerida (C. 1 Z. arcu, unde incipit Baetica, ad oceanum.

Seri a

CHAP. II. SPAIN. 75

with its great merchants spread throughout the world ; and
in keeping with this was the refined luxury of manners,
the castanet-players who were here at home, and the
Gaditanian songs, which circulated, like those of Alex-
andria, among the elegant Romans. The nearness of
Italy, and the easy and cheap intercourse by sea, gave at
this epoch, especially to the Spanish south and east coasts,
the opportunity of bringing their rich produce to the first
market of the world, and probably with no country in the
world did Rome pursue so extensive and constant a traffic
on a great scale as with Spain.

That Roman civilisation pervaded Spain earlier and
more powerfully. than any other province, is confirmed by
evidence on various sides, especially in respect to religion
and to literature.

It is true that in the territory that was still at a later
period Iberian, and remained tolerably free from immigra-
tion—in Lusitania, Callaecia, Asturia—the native gods,
with their singular names, ending mostly in -icus and -ecus,
such as Endovellicus, Eaecus, Vagodonnaegus, and the like,
maintained their ground still even under the principate
at the old seats. But not a single votive stone has been
found in all Baetica, which might not quite as well have
been set up in Italy. And the same holds true of
Tarraconensis proper, only that isolated traces are met
with on the upper Douro of the worship of Celtic gods.
No other province shows an equally energetic Romanising
in matters of ritual.

Cicero mentions the Latin poets at Corduba only to
censure them; and the Augustan age of literature was
still in the main the work of Italians, though individual
provincials helped in it, and among others the learned
librarian of the emperor, the philologue Hyginus, was
born as a bondsman in Spain. But thenceforward the
Spaniards undertook in it almost the part, if not of leader,
at any rate of schoolmaster. The natives of Corduba, Mar-

1 At Clunia there was found a so long continuing among the western
dedication to the Mothers (C. Z7. Z. Celts—at Uxama, one set up to the
ii. 2776)—the only Spanish example Zugoves (ib. 2818), a deity that re-
of this worship so widely diffused and curs among the Celts of Aventicum,

Religious
rites,

The Spani-
ards in
Latin
literature,

76 SPAIN. BOOK VIIL

cus Porcius Latro, the teacher and the model of Ovid, and
his countryman and friend in youth, Annaeus Seneca, —
both only about a decade younger than Horace, but for a
considerable time employed in their native town as teachers
of eloquence, before they transferred their activity in that
character to Rome—were the true and proper representa-
tives of the school-rhetoric that took the place of the
republican freedom and sauciness of speech. Once, when
the former could not avoid appearing in a real process, he
came to a stand-still in his address, and only recovered
his fluency when, to please the famous man, the court was
transferred from the tribunal to the school-hall. Seneca’s
son, the minister of Nero and the fashionable philosopher
of the epoch, and his grandson, the poet of the sentimental
opposition to the principate, Lucanus, have an importance,
as doubtful in literature as it is indisputable in history,
which may in a certain sense be put to the account of
Spain. In the early times of the empire, likewise, two
other provincials from Baetica, Mela under Claudius,
Columella under Nero, gained a place among the recog-
nised didactic authors who cultivated style—the former by
his short description of the earth, the latter by a thorough,
in part poetical, picture of agriculture. If, in the time of
Domitian, the poet Canius Rufus from Gades, the philo-
sopher Decianus from Emerita, and the orator Valerius
Licinianus from Bilbilis (Calatayud not far from Sara-
gossa) are celebrated as literary notabilities by the side of

Virgil and Catullus and by the side of the three stars of _

Corduba, this is certainly the fortune also of one likewise
a native of Bilbilis, Valerius Martialis who himself yields
to none among the poets of this epoch in elegance and
plastic power, or yet in venality and emptiness, and we
are justified in taking into account withal the fact of

1 The choliambics(i. 61) run thus:— Vasone Peligni sonant,
Duosque Senecas unicumque Lucanum

Verona docti syllabas amat vatis, Facunda loquitur Corduba,
Marone felix Mantua est, Gaudent tocosae Canio suo Gades,
Censetur Apona Livio suo tellus Emerita Deciano meo:

Stellaque nec Flacco minus, Te, Liciniane, gloriabitur nostra,

Apollodoro plaudit imbrifer Nilus, Nee me tacebit Bilbilis.

nS eee "=" _ EOL è e

CHAP. II. SPAIN. 77

their being fellow-countrymen ; yet the mere possibility
of weaving such a garland of poets shows the importance
of the Spanish element in the literature of the time. But
the pearl of Spanish-Latin authorship is Marcus Fabius
Quintilianus (35-95) from Calagurris on the Ebro. His
father had already acted as a teacher of eloquence in
Rome ; he himself was brought to Rome by Galba, and
occupied, especially under Domitian, a distinguished
position as tutor of the emperor’s nephews. His text-
book of rhetoric and, in some degree, of the history of
Roman literature, is one of the most excellent which we
possess from Roman antiquity, pervaded by fine taste and
sure judgment, simple in feeling as in presentation, in-
structive without weariness, pleasing without effort, con-
trasting sharply and designedly with the fashionable litera-
ture that was so rich in phrases and so empty of ideas. It
was in no small degree due to him that the tendency be-
came changed at any rate, if not improved. Subsequently,
amidst the general emptiness the influence of the Spaniards
comes no further into prominence. What is, historically,
of special moment in their Latin authorship is the com-
plete clinging of these provincials to the literary develop-
ment of the mother-country. Cicero, indeed, scoffs
at the clumsiness and the provincialisms of the Spanish
votaries of poetry ; and even Latro’s Latin did not meet
the approval of the equally genteel and correct Roman
by birth, Messalla Corvinus. But after the Augustan age
nothing similar is again heard of. The Gallic rhetors, the
great African ecclesiastical authors have, as Latin writers,
retained in some measure a foreign complexion ; no one
would recognise the Senecas and Martial by their manner
and style as belonging to one or to another land ; in hearty
love to his own literature and in subtle understanding of
it never has any Italian surpassed the teacher of languages
from Calagurris.

CHAPTER III.
THE GALLIC PROVINCES.

LIKE Spain, southern Gaul had already in the time of the
republic become a part of the Roman empire, yet neither
so early nor so completely as the former country. The
two Spanish provinces were instituted in the age of
Hannibal, the province Narbo in that of the Gracchi ; and,
while in the former case Rome took to itself the whole
Peninsula, in the latter it was not merely content, down
to the last age of the republic, with the possession of the
coast, but even of this it directly took only the smaller
and the more remote half. The republic was not wrong
in designating what it so possessed as the town-domain of
Narbo (Narbonne) ; the greater part of the coast, nearly
from Montpellier to Nice, belonged to the city of Massilia.
This Greek community was more a state than a city, and
through its powerful position the equal alliance subsisting
from of old with Rome obtained a real significance, such
as had no parallel in any second allied city. It is true,
nevertheless, that the Romans were for these neighbouring
Greeks, still more than for the more remote Greeks of the
East, shield as well as sword. The Massaliots had probably
the lower Rhone as far up as Avignon in their pos-
session; but the Ligurian and the Celtic cantons of
the interior were by no means subject to them, and the
Roman standing camp at Aquae Sextiae (Aix) a day’s
march to the north of Massilia, was, quite in the true and
proper sense, instituted for the permanent protection of
the wealthy Greek mercantile city. It was one of the

CHAP. IlI. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 79

most momentous consequences of the Roman civil war,
that along with the legitimate republic its most faithful
ally, the city of Massilia, was politically annihilated, was
converted from a state sharing rule into a community
which continued free of the empire and Greek, but pre-
served its independence and its Hellenism in the modest
proportions of a provincial middle-sized town. In a poli-
tical aspect there is nothing more to be said of Massilia
after its capture in the civil war; the town was thence-
forth for Gaul only what Neapolis was for Italy—the
centre of Greek culture and Greek learning. Inasmuch
as the greater part of the later province of Narbo only at
that time came under direct Roman administration, it is to
‘this epoch in particular that the erection of it in a certain
measure belongs.

How the rest of Gaul came into the power of Rome
has been already narrated (iv. 240 ff.) Before Caesar's
Gallic war the rule of the Romans extended approximately
as far as Toulouse, Vienne, and Geneva ; after it, as far as
the Rhine throughout its course, and the coasts of the
Atlantic Ocean on the north as on the.west. This sub-
jugation, it is true, was probably not complete, in the
north-west perhaps not much less superficial than that of
Britain (iv. 296). Yet we are informed of supplemental
wars, in the main, merely as regards the districts of
` Iberian nationality. To the Iberians belonged not merely
the southern but also the northern slope of the Pyrenees,
with the country lying in front, Bearn, Gascony, and
western Languedoc’; and it has already been mentioned
(p. 63) that when north-western Spain was sustaining the
last conflicts with the Romans, there was also on the north

1 The domain of Iberian coins
reaches decidedly beyond the Pyre-
nees, though the interpretation of
individual coin-legends, which are
among others referred to Perpignan
and Narbonne, is not certain. As all
these coinings took place under Ro-
man authorisation, this suggests the
question whether this portion of the
subsequent Narbonensis was not at an
earlier date—namely before the found-

ing of Narbo (636 uU. c.)—under the
governor of Hither Spain. There are
no Aquitanian coins with Iberian
legends any more than from north-
western Spain, probably because the
Roman supremacy, under whose pro-
tection this coinage grew up, did not,
so long as the latter lasted, #.e, per-
haps up to the Numantine war,
embrace those regions.

Last con-
flicts in the
three Gauls,
iv. 230 £

iv. 283.

I18,

38.

28, 27.

Insurrec-
tions.

80 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

side of the Pyrenees, and beyond doubt in connection
therewith, serious fighting, at first on the part of Agrippa
in the year 716, then on the part of Marcus Valerius
Messalla, the well-known patron of the Roman poets, who
in the year 726 or 727, and thus nearly at the same time
with the Cantabrian war, vanquished the Aquitanians in
a pitched battle in the old Roman territory not far from
Narbonne. In respect of the Celts nothing further is
mentioned than that, shortly before the battle of Actium,
the Morini in Picardy were overthrown ; and, although
during the twenty years of almost uninterrupted civil war
our reporters may have lost sight of the comparatively
insignificant affairs of Gaul, the silence of the list of
triumphs—here complete—shows at any rate that no
further military undertakings of importance took place in
the land of the Celts during this period.

Subsequently, during the long reign of Augustus,
and amidst all the crises—some of them very hazardous
—of the Germanic wars, the Gallic provinces remained
obedient. No doubt the Roman government, as well as
the Germanic patriot party, as we have seen, constantly
had it in view that a decisive success of the Germans
and their advance into Gaul would be followed by a
rising of the Gauls against Rome ; the foreign rule cannot
therefore at that time have stood by any means secure.
Matters came to a real insurrection in the year 21 under
Tiberius. There was formed among the Celtic nobility
a widely-ramified conspiracy to overthrow the Roman
government. It broke out prematurely in the far from
important cantons of the Turones and the Andecavi on
the lower Loire, and not merely the small garrison of
Lyons, but also a part of the army of the Rhine at once
took the field against the insurgents. Nevertheless the
most noted districts joined; the Treveri, under the
guidance of Julius Florus, threw themselves in masses
into the Ardennes; in the immediate neighbourhood of
Lyons the Haedui and Sequani rose under the leadership
of Julius Sacrovir. The compact legions, it is true,
gained the mastery over the rebels without much trouble ;

SF pe EN ee ae ay pS ph Ea Sn PO ae tam RMP MR ay TN RS a ON gage Gee Re gg Me a gh Oe eae gt EA gn tg eng en eg nee an eee ee er le

CHAP. III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 81

but the rising, in which the Germans in no way took
part, shows at any rate the hatred towards the foreign
rulers, which still at that time prevailed in the land and
particularly among the nobility—-a hatred which was
certainly strengthened, but was not at first produced, by
the pressure of taxes and the financial distress that are
designated as causes of the insurrection.

It was a greater feat of Roman policy than that
which enabled it to become master of Gaul, that it knew
how to retain the mastery, and that Vercingetorix found
no successor, although, as we see, there were not entirely
wanting men who would gladly have walked in the
same path. This result was attained by a shrewd com-
bination of terrifying and of winning—we may add, of
sharing. The strength and the proximity of the Rhine
army was beyond question the first and the most effective
means of preserving the Gauls in the fear of their master.
If this army was maintained throughout the century at the
same level, as will be set forth in the following section,
it was so probably quite as much on account of their
own subjects, as on account of neighbours who afterwards
were by no means specially formidable. That even the
temporary withdrawal of these troops imperilled the
continuance of the Roman rule, not because the Germans
might then cross the Rhine, but because the Gauls might
renounce allegiance to the Romans, is shown by the
rising after Nero’s death, in spite of all its weakness; after
the troops had marched off to Italy to make their general
emperor, an independent Gallic empire was proclaimed
in Treves, and those soldiers who were left were made
bound to allegiance towards it. But although this foreign
tule, like every such rule, rested primarily and mainly on
superior power—-on the ascendancy of compact and
trained troops over the multitude—it by no means
rested on this exclusively. The art of partition was
here successfully applied. Gaul did not belong to the
Celts alone; not merely were the Iberians strongly re-
presented in the south, but Germanic tribes were settled
in considerable numbers on the Rhine, and were of

VOL. I. 6

Gradual
pacification
of Gaul,

82 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII. \

importance still more by their conspicuous aptitude for
war, than by their number. Skilfully the government
knew how to foster and to turn to useful account the
antagonism between the Celts and the Germans on the
left of the Rhine. But the policy of amalgamation and
of reconciliation operated still more powerfully.
Policy of What measures were taken with this view we shall ex- |
amalgama- plain in the sequel. Seeing that the cantonal constitution
was spared, and even a sort of national representation was
conceded, and the measures directed against the national
priesthood were taken gradually, while the Latin language
was from the beginning obligatory, and with that national
representation there was associated the new worship of !
the emperor ; seeing that, on the whole, the Romanising |
was not undertaken in an abrupt way, but was cautiously
and patiently pursued, the Roman foreign rule in the
Celtic land ceased to be such, because the Celts themselves
became, and desired to be, Romans. The extent to which |
the work had already advanced after the expiry of the |
first century of the Roman rule in Gaul is shown by the |
just mentioned occurrences after Nero’s death, which, in
their course as a whole, belong partly to the history of
the Roman commonwealth, partly to its relations with
the Germans, but must also be mentioned, at least by
way of slight glance, in this connection. The overthrow
of the Julio-Claudian dynasty emanated from a Celtic
noble and began with a Celtic insurrection; but this
was not a revolt against the foreign rule like that of
Vercingetorix or even of Sacrovir; its aim was not the
setting aside, but the transforming, of the Roman govern-
ment. The fact that its leader reckoned descent from a f
bastard of Caesar one of the patents of nobility of his
house, clearly expresses the half-national, half-Roman
character of this movement. Some months later certainly,
after the revolted Roman troops of Germanic descent
and the free Germans had for the moment overpowered
the Roman army, some Celtic tribes proclaimed the
independence of their nation; but this attempt proved
a sad failure, not through the eventual interference of

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 83

the government, but from the very opposition of the
great majority of the Celtic cantons themselves, which
could not, and did not, desire to fall away from Rome.
The Roman names of the leading nobles, the Latin
legend on the coins of the insurrection, the travesty
throughout of Roman arrangements, show most clearly
that the deliverance of the Celtic nation from the yoke
of the foreigners in the year 70 was no longer possible,
just because there was such a nation no longer; and the
Roman rule might be felt, according to circumstances,
as a yoke, but no longer as a foreign rule. Had such an
opportunity been offered to the Celts at the time of the
battle of Philippi, or even under Tiberius, the insurrection
would have run its course, not perhaps to another issue,
but in streams of blood; now it ran off into the sand.
When, some decades after these severe crises, the Rhine
army was considerably reduced, these crises had given the
proof that the great majority of the Gauls were no longer
thinking of separation from the Italians, and the four
generations that had followed since the conquest had
done their work. Subsequent occurrences here were crises
within the Roman world. When that world threatened
to fall asunder, the West as well as the East separated
itself for some time from the centre of the empire;
but the separate state of Postumus was the work of
necessity, not of choice, and the separation was merely
de facto; the emperors who bore sway over Gaul,
Britain, and Spain, laid claim to the dominion of the
whole empire quite as much as their Italian rival
emperors. Certainly traces enough remained of the old
Celtic habits and also of the old Celtic unruliness. As
bishop Hilary of Poitiers, himself a Gaul, complains of
the overbearing character of his countrymen, so the
Gauls are, even in the biographies of the later Caesars,
designated as stubborn and ungovernable and inclined
to insubordination, so that in dealing with them tenacity
and sternness of government appear specially requisite.
But a separation from the Roman empire, or even a
renouncing of the Roman nationality, so far as there was

Roman
rule no
longer felt
as foreign,

isa-
tion of the
three Gauls.

27.

19.
16-13.

16,

12-9, 9-7,
A.D. 3-5;
9-II, 12-
I5.

84 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIIL

any such at the time, was in these later centuries nowhere
less thought of than in Gaul; on the contrary, the develop-
ment of the Romano-Gallic culture, of which Caesar and
Augustus had laid the foundation, fills the later Roman
period just as it fills the Middle Ages and more recent times.

The regulation of Gaul was the work of Augustus.
In the adjustment of imperial affairs after the close of
the civil wars the whole of Gaul, as it had been entrusted
to Caesar or had been further acquired by him, came
—with the exception merely of the region on the Roman
side of the Alps, which had meanwhile been joined to
Italy—under imperial administration. Immediately after-
wards Augustus resorted to Gaul, and in the year 727
completed in the capital Lugudunum the census of the
Gallic province, whereby the portions of the country
brought to the empire by Caesar first obtained an
organised land-register, and the payment of tribute was
regulated for them. He did not stay long at that time,
for Spanish affairs demanded his presence. But the
carrying out of the new arrangement encountered great
difficulties and, in various cases, resistance. It was not
mere military affairs that gave occasion to Agrippa’s
stay in Gaul in the year 735, and that of the emperor
himself during the years 738-741; and the governors
or commanders on the Rhine belonging to the imperial
house, Tiberius, stepson of Augustus, in 738, his brother

Drusus, 742-745, Tiberius again, 745-747, 757-759,
763-765, his son Germanicus, 766-769, had all of them

the task of carrying on the organisation of Gaul. The

work of peace was certainly no less difficult and no less
important than the passages of arms on the Rhine; we
perceive this in the fact that the emperor took in hand
personally the laying of the foundation, and entrusted
the carrying it out to the men in the empire who were
most closely related to him and highest in station. It
was only in those years that the arrangements, established
by Caesar amidst the pressure of the civil wars, received
the shape which they thereafter in the main retained.
They extended over the old as over the new province ;

e - a a a E a

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 85

but Augustus gave up the old Roman territory, along
with that of Massilia, from the Mediterranean as far as
the Cevennes, as early as the year 732, to the senatorial
government, and retained only New Gaul in his own
administration. This territory, still in itself very exten-
sive, was then broken up into three administrative
districts, over each of which was placed an independent
imperial governor. This division attached itself to the
threefold partition of the Celtic country—already found
in existence by the dictator Caesar, and based on national
distinctions—into Aquitania inhabited by Iberians, the
purely Celtic Gaul, and the Celto-Germanic territory
of the Belgae; doubtless too it was intended in this
administrative partition to lay some measure of stress on
these distinctions, which tended to favour the progress of
the Roman rule. This, however, was only approximately
carried out, and could not be practically realised otherwise.
The purely Celtic region between the Garonne and Loire
was attached to the too small Iberian Aquitania; the
whole left bank of the Rhine, from the Lake of Geneva
to the Moselle, was joined with Belgica, although most
of these cantons were Celtic; in general the Celtic
stock so preponderated that the united provinces could
be called “the three Gauls.” Of the formation of the
two so-called “ Germanies,”—nominally the compensation
for the loss or abeyance of a really Germanic province,
in reality the military frontier of Gaul—we shall speak in
the following section.

Matters of law and justice were arranged in an alto-
gether different way for the old province of Gaul and for
the three new ones ; the former was Latinised at once and
completely, in the latter the subsisting national state of
things was in the first instance merely regulated. This

contrast of administration, which reaches far deeper than _

the formal diversity of the senatorial and imperial admini-
stration, was doubtless the primary and main occasion of
the diversity, still continuing at the present day in its
effects, between the regions of the Langue d’oc and
Provence and those of the Langue d’oui.

Law and
justice.

Romanis-
ing of the
southern

province,

iv. 542.

86 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

The Romanising of the south of Gaul had not in the re-
publican period advanced so far as that of the south of Spain.
The eighty years lying between the two conquests were
not to be rapidly overtaken ; the military camps in Spain
were far stronger and more permanent than the Gallic;
the towns of Latin type were more numerous in the
former than in the latter. Here doubtless in the time of
the Gracchi and under their influence Narbo had been
founded, the first burgess-colony proper beyond the sea ;
but it remained isolated, and, though a rival of Massilia
in commercial intercourse, to all appearance by no means
equal to it in importance. But when Caesar began to
guide the destinies of Rome, here above all—in this land
of his choice and of his star—neglect was retrieved. The
colony of Narbo was strengthened, and was under Tiberius
the most populous city in all Gaul. Thereupon four new
burgess-communities were laid out, chiefly in the domain
ceded by Massilia (iv. 572), the most important among
them being, from a military point of view, Forum Julii
(Fréjus), the chief station of the new imperial fleet, and for
trade Arelate (Arles), at the mouth of the Rhone, which
soon—when Lyons rose and trade was tending more and
more towards the Rhone—outstripping Narbo, became the
true heir of Massilia and the great emporium of Gallo-
Italic commerce. What further he himself did, and what
his son did in the same sense, cannot be definitely dis-
tinguished, and historically little depends on the distinc-
tion ; here, if anywhere, Augustus was nothing but the
executor of Caesar’s testament. Everywhere the Celtic
cantonal constitution gave way before the Italian com-
munity. The canton of the Volcae in the coast region,
formerly subject to the Massaliots, received through Caesar
a Latin municipal constitution on such a footing, that the
“ praetors ” of the Volcae presided over the whole district
embracing twenty-four townships,’ until not long there-
after the old arrangement disappeared even in name, and

1 This is shown by the remarkable pr{actor] Volcar[um] dat—the oldest
inscription of Avignon (Herzog. Gall. evidence for the Roman organisation
Narb. n. 403): 7. Caristus T. f of the commonwealth in these regions,

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 87

instead of the canton of the Volcae came the Latin town
of Nemausus (Nimes). In a similar way the most con-
siderable of all the cantons of this province, that of the
Allobroges, who had possession of the country northward
of the Isére and eastward of the middle Rhone, from
Valence and Lyons to the mountains of Savoy and to
the lake of Geneva, obtained, probably already through
Caesar, a like urban organisation and Italian rights, till at
length the emperor Gaius granted the Roman franchise to
the town of Vienna. So in the province as a whole the
larger centres were organised by Caesar, or in the first
age of the empire, on the basis of Latin rights, such as
Ruscino (Roussillon), Avennio (Avignon), Aquae Sextiae
(Aix), Apta (Apt). Already at the close of the Augus-
tan age the country along both banks of the lower Rhone
was completely Romanised in language and manners ; the
cantonal constitution throughout the province was prob-
ably set aside with the exception of slight remnants. The
burgesses of the communities on whom the imperial fran-
chise was conferred, and no less the burgesses in those of
Latin rights, who had acquired for themselves and for
their descendants the imperial franchise by entering the
imperial: army or by the holding of offices in their native
towns, stood in law on a footing of complete equality with
the Italians, and, like them, attained to offices and honours
in the imperial service.

In the three Gauls, on the other hand, there were no
towns of Roman and Latin rights, or rather there was only
one such town! there, which on that account belonged to
none of the three provinces or belonged to all—the town
of Lugudunum (Lyons). On the extreme southern verge
of imperial Gaul, immediately on the border of the muni-
cipally-organised province, at the confluence of the Rhone
and the Saone, on a site equally well chosen from a mili-
tary and from a commercial point of view, this settlement

1 Noviodunum (Nyon on the lake civitas Equestrium (/zscrip, Helvet,

of Geneva) alone perhaps in the three 115), it seems to have been inserted
Gauls may be compared, as regards among the cantons, which was not the

. plan, with Lugudunum (iv. 254); but, case with Lugudunum.

as this community emerges later as

Ooo ee. ee Ce ee ee ee ins Battie. Gl. oh. aul wee ee. pie ge

Lugu-
dunum,

ee M M

‘
f

i
ty Pa eos aA a ee nce ee ee en ee ree ee eC Ne ee ee a o ee eee ere ee sa y ee ne M ee ee a .. Peto.

43-

61.
iv. 213.

88 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII,

had arisen in the year 711 during the civil wars, primarily
in consequence of the expulsion of a number of Italians
settled in Vienna? Not having originated out of a Celtic
canton, and hence always with a territory of narrow
limits, but from the outset composed of Italians and in
possessién of the full Roman franchise, it stood forth
unique in its kind among the communities of the three
Gauls—as respects its legal relations, in some measure
resembling Washington in the North American Federa-
tion. This unique town of the three Gauls was at the
same time the Gallic capital. The three provinces had
not any common chief authority, and, of high imperial
officials, only the governor of the middle or Lugudunen-
sian province had his seat there ; but when emperors or
princes stayed in Gaul they as a rule resided in Lyons.
Lyons was, alongside of Carthage, the only city of the Latin
half of the empire which obtained a standing garrison
after the model of that of the capital? The only mint
for imperial money, which we can point to with certainty
in the West for the earlier period of the empire, is that of
Lyons. Here was the headquarters of the transit-dues
which embraced all Gaul; and to this as a centre
the Gallic network of roads converged. But not merely
had all government institutions, which were common
to Gaul, their native seat in Lyons; this Roman town
became also, as we shall see further on, the seat of the

1 The persons earlier driven forth
from Vienna by the Allobroges (oi èx
Oucévyns ris NapBwrycias bard rev
"AroBplywy more éxrecdvres), in Dio,
xlvi. 50, cannot well have been other
than Roman citizens, for the founda-
tion of a burgess-colony for their bene-
fit is intelligible only on this sup-
position, The “earlier” expulsion
probably stood connected with the
rising of the Allobroges under Catug-
natus in 693 (iv. 223). The explana-
tion why the dispossessed were not
brought back, but were settled else-
where, is not forthcoming; but various
reasons prompting such a course may
be conceived, and the fact itself is not
thereby called in question. The re-

venues accruing to the city (Tacitus,
Hist. 1. 65) may have been conferred
upon it possibly at the expense of
Vienna. l

2 The ground belonged formerly
to the Segusiavi (Plin. Æ. W. iv.
15, 1073 Strabo, p. 186, 192), one
of the small client-cantons of the
Haedui (Caesar, B. G. vii. 75); but
in the cantonal division it counts not
as one of these, but stands for itself
as pyrpbroks (Ptolem. ii. 8, II,
12).

3 This was the 1200 soldiers with
whom, as Agrippa the king of the
Jews says in Josephus (Bell. Jud. ii.
16, 4), the Romans held in subjection
the whole of Gaul.

we _

4,

CHAP, IIL. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 89

Celtic diet of the three provinces, and of all the poli-
tical and religious institutions associated with it—of its
temples and its yearly festivals. Thus Lugudunum
rapidly rose into prosperity, helped onward by the rich
endowment combined with its metropolitan position and
by a site uncommonly favourable for commerce. An
author of the time of Tiberius describes it as the second
in Gaul after Narbo; subsequently it takes a place there
by the side of, or before, its sister on the Rhone, Arelate.
On occasion of the fire, which in the year 64 laid a great
part of Rome in ashes, the Lugudunenses sent to those
burnt out a subsidy of 4,000,000 sesterces (443,500), and
when the same fate befel their own town next year in a
still harder way, the whole empire paid its contribution to
them, and the emperor sent a like sum from his privy
purse. The town rose out of its ruins with more splen-
dour than before ; and it has for almost two thousand years
remained amidst all vicissitudes a great city up to the
present day. In the later period of the empire, no doubt,
it fell behind Treves. The town of the Treveri, named
Augusta probably from the first emperor, soon gained
the first place in the Belgic province ; if still in the time
of Tiberius Durocortorum of the Remi (Rheims) is named
the most populous place of the province and the seat of
the governors, an author from the time of Claudius
already assigns the primacy there to the chief place of the
Treveri. But Treves became the capital of Gaul !—- we
may even say of the West—only through the remodel-
ling of the imperial administration under Diocletian.
After Gaul, Britain, and Spain were placed under one
supreme administration, the latter had its seat in Treves ;
and thenceforth Treves was also, when the emperors
stayed in Gaul, their regular residence, and, as a Greek
of the fifth century says, the greatest city beyond the

1 Nothing is so significant of the
position of Treves at this time as the
ordinance of the emperor Gratianus
of the year 376 (Cod. Theod. xiii.
3, 11), that there should be given to
the professors of rhetoric and of the

grammar of both languages in all the
capitals of the then subsisting seven-
teen Gallic provinces, over and above
their municipal salary, a like addition
from the state chest: but for Treves
this was to be on a higher scale.

|
{
|
|

The can-
tonal or-
ganisation
of the three
Gauls.

90 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

Alps. But the epoch when this Rome of the north
received its walls and its hot baths, which might well be
named by the side of the city walls of the Roman kings
and of the baths of the imperial capital, lies beyond the
limits of our narrative. Through the first three centuries
of the empire Lyons remained the Roman centre of the
Celtic land, and that not merely because it occupied the
first place in population and wealth, but because it was,
like no other in the Gallic north and but few in the south,
a town founded from Italy, and Roman not merely as
regards rights, but as regards its origin and its character.
As the Italic town was the basis for the organisation
of the south province, so the canton was for the northern,
and predominantly indeed the canton of the Celtic for-
merly political, now communal, organisation. The
importance of the distinction between town and canton
is not primarily dependent on its intrinsic nature ; even
if it had been one of mere legal form, it would have
separated the nationalities, and would have awakened and
whetted, on the one hand, the feeling of their belonging
to Rome, on the other hand, that of their being foreign
to it. The practical diversity of the two organisations
may not be estimated as of much account for this period,
since the elements of the communal organisation—the
officials, the council, the burgess-assembly—were the same
in the one case as in the other, and distinctions going
deeper, such as perhaps formally subsisted, would hardly
be tolerated long by Roman supremacy. Hence the
transition from the cantonal organisation to the urban was

frequently effected of itself and without hindrance—we

may even say, with a certain necessity, in the course ot

_ development. In consequence of this the qualitative dis-

tinctions of the two legal forms come into little pro-
minence in our traditional accounts. Nevertheless, the
contrast was certainly not a mere nominal one, but as
regards the competence of the different authorities, judi-
cature, taxation, levy, there subsisted diversities which were
of importance, or at any rate seemed important, for adminis-
tration, partly of themselves, partly in consequence of custom.

CHAP, IIL. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. gi

The quantitative distinction is definitely recognisable.
The cantons, at least as they present themselves among the
Celts and the Germans, are throughout tribes more than
townships; this very essential element was peculiar to all
Celtic territories, and was often covered over rather than
obliterated even by the subsequent Romanising. Mediol-
anum and Brixia were indebted for their wide bounds and
their lasting power essentially to the fact that they were,
properly speaking, nothing but the cantons of the Insubres
and the Cenomani. The facts, that the territory of the
town of Vienna embraced Dauphiné and Western Savoy,
and that the equally old and almost equally considerable
townships of Cularo (Grenoble) and Genava (Geneva) were
down to late imperial times in point of law villages of the
colony of Vienna, are likewise to be explained from the
circumstance that this was the later name of the tribe of
the Allobroges. In most of the Celtic cantons one town-
ship so thoroughly preponderates that it is one and the
same thing whether we name the Remi or Durocortorum,
the Bituriges or Burdigala ; but the converse also occurs,
as eg. among the Vocontii Vasio (Vaison) and Lucus,
among the Carnutes Autricum (Chartres) and Cenabum
(Orleans) balance each other; and it is more than ques-
tionable whether the privileges which, according to Italic
and Greek organisation, attached as a matter of course to
the ring-wall in contrast to the open field, stood de jure,
or even merely de facto, on a similar footing among the
Celts. The counterpart to this canton in the Graeco-Italic
system was much less the town than the tribe ; we have
to liken the Carnutes to the Boeotians, Autricum and
Cenabum to Tanagra and Thespiae. The specialty of
the position of the Celts under the Roman rule as com-
pared with other nations—the Iberians, for example, and
the Hellenes—turns on this, that these larger unions con-
tinued to subsist as communities in the former case, while
in the latter those constituent elements, of which they
were composed, formed the communities. Older diversities
of national development belonging to the pre-Roman
epoch may have co-operated in the matter; it may pos-

Character
of the
cantons,

Influence
of the
cantonal
constitu-
tion,

iv. 226.

92 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

sibly have been more easily practicable to take from the
Boeotians the joint diet of their towns than to break up
the Helvetii into three or four districts; political unions
maintain their ground even after subjugation under a
central power, in cases where their dissolution would bring
about disorganisation. Yet what was done in Gaul by
Augustus or, if it be preferred, by Caesar, was brought about
not by the force of circumstances, but chiefly by the free
resolution of the government, as it alone was in keeping
with the forbearance otherwise exercised towards the
Celts. For there was, in fact, in the pre-Roman time and
even at the time of Caesar’s conquest a far greater num-
ber of cantons than we find later; in particular, it is
remarkable that the numerous smaller cantons attached
by clientship to a larger one did not in the imperial
period become independent, but disappeared! If subse-
quently the Celtic land appears divided into a moderate
number of considerable, and some of them even very large,
canton-districts, within which dependent cantons nowhere
make their appearance, this arrangement had the way no
doubt paved for it by the pre-Roman system of client-
ship, but was completely carried out only under the
Roman reorganisation.

This continued subsistence and this enlargement of
the cantonal constitution must have been above all influ-
ential in determining the further political development of
Gaul. While the Tarraconensian province was split up
into two hundred and ninety-three independent communi-

1 In Caesar there appear doubtless,
taken on the whole, the same cantons
as are thereafter represented in the
Augustan arrangement, but at the
same time manifold traces of smaller
client-unions (comp. iv. 237); thus
as ‘‘clients” of the Haedui are
named the Segusiavi, the Ambivareti,
the Aulerci Brannovices, and the Bran-
novii (8. G. vii. 75), as clients of
the Treveri the Condrusi (2. G. iv.
6) as clients of the Helvetii the
Tulingi and Latobriges. With the
exception of the Segusiavi, all these
are absent from the Lyons diet. Such

minor cantons not wholly merged into
the leading places may have sub-
sisted in great number in Gaul at the
time of the conquest. If, according
to Josephus (Bell. Jud. ii. 16, 4),
three hundred and five Gallic cantons
and twelve hundred towns obeyed the
Romans; these may be the figures that
were reckoned up for Caesar's successes
in arms ; if the small Iberian tribes in
Aquitania and the client-cantons in
the Celtic land were included in the
reckoning, such numbers might well
be the result.

A

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 93

ties (p. 72), the three Gauls numbered together, as we
shall see, not more than sixty-four of them. Their
unity and their recollections remained unbroken; the
zealous adoration, which throughout the imperial period
was paid among the Volcae to the fountain-god Nemau-
sus, shows how even here, in the south of the land and in
a canton transformed into a town, there was still a vivid
sense of the traditional tie that bound them together.
Communities with wide bounds, firmly knit in this way
by inward ties, were a power. Such as Caesar found the
Gallic communities, with the mass of the people held in
entire political as well as economic dependence, and an
overpowerful nobility, they substantially remained under
Roman rule; exactly as in pre-Roman times the great
nobles, with their train of dependents and bondsmen to
be counted by thousands, played the part of masters each
in his own home, so Tacitus describes the state of
things in Tiberius’s time among the Treveri. The Roman
government gave to the community comprehensive rights,
even a certain military power, so that they under certain
circumstances were entitled to erect fortresses and keep
them garrisoned, as was the case among the Helvetii ; the
magistrates could call out the militia, and had in that case
the rights and the rank of officers. This prerogative was
not the same in the hands of the president of a small
town of Andalusia, and of the president of a district on
the Loire or the Moselle of the size of a small province.
The large-hearted policy of Caesar the elder, to whom
the outlines of this system must necessarily be traced
back, here presents itself in all its grand extent.

But the government did not confine itself to leaving
with the Celts their cantonal organisation; it left, or
rather gave, to them also a national constitution, so far
as such a constitution was compatible with Roman
supremacy. As on the Hellenic nation, so Augustus
conferred on the Gallic an organised collective representa-
tion, such as they in the epoch of freedom and of
disorganisation had striven after, but had never attained.
Under the hill crowned by the capital of Gaul, where

Diet of the
three Gauls,

I2.

THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII,

94

the Saone mingles its waters with those of the Rhone,
on the 1st August of the year 742, the imperial prince
Drusus, as representative of the government in Gaul,
consecrated to Roma and to the Genius of the ruler the
altar, at which thenceforth every year on this day the
festival of these gods was to be celebrated by the joint
action of the Gauls. The representatives of all the
cantons chose from their midst year by year the “ priest
of the three Gauls,’ who on the emperor’s day presented
sacrifice to the emperor and conducted the festal games
in connection with it. This representative council had
not only a power of administering its own property by
means of officials, who belonged to the chief circles of the
provincial nobility, but also a certain share in the general
affairs of the country. Of its immediate interference in
politics there is, it is true, no other trace than that, in the
serious crisis of the year 70, the diet of the three Gauls
dissuaded the Treveri from rising against Rome; but it
had and used the right of bringing complaints as to the
imperial and domestic officials acting in Gaul; and it co-
operated, moreover, if not in the imposition, at any rate
in the apportionment of the taxes,’ especially seeing that
these were laid on not according to the several provinces
but for Gaul in general. The imperial government
certainly called into existence similar institutions in all
the provinces, and not merely introduced in each of them
the centralisation of sacred rites, but also—what the

1 This is indicated not only by the
inscription in Boissieu, p. 609, where
the words /of[¢]us cens[us Galliarum]
are brought into connection with the
name of one of the altar-priests,
but also by the honorary inscription
erected by the three Gauls to an
imperial official a censibus accipiendis
(Henzen, 6944). He appears to have
conducted the revision of the land-
register for the whole country, just
as formerly Drusus did, while the
valuation itself took place by commis-
saries for the individual districts. A
sacerdos Romae et Augusti of the Tar-
raconensis is praised 0d curam tabulari
censualis fideliter administratam (C.

Z. L. ii, 4248); thus doubtless the
diets of all provinces were invested
with the apportionment of the taxes.
The imperial finance-administration
of the three Gauls was at least, as a
rule, so divided that the two western
provinces (Aquitania and Lugudunen-
sis) were placed under one procurator,
Belgica and the two Germanies under
another; yet there were probably not
legally fixed powers for this purpose.
A regular taking part in the levy may
not be inferred from the discussion
held by Hadrian—evidently as an
extraordinary step—with representa-
tives of all the Spanish districts
(vita, 12).

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES.

95

republic had not done—conferred on each one an organ
for bringing requests and complaints before the govern-
ment. Yet Gaul had in this respect, as compared with
all other parts of the empire, at least a privilege de facto,
as indeed this institution is here alone found fully
developed." For one thing, the united diet of the three
provinces necessarily had a more independent position
in presence of the legates and procurators of each of them,
than, for example, the diet of Thessalonica in presence
of the governor of Macedonia. But then, in the case of
institutions of this nature, far less depends on the measure
of the rights conferred than on the weight of the bodies
therein represented ; and the strength of the individual
Gallic communities was transferred to the diet of Lyons,
just as the weakness of the individual Hellenic com-
munities to that of Argos. In the development of Gaul
under the emperors the diet of Lyons to all appearance
promoted essentially that general Gallic homogeneity,

which went there hand in hand with the Latinising.
The composition of the diet, which is known to us
with tolerable accuracy,” shows in what way the question

1 For the arca Galliarum, the
freedman of the three Gauls (Henzen,
6393), the adlector arcae Galliarum,
inguisitor Galliarum, iudex arcae
Galliarum, no other province, so far
as I know, furnishes analogies ; and
of these institutions, had they been
general, the inscriptions elsewhere
would certainly have preserved traces.
These arrangements appear to point
to a self-administering and self-taxing
body (the adlector, the meaning of
which term is not clear, occurs as an
official in collegia, C. Z. L. vi. 3553
Orelli, 2406); probably this chest
defrayed the doubtless not inconsider-
able expenditure for the temple-
buildings and for the annual festival.
The arca Galliarum was not a state-
chest.

2 As the total number of the com-
munities recorded on the altar at
Lyons, Strabo (iv. 3, 2, p. 192)
specifies sixty, and as the number of
the Aquitanian communities in the

Celtic portion north of the Garonne
fourteen (iv. 1, I, p. 177). Tacitus
(Ann. iii. 44) names as the total
number of the Gallic cantons sixty-
four, and so does, although in an
incorrect connection, the scholiast on
the Aeneid, i. 286. A like total
number is pointed to by the list given
in Ptolemy from the second century,
which adduces for Aquitania seven-
teen, for the Lugudunensis twenty-
five, for the Belgica twenty - two
cantons. Of his Aquitanian cantons
thirteen fall to the region between
the Loire and Garonne, four to that
between the Garonne and the Pyrenees,
In the later one from the fifth century,
which is well known under the name
of Notitia Galliarum, twenty-six fall
to Aquitania, twenty-four to the
Lugudunensis (exclusive of Lyons),
twenty-seven to Belgica. All these
numbers are presumably correct, each
for its time. Between the erection

Composi-
tion of the
diet,

of the altar in 742 and the time of 12,

96 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

of nationalities was treated by the government. Of the
sixty, afterwards sixty-four, cantons represented at the
diet, only four fall to the Iberian inhabitants of Aquitania
—although this region between the Garonne and the
Pyrenees was divided among a very much larger number
of, as a rule, small tribes—whether it was that the others
were excluded altogether from representation, or that
those four represented cantons were the mecting-places

of canton-unions.”

Afterwards, probably in the time

of Trajan, the Iberian district was separated from the

Lyons diet, and had an

given to it.

Tacitus (for to this his statement is
doubtless to be referred), four cantons
may have been added, just as the
shifting of the numbers from the second
to the fifth century may be referred
to individual changes still in good
part demonstrable.

Considering the importance of these
arrangements, it will not be super-
fluous to exhibit them in detail, at least
for the two western provinces. In the
purely Celtic middle province the three
lists given by Pliny (first century), Ptol-
emy (second century), and the Notitia
(fifth century), agree in twenty-
one names: Adrincates — Andecavi
—Aulerct Cenomani—Aulerci Diab-
lintes—Aulerct Eburovici—Batocasses
(Bodiocasses Plin., Vadicast# Ptol.)—
Carnutes— Coriosolites (beyond doubt
the Sammnitae of Ptolemy)—Haedut
— Lexovit — Meldae — Namnetes —
Osismii —Parisii— Redones —Senones
— Tricassini — Turones — Veliocasses
(Rotomagenses)—Veneti—Unelli (Con-
stantia); in three more: Caletae—
Segusiavi — Viducasses, Pliny and
Ptolemy agree, while they are want-
ing in the Notitia, because in the
meanwhile the Caletae were put to-
gether with the Veliocasses or the
Rotomagenses, the Viducasses with
the Baiocasses, and the Segusiavi
were merged in Lyons. On the other
hand, instead of the three that have
disappeared, there appear two new
ones that have arisen by division :
Aureliani (Orleans), a branch from

independent representation

On the other hand, the Celtic cantons in

the Carnutes (Chartres), and Autessio-
durum (Auxerre), a branch from the
Senones (Sens). There are left in
Pliny two names, Boi—Atesui; in
Ptolemy one, Arvi# ; in the Notitia one,
Sai, For Celtic Aquitania the three
lists agree in eleven names: Arvernit
—Bituriges Cubi—Bituriges Vivisci
(Burdigalenses) — Cadurct — Gabales
—Lemovici—Nitiobriges (Aginnenses)
— Petrucorit — Pictones — Ruteni —
Santones ; the second and third
agree in the 12th of Vellauni, which
must have dropped out in Pliny;
Pliny alone has (apart from the pro-
blematic dAgustani) two names more,
Ambilatr: and Anagnutes; Ptolemy
one otherwise unknown, Datii ; per-
haps Strabo’s number of fourteen is
to be made up by two of these. The
Notitia has, besides these eleven,
other two, based on splitting up the
Albigenses (Albion the Tarn), and the
Ecolismenses (Angoulême). The lists
of the eastern cantons stand related
in a similar way. Although sub-
ordinate differences emerge, which
cannot be here discussed, the char-
acter and the continuity of the Gallic
cantonal division are clearly apparent.

1 The four represented tribes were
the Tarbelli, Vasates, Auscii, and
Convenae. Besides these Pliny en-
umerates in southern Aquitania no
less than twenty-five tribes—most of
them otherwise unknown—as standing
on a legal equality with those four.

2 Pliny and, presumably here too

CHAP. III, THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 97

that organisation, with which we have formerly become
acquainted, were substantially all represented at the diet,
and likewise the half or wholly Germanic,’ so far as at
the time of the institution of the altar they belonged
to the empire. That there was no place in this cantonal
representation for the capital of Gaul was a matter of
course. Moreover, the Ubii do not appear at the diet
of Lyons, but sacrifice at their own altar of Augustus:
this was, as we saw (p. 35), a remnant, which was
allowed to subsist, of the intended province of Germany.
While the Celtic nation in imperial Gaul was thus con-
solidated in itself, it was also guaranteed in some measure
against Roman influences by the course pursued as regards
the conferring of the imperial franchise for this domain.
The capital of Gaul no doubt was, and continued to be, a
Roman burgess-colony, and this was essentially bound

following older sources of informa-
tion, Ptolemy know nothing of this
division ; but we still possess the un-
couth verses of the Gascon farmer
(Borghesi, Of. viii. 544), who
effected this change in Rome, beyond
doubt in company with a number of
his countrymen, although he has pre-
ferred not to add that it was so :—

Flamen, item dumvir, quaestor pagi-
qiue) magister

Verus ad Augustum legato (sic) munere
functus

pro novem optinuit populis seiungere
Gallos :

urbe redux Genio pagi hanc dedicat
aram.

The oldest trace of the administrative
separation of Iberian Aquitania from
the Gallic is the naming of the
s district of Lactora” (Lectoure)
alongside of Aquitania in an inscrip-
tion from Trajan’s time (C. Z. Z. v.
875 : procurator provinciarum Lugu-
duniensis et Aquitantcae, item Lac-
torae). This inscription certainly of
itself proves the diversity of the two
territories rather than the formal
severance of the one from the other ;
but it may be otherwise shown that
soon after Trajan the latter was

VOL. I.

carried out. For the fact that the
separated district was originally
divided into nine cantons, as these
verses say, is confirmed by the name
that thenceforth continued in use,
Novempopulana ; but under Pius the
district numbers already eleven com-
munities (for the dilectator per Aqui-
tanicae XI populos, Boissieu, Lyon,
p. 246, certainly belongs to this con-
nection), in the fifth century twelve,
for the Notitia enumerates so many
under the Novempopulana. This
increase is to be explained similarly
to that discussed at p. 95, note 2.
The division does not relate to the
governorship; on the contrary, both
the Celtic and the Iberian Aquitania
remained under the same legate. But
the Novempopulana obtained under
Trajan its own diet, while the Celtic
districts of Aquitania, after as before,
sent deputies to the diet of Lyons.

1 There are wanting some smaller
Germanic tribes, such as the Baetasii
and the Sunuci, perhaps for similar
reasons with those of the minor
Iberian; and further, the Cannenefates
and the Frisians, probably because it
was not till later that these became
subjects of the empire. The Batavi
were represented.

7

Restricted
Roman
franchise of
the Gauls
admitted to
citizenship.

b
a

hp

Admission
of indivi-
dual com-
munities to
Latin
rights.

98 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

up with the peculiar position which it occupied and was
intended to occupy in contradistinction to the rest of Gaul.
But while the south province was covered with colonies
and organised throughout according to Italian municipal
law, Augustus did not institute in the three Gauls a single
burgess-colony ; and probably even that municipal zxs,
which under the name of “ Latin” formed an intervening
stage between burgesses and non-burgesses, and afforded
to its more notable holders burgess-rights in law for their
persons and their descendants, was for a considerable time
withheld from Gaul. The personal bestowal of the fran-
chise, partly, according to general enactments, on the
soldiers sometimes at their entering on, sometimes at their
leaving, service, partly out of special favour on individuals,
might certainly fall to the lot also of the Gaul; Augustus
did not go so far as the republic went in prohibiting the
Helvetian, for example, once for all from acquiring the
Roman franchise, nor could he do so, after Caesar had in
many cases given the franchise in this way to native
Gauls. But he took at least from burgesses proceeding
from the three Gauls—with the exception always of the
Lugudunenses—the right of candidature for magistracies,
and therewith at the same time excluded them from the
imperial senate. Whether this enactment was made
primarily in the interest of Rome or primarily in that of
the Gauls, we cannot tell; certainly Augustus wished to
secure both points—to check on the one hand the intrusion
of the alien element into the Roman system, and thereby
to purify and elevate the latter, and on the other hand to
guarantee the continued subsistence of the Gallic idiosyn-
crasy after a fashion, which precisely by its judicious
reserve promoted the ultimate blending with the Roman
character more surely than an abrupt obtrusion of foreign
institutions would have done.

The emperor Claudius, himself born in Lyons and, as
those who scoffed at him said, a true Gaul, set aside in
great part these restrictions. The first town in Gaul
which certainly received Italian rights was that of the
Ubii, where the altar of Roman Germany was constructed ;

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 99

there Agrippina, the subsequent wife of Claudius, was born
in the camp of her father Germanicus, and she procured
in the year 50 colonial rights, probably Latin, for her
native place, the modern Cologne. Perhaps at the same
time, perhaps even earlier, the same privilege was pro-
cured for the town of the Treveri Augusta, the modern
Treves. Some other Gallic cantons, moreover, were in
this way brought nearer to the Roman type, such as that
of the Helvetii by Vespasian, and also that of the Sequani
(Besançon) ; but Latin rights do not seem to have met
with great extension in these regions. Still less in the
time of the earlier emperors was the full right of citizen-
ship conferred in imperial Gaul on whole communities.
But Claudius probably made a beginning by cancelling
the legal restriction which excluded the Gauls that had
attained to personal citizenship of the empire from the
career of imperial officials; this barrier was set aside in
the first instance for the oldest allies of Rome, the Haedui,
and soon perhaps generally. By this step equality of
position was essentially obtained. For, according to the
circumstances of this epoch, the imperial citizenship had
hardly any special practical value for the circles that were
by their position in life excluded from an official career,
and was of easy attainment for wealthy peregrini of good
descent, who wished to enter on this career and on that
account had need of it; but it was doubtless a slight
keenly felt, when the official career remained in law
closed against the Roman burgess from Gaul and his
descendants,

While in the organising of administration the national
character of the Celts was respected so far as was at all
compatible with the unity of the empire, this was not the
case as regards language. Even if it had been practicable
to allow the communities to conduct their administration
in a language, of which the controlling imperial officials
could only in exceptional cases be masters, it undoubtedly
was not the design of the Roman government to erect
this barrier between the rulers and the ruled. Accord-
ingly, among the coins struck in Gaul under Roman rule,

Setting
aside of the
restricted
franchise,

Celtic and
Latin
language,

100 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

and monuments erected on behalf of any community, there
has been found no demonstrably Celtic inscription. The
use of the language of the country otherwise was not
hindered ; we find as well in the southern province as in
the northern monuments with Celtic inscription, written
in the former case always with the Greek,’ in the latter
always with the Latin? alphabet; and probably at least
several of the former, certainly all of the latter, belong to
. the epoch of Roman rule. The fact that in Gaul, outside
of the towns having Italian rights and the Roman camps,
inscribed monuments occur at all in but small number, is
in all probability to be accounted for mainly by supposing
that the language of the country, treated as dialect,
appeared just as unsuited for such employment as the
unfamiliar imperial language, and hence the erection of
memorial-stones did not become generally adopted here as
in the Latinised regions ; the Latin probably may at that
. time in the greater part of Gaul have had nearly the same
position, as it had subsequently in the earlier Middle ages
over against the popular language of the time. The
vigorous survival of the national language is most dis-
tinctly shown by the reproduction of the Gallic proper
names in Latin, not seldom with the retention of non-
Latin forms of sound. The facts that spellings like
Lousonna and Boudicca with the non-Latin diphthong oz
found their way even into Latin literature, that for the
aspirated dental, the English 74, there was even employed
in Roman writing a special sign (B), that Epadatextori-
gus is written alongside of Epasnactus, and Dirona along-

1 Thus there was found in Nemau-
sus a votive inscription written in
the Celtic language, erected Marpeßo
NapavoixaBo (C. Z. L. xi. p. 383),
#.¢., to the Mothers of the place.

2 For example, we read on an
altar-stone found in Neéris-les-Bains,
(Allier ; Desjardins, Géographie de la
Gaule romaine, ii. 476); Bratronos
Nantonicn LEpadatextorict Leucullo
Suto rebelocitot. On another, which
the Paris mariners’ guild under Tibe-
rius erected to Jupiter the highest and

best (Mowat; Bull. dig. de la Gaule,
p. 25f.) the main inscription is Latin,
but on the reliefs of the lateral sur-
faces, which appear to represent a
procession of nine armed priests, there
stand explanatory words appended :
Senani Useiloni ...and Eurtses, which
are not Latin. Such a mixture is also
met with elsewhere, ¢.g., in an in-
scription of Arrénes (Creuse, Bull.
épig. de la Gaule, i. 38); Sacer Peroco
teure (probably = fecit) Duorico v(ot-
um) s(olvit) lsbens) m(erito).

ne ee gy | Seer.

CHAP, III, THE GALLIC FROVINCES. IOI

side of Sirona—make it almost a certainty that the Celtic
language, whether in the Roman territory or beyond it,
had in or before this epoch undergone a certain regulation
in the matter of writing, and could already at that time
be written as it is written in the present day.

Nor are evidences wanting of its continued use in Gaul.
When the names of towns Augustodunum (Autun), Augus-
tonemétum (Clermont), Augustobona (Troyes), and various
similar ones arose, Celtic was necessarily still spoken even
in middle Gaul. Arrian, under Hadrian, gives in his dis-
quisition on cavalry, the Celtic expression for particular
manceuvres borrowed from the Celts. Irenaeus, a Greek
by birth, who towards the end of the second century
acted as a clergyman in Lyons, excuses the defects of his
style by saying that he lives in the country of the Celts,
and is compelled constantly to speak in a barbarian
language. In a juristic treatise from the beginning of the
third century, in contrast to the rule of law that testa-
mentary directions in general are to be drawn up in Latin
or Greek, any other language, eg., Punic or Gallic, is
allowed for fidei commissa. The emperor Alexander had
his end announced to him by a Gallic fortune-teller in the
Gallic language. Further, the church father Jerome,
who had been himself in Ancyra as well as in Treves,
assures us that the Galatians of Asia Minor and the
Treveri of his time spoke nearly the same language, and
compares the corrupt Gallic of the Asiatic with the corrupt
Punic of the African. The Celtic language has main-
tained itself in Brittany, just as in Wales, to the present
day ; but while the province no doubt obtained its present
name from the insular Britons who, in the fifth century
fled thither before the Saxons, the language was hardly
imported for the first time with these, but was to all
appearance handed down from one generation to another
there for thousands of years. In the rest of Gaul naturally
during the course of the imperial period Roman habits
step by step gained ground; but the Celtic idiom was
put an end to here, not so much by the Germanic immi-
gration as by the Christianising of Gaul, which did not,

Evidences
of con-
tinued use
of Celtic,

102 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

as in Syria and Egypt, adopt and make a vehicle of the
language of the country that was set aside by the govern-
ment, but preached the Gospel in Latin.
Romanis- In the progress of Romanising, which in Gaul, apart
i are from the southern province, continued to be left in sub-
stance to inward development, there is apparent a remark-
able diversity between the eastern Gaul and the west and
north—a difference, which turns doubtless in part, but
not solely, on the contrast between the Germans and the
Gauls. In the occurrences at and after Nero’s fall this
diversity comes into prominence even as exercising a
political influence. The close contact of the eastern
cantons with the camps on the Rhine and the recruiting
of the Rhenish legions, which took place especially here,
procured earlier and more complete entrance for Roman
habits there than in the region of the Loire and the Seine.
On occasion of those quarrels the Rhenish cantons—the
Celtic Lingones and Treveri, as well as the Germanic Ubii
or rather the Agrippinenses—went with the Roman town
of Lugudunum and held firmly to the legitimate Roman
government, while the insurrection, at least, as was
observed, in a certain sense national, originated from the
Sequani, Haedui, and Arverni. In a later phase of the
same struggle we find under altered party-relations the
same disunion—those eastern cantons in league with the
Germans, while the diet of Rheims refuses to join them.
Native While the Gallic land was thus in respect of language
road-meas- . e o . e °
urement, treated in the main just like the other provinces, we again
meet with forbearance towards its old institutions in the
regulations as to weights and measures. It is true that,
alongside of the general imperial ordinance, which was
issued in this respect by Augustus, the local observances
continued in many places to subsist agreeably to the
tolerant, or rather indifferent, attitude of the government
in such things ; but it was only in Gaul that the local.
arrangement afterwards supplanted that of the empire.
The roads in the whole Roman empire were measured
and marked according to the unit of the Roman mile
(1.48 kilom.), and up to the end of the second century

CHAP, ILI, THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 103

this applied also to those provinces. But from Severus
onward its place was taken in the three Gauls and the
two Germanies by a mile correlated no doubt to the
Roman, but yet different and with a Gallic name, the
leuga (2.22 kilomètres), equal to one and a half Roman
miles. Severus cannot possibly have wished in this
matter to make a national concession to the Celts ; this
is not in keeping either with the epoch or with that em-
peror in particular, who stood in an attitude of expressed
hostility to these very provinces ; it must have been con-
siderations of expediency that influenced him. These
could only be based on the fact that the national road-
measure, the /euga or else the double uga, the German
rasta, which latter corresponds to the French /eue, con-
tinued to subsist in these provinces after the introduction
of the unit of road-measure to a much greater extent
than was the case in other countries of the empire.
Augustus must have extended the Roman mile formally
to Gaul and placed the itineraries and the imperial high-
ways on that footing, but must have in reality left to the
country the old road-measurement ; and so it may have
happened that the later administration found it less incon-
venient to acquiesce in the double unit for postal traffic?
than to continue to make use of a road-measure practi-
cally unknown in the country.

Of far greater significance is the attitude of the Roman
government to the religion of the country ; in this beyond
doubt the Gallic nationality found its most solid support.
Even in the south province the worship of non-Roman
deities must have held its ground long, much longer than,
for example, in Andalusia. The great commercial town
of Arelate, indeed, has no other dedications to show than
to gods worshipped also in Italy; but in Fréjus, Aix,
Nimes, and the whole coast region generally, the old
Celtic divinities were in the imperial epoch not much less
worshipped than in the interior of Gaul. In the Iberian
part of Aquitania also we meet numerous traces of the

1 The posting-books and itineraries ‘Toulouse that here the ugue be-
do not fail to remark at Lyons and gin.

Religion of

thecountry.

iv, 225.

104 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

indigenous worship altogether different from the Celtic.
All the images of gods, however, that have come to light
in the south of Gaul bear a stamp deviating less from the
usual type than the monuments of the north ; and, above
all, it was easier to manage matters with the national gods
than with the national priesthood, which meets us only in
imperial Gaul and in the British Islands,—the Druids (iv.
236). It would be vain labour to seek to give any con-
ception of the internal character of the Druidic doctrine,
strangely composed of speculation and imagination ; only
some examples may be allowed to illustrate its singular
and fearful nature. The power of speech was symbolically
represented in a bald-headed, wrinkled, sunburnt old man,
who carries club and bow, and from whose perforated
tongue fine golden chains run to the ears of the man that
follows him-——betokening the flying arrows and the crush-
ing blows of the old man mighty in speech, to whom the
hearts of the multitude willingly listen. This was the
Ogmius of the Celts; to the Greeks he appeared as
a Charon dressed up as Herakles. An altar found in
Paris shows us three images of the gods with annexed
inscription ; in the middle Jovis, on his left Vulcan, on
his right Esus “the horrid with his cruel altars,” as a
Roman poet terms him, and yet a god of commerce and
of peaceful dealing ;! he is girded for labour like Vulcan,
and, as the latter carries hammer and tongs, so he hews
a willow tree with the axe. A frequently recurring deity,
probably named Cernunnos, is represented cowering with
crossed legs; on its head it bears a stag’s antlers, on
which hangs a neck chain, and holds in its lap a money-
bag ; before it stand cattle and goats—apparently, as if
it were meant to express the ground as the source of
riches. The enormous difference of this Celtic Olympus—
void of all chasteness and beauty and delighting in quaint
and fantastic mingling of things very earthly—from the
simply human forms of the Greek, and the simply human

1 The second Berne gloss on Lucan, ible, says of him: Hesum Mercurium
i. 445, which rightly makes Teutates colunt, st quidem a mercatoribus
Mars, and seems also otherwise cred- colitur.

i

CHAP, IIL THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 105

conceptions of the Roman, religion enables us to guess the
barrier which stood between these conquered and their
conquerors. With this were connected, moreover, very
serious practical consequences ; a comprehensive traffic in
secret remedies and charms, in which the priests played
at the same time the part of physicians, and in which,
alongside of the conjuring and the blessing, human sacri-
fices occurred, and healing of the sick by the flesh of those
thus slain. That direct opposition to the foreign rule pre-
vailed in the Druidism of this period cannot at least be
proved ; but, even if this were not the case, it is easy to
conceive that the Roman government, which elsewhere let
alone all local peculiarities of worship with indifferent
toleration, contemplated this Druidical system, not merely
in its extravagances but as a whole, with apprehension.
The institution of the Gallic annual festival in the purely
Roman capital of the country, and with the exclusion of
any link attaching it to the national cultus, was evidently
a counter-move of the government against the old religion
of the country, with its yearly council of priests at
Chartres, the centre of the Gallic land. Augustus, how-
ever, took no further direct step against Druidism than
that of prohibiting any Roman citizen from taking part in
the Gallic national cultus. Tiberius in his more energetic
way acted with decision, and prohibited altogether this
priesthood with its retinue of teachers and healing practi-
tioners ; but it does not quite speak for the practical
success of this enactment that the same prohibition was
issued afresh under Claudius: it is narrated of the latter
that he caused a Gaul of rank to be beheaded, simply
because he was convicted of having brought into applica-
tion the charms customary in his own country for a good
result in proceedings before the emperor. That the
occupation of Britain, which had been from of old the
chief seat of these priestly actings, was in good part
resolved on in order thereby to get at the root of the evil,
will be fully set forth in the sequel (p. 185). In spite of all
this the priesthood still played an important part in the
revolt which the Gauls attempted after the downfall of

on ae

K-

Economic
condition

106 THE GALLIC PROVINCES, BOOK VIIL

the Claudian dynasty ; the burning of the Capitol—so the
Druids preached—announced the revolution in affairs, and
the beginning of the dominion of the north over the south.
But, although this oracle came subsequently to be fulfilled,
it was not so through this nation and in favour of its
priests. The peculiarities of the Gallic worship doubtless
still exerted their effect even later; when in the third
century a distinctive Gallo-Roman empire came into exist-
ence for some time, Hercules played the first part on its
coins partly in his Graeco-Roman form, partly as Gallic
Deusoniensis or Magusanus. But of the Druids there is
no further mention, except only so far as the sage women
in Gaul down to the time of Diocletian passed under the
name of Druidesses and uttered oracles, and the ancient
noble houses still for long boasted of Druidic progenitors
on their ancestral roll. The religion of the country fell
into the background still more rapidly perhaps than the
native language, and Christianity, as it pushed its way,
hardly encountered in the former any serious resistance.
Southern Gaul, withdrawn more than any other pro-
vince by its position from hostile assault, and, like Italy
and Andalusia, a land of the olive and the fig, rose under
the imperial government to great prosperity and rich
urban development. The amphitheatre and the sar-
cophagus-field of Arles, the “mother of all Gaul,” the
theatre of Orange, the temples and bridges still standing
erect to this day in and near Nimes, are vivid witnesses
of this down to the present time. Even in the northern
provinces the old prosperity of the country was enhanced
by the lasting peace, which, certainly with lasting pressure
of taxation, accrued to the land by means of the foreign
rule. “In Gaul,” says a writer of the time of Vespasian,
“the sources of wealth are at home, and flood the earth
with their abundance.”* Perhaps nowhere do equally

1 Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 16, 4.
There king Agrippa asks his Jews
whether they imagined themselves to
be richer than the Gauls, braver than
the Germans, more sagacious than
the Hellenes. With this all other

testimonies accord. Nero hears of the
revolt not unwillingly occastone nata
spoliandarum iure belli opulentissi-
marum provinciarum (Suetonius,
Nero, 40; Plut. Gals. 5); the booty
taken from the insurgent army of

CHAP. III, THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 107

numerous and equally magnificent country-houses make
their appearance,—especially in the east of Gaul, on the
Rhine and its affluents; we discern clearly the rich Gallic
nobility. Famous is the testament of a man of rank
among the Lingones, who directs that there should be
erected for him a memorial tomb and a statue of Italian
marble or best bronze, and that, among other things, his
whole implements for hunting and fowling be burned
along with him. This reminds us of the elsewhere men-
tioned hunting-parks enclosed for miles in the Celtic
country, and of the prominent part which the Celtic
hounds for the chase and Celtic huntsmanship play in the
Xenophon of Hadrian’s time, who does not fail to add
that the hunting system of the Celts could not have been
known to Xenophon the son of Gryllos. To this connection
belongs likewise the remarkable fact that in the Roman
army of the imperial period the cavalry was, properly
speaking, Celtic, not merely inasmuch as it was pre-
eminently recruited from Gaul, but also because the
manceuvres, and even the technical expressions, were in
good part derived from the Celts; we see here how,
after the disappearance of the old burgess-cavalry under
the republic, the cavalry became reorganised by Caesar
and Augustus with Gallic men and in Gallic fashion.
The basis of this notable prosperity was agriculture,
towards the elevation of which Augustus himself worked
with energy, and which yielded rich produce in all Gaul,
apart perhaps from the steppe-region on the Aquitanian
coast. The rearing of cattle was also lucrative, especially
in the north, particularly the rearing of swine and sheep,
which soon acquired importance for manufactures and
for export; the Menapian hams (from Flanders) and
the Atrebatian and Nervian cloth-mantles (near Arras

Vindex is immense (Tac. Mist. i. 51).

Tacitus (72st. iii. 46) calls the Haedui
pecunia dites et voluptatibus opulentos.
The general of Vespasian is not wrong
in saying to the revolted Gauls in
Tac. Hist. iv. 74 : Regna bellaque per
Gallias semper fuere, donec in nostrum
ius concederetis; nos quamquam totiens

lacessiti iure victoriae id solum vobis
addidimus quo pacem tueremur, nam
neque quies gentium sine armis negue
arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia
sine tributis haberi queunt. The
taxes doubtless pressed heavily, but
not so heavily as the old state of
feud and club-law.

ew M a ee T a OOO, ee a “ree eee a a O O a a VENRA

Culture of
the vine.

iii. 177; ii.
375.

108 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIIL

and Tournay) went forth in later times to the whole
empire.

Of special interest was the development of the culture
of the vine. Neither the climate nor the government was
favourable to it. The “Gallic winter” remained long
proverbial among the inhabitants of the southern lands ;
as, indeed, it was on this side that the Roman empire
extended farthest towards the north. But narrower
limits were drawn for the Gallic cultivation of the vine
by Italian commercial competition. Certainly the god
Dionysos accomplished his conquest of the world on the
whole slowly, and only step by step did the drink pre-
pared from grain give way to the juice of the vine; but
it was a result of the prohibitive system that in Gaul beer
maintained itself at least in the north as the usual spirit-
uous drink throughout the whole period of the empire ; and
even the emperor Julian, on his abode in Gaul, came into
conflict with this pseudo-Bacchus.! The imperial govern-
ment did not indeed go so far as the republic, which
placed under police prohibition the culture of the vine
and olive on the south coast of Gaul (iii. 175 ; ii. 398);
but the Italians of their time were withal the true sons of
their fathers. The flourishing condition of the two great
emporia on the Rhine, Arles and Lyons, depended in no

small degree on the market for Italian wine in Gaul; by .

which fact we may measure what importance the culture
of the vine must at that time have had for Italy. If one
of the most careful administrators who held the imperial
office, Domitian, issued orders that in all the provinces at
least the half of the vines should be destroyed?—which,

1 This epigram on ‘‘ barley-wine”’
is preserved (Asthol. Pal. ix. 368):
Tis wédev els, Arcdvuce; pa yap Tov

é\nGéa Bdxxov,

ob d émiyryvdoxw* Tov Acés olda uóvov.
kelvos véxrap Sdwide* od è rpáyov' À

pd oe KeXrol

Th wevly Borpiwy redtay dn’

doraxtwr.
TË oe xph xadéew Anphrpov, où
Acévucor,
wupoyévy paddov Kat Bpduov, où
Bpómov.

On an earthen ring found in Paris
(Mowat, Bull. épig. de la Gaule, ii.
110; iii. 133), which is hollow and
adapted for the filling of cups, the
drinker says to the host: copo, con-
ditu(m) [cnoditu is a misspelling]
abes; est reple(n)da— Host, thou
hast more in the cellar; the flask is
empty ;” and to the barmaid : ospita,
reple lagona(m) cervesa—*‘ Girl, fill
the flask with beer.”

2 Suetonius, Dom. 7. When it was

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES.

109
it is true, were not so carried out—we may thence infer
that the diffusion of the vine-culture was at all events sub-
jected to serious restriction on the part of the government.
In the Augustan age it was still unknown in the northern
part of the Narbonese province (iv. 227, note), and, though
here too it was soon taken up, it yet appears to have re-
mained through centuries restricted to the Narbonensis and
southern Aquitania; of Gallic wines the better age knows
only the Allobrogian and the Biturigian, according to our
way of speaking, the Burgundian and the Bordeaux.' It
was only when the reins of the empire fell from the hands
of the Italians, in the course of the third century, that this
was changed, and the emperor Probus (276-282) at length
threw the culture of the vine open to the provincials.
Probably it was only in consequence of this that the vine
gained a firm footing on the Seine as on the Moselle.
“I have,” writes the emperor Julian, “spent a winter” (it
was the winter of 357-358) “in dear Lutetia, for so the
Gauls term the little town of the Parisii, a small island
lying in the river and walled all round. The water is there
excellent and pure to look at and to drink; the in-
habitants have a pretty mild winter, and good wine is
grown among them ; in fact, some even rear figs, covering
them up in winter with wheaten straw as with a cloth.”
And not much later the poet of Bordeaux, in his pleasing
description of the Moselle, depicts the vineyards as border-
ing that river on both banks, “just as my own vines
wreathe for me the yellow Garonne.”

The internal intercourse, as well as that with the
neighbouring lands, especially with Italy, must have been
very active, and the network of roads must have been
much developed and fostered. The great imperial high-
way from Rome to the mouth of the Baetis, which has

specified as a reason, that the higher
prices of corn were occasioned by the
conversion of agricultural land into
vineyards, that was of course a pre-
text which calculated on the want of
intelligence in the public.

1 When Hehn still appeals (Xul-
turpflanzen, p. 76) for the vine-culture

of the Arverni and the Sequani, beyond
the Narbonensis, to Pliny, Æ. N. xiv.
I, 18, he follows discarded interpola-
tions of the text. It is possible that
the sterner imperial government in the
three Gauls kept back the cultivation
of the vine more than the lax sena-
torial rule in the Narbonensis.

iv, 217

Network of
highways.

IIO THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIIL

been mentioned, under Spain (p. 74), was the main artery
for the land traffic of the south province; the whole
stretch, kept in repair in republican times from the Alps
to the Rhone by the Massaliots, from thence to the Pyrenees
by the Romans, was laid anew by Augustus. In the north
the imperial highways led mainly to the Gallic capital or
to the great camps on the Rhine; yet sufficient provi-
sion seems to have been made for other requisite communi-
cation.

If the southern province in the olden time belonged
intellectually to the Hellenic type, the decline of Massilia
and the mighty progress of Romanism in southern Gaul
produced, no doubt, an alteration in that respect; never-
theless this portion of Gaul remained always, like Cam-
pania, a seat of Hellenism. The fact that Nemausus, one
of the towns sharing the heritage of Massilia, shows on its
coins of the Augustan period Alexandrian numbering of the
years and the arms of Egypt, has been not without prob-
ability referred to the settlement by Augustus himself of
veterans from Alexandria in this city, which presented no
attitude of opposition to Hellenism. It may, doubtless, also
be brought into connection with the influence of Massilia,
that to this province, at least as regards descent, belonged
that historian, who—apparently in intentional contrast to
the national-Roman type of history, and occasionally
with sharp sallies against its most noted representatives,
Sallust and Livy—upheld the Hellenic type, the Vocontian
Pompeius Trogus, author of a history of the world begin-
ning with Alexander and the kingdoms of the Diadochi,
in which Roman affairs are set forth only within this
framework, or by way of appendix. Beyond doubt in this
he was only retaliating, which was strictly within the province
of the literary opposition of Hellenism; still it remains
remarkable that this tendency should find its Latin re-
presentative, and an adroit and fluent one, here in the
Augustan age. From a later period Favorinus deserves
mention, of an esteemed burgess-family in Arles, one of
the chief pillars of polymathy in Hadrian’s time ; a philo-
sopher with an Aristotelian and sceptical tendency, at the

CHAP. III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. III

same time a philologue and rhetorician, the scholar of
-Dion of Prusa, the friend of Plutarch and of Herodes
Atticus, assailed polemically in the field of science by
Galen and in light literature by Lucian, sustaining lively
relations generally with the noted men of letters of the
second century, and not less with the emperor Hadrian.
His manifold investigations, among other matters, con-
cerning the names of the companions of Odysseus that
were devoured by Scylla, and as to the name of the first
man who was at the same time a man of letters, make
him appear as the genuine representative of the erudite
dealing in trifles that was then in vogue; and his discourses
for a cultivated public on Thersites and the ague, as
well as his conversations in part recorded for us “on all
things and some others,” give not an agreeable, but a
characteristic, picture of the literary pursuits of the time.
Here we have to call attention to what he himself reckoned
among the remarkable points ot his career in life, that he
was by birth a Gaul and at the same time a Greek author.
Although the ZÆzzerati of the West frequently gave, as
occasion offered, specimens of their Greek, but few of
them made use of this as the proper language of their
authorship ; in this case its use would be influenced. in
part by the scholar’s place of birth.

South Gaul, moreover, had so far a share in the
Augustan bloom of literature, that some of the most
notable forensic orators of the later Augustan age,
Votienus Montanus (t 27 A.D.), from Narbo—named the
Ovid of orators—and Gnaeus Domitius Afer (consul in
39 A.D.) from Nemausus, belonged to this province.
Generally, as was natural, Roman literature extended its
circulation also over this region ; the poets of Domitian’s
time sent their free copies to friends in Tolosa and Vienna.
Pliny, under Trajan, is glad that his minor writings find
even in Lugudunum not merely favourable readers, but
booksellers who push their sale. But we cannot produce
evidence for the south of any such special influence, as
Baetica exercised in the earlier, and northern Gaul in the
later, imperial period, on the intellectual and literary

Latin litera.
ture in the

south pro- `
vince,

ke,
=; h

Literature
in imperial
Gaul,

112 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

development of Rome. The fair land yielded richly
wine and fruits; but the empire drew from it neither
soldiers nor thinkers.

Gaul proper was in the domain of science the promised
land of teaching and of learning ; this presumably was
due to the peculiar development and to the powerful
influence of the national priesthood. Druidism was by no
means a naive popular faith, but a highly developed and
pretentious theology, which in the good church-fashion
strove to enlighten, or at any rate control, all spheres of
human thought and action, physics and metaphysics, law
and medicine ; which demanded of its scholars unwearied
study, it was said, for twenty years, and sought and found
these its scholars pre-eminently in the ranks of the
nobility. The suppression of the Druids by Tiberius and
his successors must have affected in the first instance
these schools of the priests, and have led to their being
at least publicly abolished ; but this could only be done
effectively when the national training of youth was brought
face to face with the Romano-Greek culture, just as the
Carnutic council of Druids was confronted with the temple
of Roma in Lyons. How early this took place in Gaul,
without question under the guiding influence of the
government, is shown by the remarkable fact that in the
formerly mentioned revolt under Tiberius the insurgents
attempted above all to possess themselves of the town of
Augustodunum (Autun), in order to get into their power
the youths of rank studying there, and thereby to gain or
to terrify the great families. In the first instance these
Gallic Lycea may well have been, in spite of their by no
means national course of training, a leaven of distinctively
Gallic nationality ; it was hardly an accident that the
most important of them at that time had its seat, not in
the Roman Lyons, but in the capital of the Haedui, the
chief among the Gallic cantons. But the Romano-Hel-
lenic culture, though perhaps forced on the nation and
received at first with opposition, penetrated, as gradually
the antagonism wore off, so deeply into the Celtic charac-
ter, that in time the scholars applied themselves to it

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. 113

more zealously than the teachers. The training of a
gentleman, somewhat after the manner in which it at
present exists in England, based on the study of Latin
and in the second place of Greek, and vividly reminding
us in the development of the school-speech, with its finely
cut points and brilliant phrases, of more recent literary
phenomena springing from the same soil, became gradually
in the West a sort of chartered right of the Gallo-
Romans. The teachers there were probably at all times
better paid than in Italy, and above all were better treated.
Quintilian already mentions with respect among the pro-
minent forensic orators several Gauls; and not without
design Tacitus, in his fine dialogue on oratory, makes the
Gallic advocate, Marcus Aper, the defender of modern
eloquence against the worshippers of Cicero and Caesar.
The first place among the universities of Gaul was subse-
quently taken by Burdigala, and indeed generally Aquit-
ania was, as respects culture, far in advance of middle and
northern Gaul; in a dialogue written there at the begin-
ning of the fifth century one of the speakers, a clergyman
from Ch4alon-sur-Saéne, hardly ventures to open his mouth
before the cultivated Aquitanian circle. This was the
sphere of working of the formerly-mentioned professor
Ausonius, who was called by the emperor Valentinian to
be teacher of his son Gratian (born in 359), and who has
in his miscellaneous poems raised a monument to a large
mumber of his colleagues; and, when his contemporary
Symmachus, the most famous orator of this epoch, sought
a private tutor for his son, he had one brought from Gaul
in recollection of his old teacher who had his home on
the Garonne. By its side Augustodunum remained always
one of the great centres of Gallic studies; we have still
the speeches which were made before the emperor Con-
Stantine, asking, and giving thanks for, the re-establish-
ment of this school of instruction.

The representation in literature of this zealous
Scholastic activity is of a subordinate kind, and of slight
value—declamations, which were stimulated especially by
. the later conversion of Treves into an imperial residence
VOL. I. 8

Construc-
tive and
plastic art.

114 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

and the frequent sojourn of the court in the Gallic land,
and occasional poems of a multifarious character. The
making of verses was, like the supply of speeches, a
necessary function of the teaching office, and the public
teacher of literature was at the same time a poet not
exactly born, but bespoken. At least the depreciation
of poetry, which is characteristic of the otherwise similar
Hellenic literature of the same epoch, did not prevail
among these Occidentals. In their verses the reminiscence
of the school and the artifice of the pedant predominate,’
and pictures of vivid and real feeling, as in the Moselle-
trip of Ausonius, but rarely occur. The speeches, which
we are indeed in a position to judge of only by some late
addresses delivered at the imperial palace, are models in
the art of saying little in many words, and of expressing
absolute loyalty with an equally absolute lack of thought.
When a wealthy mother sent her son, after he had acquired
the copiousness and ornateness of Gallic speech, onward
to Italy to acquire also the Roman dignity, this was
certainly more difficult of acquisition for these Gallic
thetoricians than the pomp of words. For the early
Middle age such performances as these exercised decisive
influence ; through them in the first Christian period
Gaul became the seat proper of pious verses and withal
the last refuge of scholastic literature, while the great
mental movement within Christianity did not find its chief
representatives there.

In the sphere of the constructive and plastic arts the
climate itself called forth various phenomena unknown,
or known only in their germs, to the south proper. Thus
the heating of the air, which in Italy was usual only for

1 One of the professorial poems of Obstitit nostrae guia, credo, mentis
Ausonius is dedicated to four Greek Tardior sensus, neque disciplinis

grammarians :— Appulit Graecis puerilis aevi
Sedulum cunctis studium docendi ; Noxius error.
Fructus exilis tenuisgue sermo ;
Sed, quia nostro docuere in atvo, f hn thoughts have frequently
Comuiemorands ound utterance, but seldom in Sap-

phic measure.
23 Romana gravitas, Hieronymus,
Ep. 125, p. 929, Vall.

This mention is the more meri-
torious, seeing that he had learned
nothing suitable from them :—

CHAP, III. THE GALLIC PROVINCES. IIS

baths, and the use of glass windows, which was likewise
far from common there, were comprehensively brought
into application in Gallic architecture. But we may
perhaps speak of a development of art peculiar to this
region, in so far as figures and, in progress of time,
representations of scenes of daily life emerge in the
Celtic territory with relatively greater frequency than in
Italy, and replace the used-up mythological representations
by others more pleasing. It is certainly almost in the
sepulchral monuments alone that we are able to recognise
this tendency to the real and the genre, but it doubtless
prevailed in the practice of art generally. The arch of
Arausio (Orange), from the early imperial period, with
its Gallic weapons and standards; the bronze statue of
the Berlin museum found at Vetera, representing apparently
the god of the place with ears of barley in his hair; the
Hildesheim silver-plate, probably proceeding in part from
Gallic workshops, show a certain freedom in the adoption
and transformation of Italian suggestions. The tomb of
the Julii at St. Remy, near Avignon, a work of the
Augustan age, is a remarkable evidence of the lively and
spirited reception of Hellenic art in southern Gaul, as
well in its bold architectural structure of two square
storeys crowned by a peristyle with conic dome, as also
in its reliefs which, in style most nearly akin to the
Pergamene, present battle and hunting scenes with numer-
ous figures, taken apparently from the life of the persons
honoured, in picturesque animated execution. It is
remarkable that the acme of this development is reached
—by the side of the southern province—in the district of
the Moselle and the Maas. This region, not placed so
completely under Roman influence as Lyons and the
headquarter-towns on the Rhine, and more wealthy and
civilised than the districts on the Loire and the Seine,
seems to have in some measure produced of itself this
exercise of art. The tomb of a man of rank in Treves,
well known under the name of the Igel Column, gives
a clear idea of the tower-like monuments, crowned with
pointed roof and covered on all sides with representations

116 THE GALLIC PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

of the life of the deceased, that are here at home.
Frequently we see on them the landlord, to whom his
peasants present sheep, fish, fowls, eggs. A tomb-
stone from Arlon, near Luxemburg, shows, besides the
portraits of the two spouses, on the one side a cart and
a woman with a fruit-basket, on the other a sale of
apples above two men squatting on the ground. Another
tombstone from Neumagen, near Treves, has the form of
a ship; in this sit six mariners plying the oars; the
cargo consists of large casks, alongside of which the
merry-looking steersman seems—one might imagine—
to be rejoicing over the wine which they contain. We
may perhaps bring them into connection with the serene
picture which the poet of Bordeaux has preserved to us
of the Moselle valley, with its magnificent castles, its
many vineyards, and its stirring doings of fishermen and
of sailors, and find in it the proof that in this fair land,
more than fifteen hundred years ago, there was already
the pulsation of peaceful activity, serene enjoyment, and
warm life.

CHAPTER IV.
ROMAN GERMANY AND THE FREE GERMANS.

THE two Roman provinces of Upper and Lower Germany Limitation
were the result of that defeat of the Roman arms and of a at
Roman policy under the reign of Augustus which has

been already (p. 55 f.) described. The original province

of Germany, which embraced the country from the Rhine

to the Elbe, subsisted only twenty years, from the first
campaign of Drusus, 742 U.C, down to the battle of z2.
Varus and the fall of Aliso, 762 U. C.; but as, on the ap. 9,
one hand, it included the military camps on the left bank

of the Rhine— Vindonissa, Mogontiacum, Vetera-——and,

on the other hand, even after that disaster, more or less
considerable portions of the right bank remained Roman,

the governorship and the command were not, in a strict
sense, done away by that catastrophe, although they
were, so to speak, placed in suspense. The internal
organisation of the Three Gauls has been already set
forth ; they embraced the whole country as far as the
Rhine without distinction of descent—except that the
Ubii, who had only been brought over to settle in Gaul
during the last crises, did not belong to the sixty-four
cantons, while the Helvetii, the Triboci, and generally

the districts elsewhere held in occupation by the Rhen-

ish troops, doubtless did so belong. The intention had

been to gather together the German cantons between

the Rhine and Elbe into a similar association under
Roman supremacy, as had been constituted in the case

of the Gallic cantons, and to bestow upon it, in the altar

Upper and
Lower Ger-
many.

118 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

to Augustus of the Ubian town—the germ of the modern
Cologne—an executive centre similar to that which the
altar of Augustus at Lyons formed for Gaul; for the
more remote future the transference of the chief camp to
the right bank of the Rhine, and the restoration of the
left, at least in the main, to the governor of the Belgica,
were doubtless in contemplation. But these projects
came to an end with the legions of Varus ; the Germanic
altar of Augustus on the Rhine became or remained
the altar of the Ubii; the legions permanently retained
their standing quarters in the territory, which properly
belonged to the Belgica, but—seeing that a separation of
the military and civil administration was, according to
the Roman arrangement, excluded—was placed, so long
as the troops were stationed there, for administrative
purposes also under the commandants of the two armies.’
For, as was formerly stated, Varus was probably the last
commandant of the united army of the Rhine; on the
increase of the army to eight legions, which was con-
sequent upon that disaster, the division of it to all
appearance also ensued. What we have to describe in
this section therefore is not, strictly speaking, the circum-
stances of a Roman province, but the fortunes of a Roman
army, and, as most closely connected therewith, the
fortunes of the neighbouring peoples and adversaries, so
far as these are interwoven with the history of Rome.
The two headquarters of the army of the Rhine were
always Vetera near Wesel and Mogontiacum, the modern
Mentz, both doubtless older than the division of the
command, and one of the reasons for introducing that
division. The two armies numbered in the first century

1 This division of a province among
three governors is without parallel
elsewhere in Roman administration.
The relation of Africa and Numidia
offers doubtless an external analogy,
but was politically conditioned by the
position of the senatorial governor to
the imperial military commandant,
while the three governors of Belgica
were uniformly imperial; and it is

not at all easy to see why the two
Germanic ones had districts within
the Belgica assigned to them instead
of districts of their own. Nothing
but the taking back of the frontier,
while the hitherto subsisting name was
retained—just as the Transdanubian
Dacia continued subsequently to sub-
sist in name as Cis- Danubian —
explains this singular peculiarity.

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS.

119

four legions each, thus about 30,000 men}; at or be-
tween those two points lay the main bulk of the Roman
troops, besides one legion at Noviomagus (Nimeguen),
another at Argentoratum (Strassburg), and a third at Vin-
donissa (Windisch not far from Ziirich) not far from the
Raetian frontier. To the lower army belonged the not
inconsiderable fleet on the Rhine. The boundary between
the upper and the lower army lay between Andernach and
Remagen near Brohl,? so that Coblenz and Bingen fell to
the upper, Bonn and Cologne to the lower military district.
On the left bank there belonged to the upper German
administrative circuit the districts of the Helvetii (Switzer-
land), the Sequani (Besançon), the Lingones (Langres),
the Rauraci (Basle), the Triboci (Alsace), the Nemetes
(Spires), and the Vangiones (Worms); to the more re-
stricted lower German circuit belonged the district of the
Ubii, or rather the colony Agrippina (Cologne), those of
the Tungri (Tongern), the Menapii (Brabant), and the
Batavi, while the cantons situated farther to the west,
including Metz and Treves, were placed under the dif-
ferent governors of the three Gauls. While this separation
has merely administrative significance, on the other hand
the varying extent of the two jurisdictions on the right

1 The strength of the auxilia of the division. At the minimum, there-

upper army may be fixed for the epoch
of Domitian and Trajan with tolerable
certainty at about 10,000 men. A
document of the year 90 enumerates
four alae and fourteen cohortes of this
army ; to these is to be added at least
one cohort (Z Germanorum), which, it
can be shown, did garrison-duty there
as well in the year 82 as in the year
116; whether two alae which were
there in the year 82, and at least
three cohorts which were there in
116, and which are absent from the
list of the year 90, were doing gar-
rison work there in 90 or not, is
doubtful, but most of them probably
were away from the province before
go or only came into it after go. Of
those nineteen auxz/ia one was certainly
(coh. I Damascenorum), another per-
haps (ala J Flavia gemina), a double

fore, the figure indicated above re-
sults as the normal state of the auxilia
of this army, and it cannot have been
materially exceeded. But the auxilia
of lower Germany, whose garrisons
were less extended, may well have
been smaller in number.

2 At the frontier bridge over the
rivulet Abrinca, now Vinxt, the old
boundary of the archdioceses of
Cologne and Treves, stood two al-
tars, that on the side of Remagen
dedicated to the Boundaries, the
Spirit of the place, and Jupiter (F#2-
bus et Genio loci et Jovi optimo
maximo) by soldiers of the 30th
lower German legion ; the other on
the side of Andernach, dedicated to
Jupiter, the Genius of the place, and
Juno, by a soldier of the 8th Upper
Germanic (Brambach, 649, 650).

Lower Ger-
many.

120 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

bank coincides with the varying relations to their neigh-
bours and the advancing or receding of the bounds of the
Roman rule conditioned by those relations. With these
neighbours confronting them, matters on the lower and
on the upper Rhine were regulated in ways so diverse, and
the course of events was so thoroughly different that here
the provincial separation became historically of the most
decisive importance. Let us look first at the develop-
ment of things on the lower Rhine.

We have formerly described how far the Romans had
subjugated the Germans on both banks of the Rhine.
The Germanic Batavi had been peacefully united with
the empire not by Caesar, but not long afterwards, perhaps
by Drusus (p. 28). They were settled in the Rhine delta,
that is on the left bank of the Rhine and on the islands
formed by its arms, upwards as far at least as the Old
Rhine, and so nearly from Antwerp to Utrecht and
Leyden in Zealand and southern Holland, on territory
originally Celtic—at least the local names are predomi-
nantly Celtic ; their name is still borne by the Betuwe, the
lowland between the Waal and the Leck with the capital
Noviomagus, now Nimeguen. They were, especially com-
pared with the restless and refractory Celts, obedient and
useful subjects, and hence occupied a distinctive position
in the aggregate, and particularly in the military system,
of the Roman empire. They remained quite free from
taxation, but were on the other hand drawn upon more
largely than any other canton in the recruiting ; this one
canton furnished to the army 1000 horsemen and 9000
foot soldiers ; besides, the men of the imperial body-guard
were taken especially from them. The command of these
Batavian divisions was conferred exclusively on native
Batavi. The Batavi were accounted indisputably not
merely as the best riders and swimmers of the army, but
also as the model of true soldiers, and in this case certainly
the good pay of the Batavian body-guard, as well as the
privilege of the nobles to serve as officers, considerably
confirmed their loyalty. These Germans accordingly had
taken no part either preparatory to, or consequent upon,

t
'

CHAP, IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 121

the disaster of Varus; and if Augustus, under the first
impression of the terrible news, discharged his Batavian
guard, he soon became convinced of the groundlessness of
his suspicion, and the troop was a short time afterwards
reinstated.

On the other bank of the Rhine next to the Batavi, in
the modern Kennemer district (North Holland beyond
Amsterdam), dwelt the Cannenefates, closely related to
them but less numerous; they are not merely named
among the tribes subjugated by Tiberius, but were also
treated like the Batavi in the furnishing of soldiers. The
Frisians, adjoining these further on, in the coast district
that is still named after them, as far as the lower Ems,
submitted to Drusus and obtained a position similar to
that of the Batavi. There was imposed on them instead
of tribute simply the delivery of a number of bullocks’
hides for the wants of the army; on the other hand they
had to furnish comparatively large numbers of men for
the Roman service. They were the most faithful allies of
Drusus as afterwards of Germanicus, useful to him in con-
structing canals as well as especially after the unfortunate
North Sea expeditions (p. 53). They were followed on
the east by the Chauci, a widely extended tribe of sailors
. and fishermen along the coast of the North Sea on both
sides of the Weser, perhaps from the Ems to the Elbe; they
were brought into subjection to the Romans by Drusus at
the same time with the Frisians, but not, like’ these,
without resistance. All these Germanic coast tribes sub-
mitted either by agreement or at any rate without any
severe struggle to the new rule, and as they had taken
no part in the rising of the Cherusci, they still continued
after the battle of Varus in their earlier relations to the
Roman empire; even from the more remote cantons of
the Frisians and the Chauci the garrisons were not at that
time withdrawn, and the latter still furnished a contingent
to the campaigns of Germanicus. On the renewed evacua-
tion of Germany in the year 17 the poor and distant land
of the Chauci, difficult of protection, seems certainly to
have been given up; at least there are no later evidences

Cannene-
fates.

Chauct,

- - ed. i iene

Ti i, m -

Limes and
desert-fron-
tier on the
lower
Rhine.

122 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

of the continuance of the Roman dominion there, and
some decades later we find them independent. But all
the land westward of the lower Ems remained with
the empire, whose boundary thus included the modern
Netherlands. The defence of this part of the imperial
frontier against the Germans not belonging to the empire
was left in the main to the subject maritime cantons
themselves.

Farther up the stream a different course was taken ;
a frontier-road was here marked off, and the land lying
between it and the Rhine was depopulated. With the
frontier-road drawn at a greater or less distance from the
Rhine, the Zzmes,! was associated the control of frontier-

1 Limes (from Hmus, across) is a
technical expression foreign to the
state of things under our [German] law,
and hence not to be reproduced in
our language, derived from the fact
that the Roman division of land,
which excludes all natural boundaries,
separates the squares, into which the
ground coming under the head of
private property is divided, by inter-
mediate paths of a definite breadth ;
these intermediate paths are the
limites, and so far the word always
denotes at once the boundary drawn
by man’s hand, and the road con-
structed by man’s hand. The word
retains this double signification even
in application to the state (Rudorff,
Grom. Inst. p. 289, puts the matter
incorrectly) ; “mes is not every im-
perial frontier, but only that which
is marked out by human hands, and
arranged at the same time for being
patrolled and having posts stationed
for frontier-defence (Vita Hadriani, 12;
locis in quibus barbari non fluminibus,
sed limitibus dividuntur), such as we
find in Germany and in Africa.
Therefore there are applied to the
laying-out of this Æmes the terms
that serve to designate the construc-
tion of roads, aperire (Velleius, ii. 121,
which is not to be understood, as
Müllenhoff, Zeitschr. fe d. Alterth.,
new series, ii. p. 32, would have
it, like our opening of a turnpike),

munire, agere (Frontinus, Strat. i. 3,
IO: mitibus per CXX m. p. achis).
Therefore the Zimes is not merely a
longitudinal line, but also of a certain
breadth (Tacitus, Amn. i. 50; castra
in limite locat). Hence the construc-
tion of the Ames is often combined
with that of the agger—that is, of the
road-embankment (Tacitus, 477. ii.
7: cuncta novis limitibus agperi-
busque permunita), and the shifting
of it with the transference of frontier-
posts (Tacitus, Germ. 29: limite acto
promotisque praesidiis) The Limes
is thus the imperial frontier-road,
destined for the regulation of frontier-
intercourse, inasmuch as the crossing
of it was allowed only at certain
points corresponding to the bridges
of the river boundary, and elsewhere
forbidden. This was doubtless effect-
ed in the first instance by patrolling
the line, and, so long as this was
done, the /:mes remained a boundary
road. It remained so too, when it
was fortified on both sides, as was
done in Britain and at the mouth of
the Danube ; the Britannic wall is also
termed “mes (p. 187, note 2). Posts
might also be stationed at the allowed
points of crossing, and the intervening
spaces of the frontier-roads might be
in some way rendered impassable. In
this sense the biographer of Hadrian
says in the above-quoted passage that
at the mites he stipitibus magnis in

—s

CHAP, IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 123

intercourse, as the crossing of this road was forbidden
altogether by night, and, as regards armed men, by day,
and was permitted in the case of others, as a rule, only
under special precautions for security and on payment
of the prescribed transit-dues. Such a road was drawn
opposite to the headquarters on the lower Rhine, in what
is now Miinster, by Tiberius after the disaster of Varus,
at some distance from the Rhine, seeing that between it
and the river stretched the “Caesian forest,’ the more
precise position of which is not known. Similar arrange-
ments must have been made at the same time in the
valleys of the Ruhr and the Sieg as far as that of the
Wied, where the province of the lower Rhine ended. This
road did not necessarily require to be militarily occupied
and arranged for defence, although of course the defence
of the frontier and the fortification of it always aimed at
making the frontier-road as far as possible secure. A
chief means for protecting the frontier was the depopula-
tion of the tract of land between the river and the road.
“The tribes on the right bank of the Rhine,” says a well-
informed author of the time of Tiberius, “have been in
part transferred by the Romans to the left bank, in part
withdrawn of their own accord into the interior.” This
applied, in what is now the Miinster country, to the Ger-
manic stocks earlier settled there of the Usipes, Tencteri,
Tubantes. In the campaigns of Germanicus these appear
lislodged from the Rhine, but still in the region of the
Lippe, afterwards, probably in consequence of those very
expeditions, farther southward opposite to Mentz. Their
old home lay thenceforth desolate, and formed the ex-
tensive pasture-country reserved for the herds of the

modum muralis sacpis funditus iactis
atgue conexis barbaros separavit. By
this means the frontier-road was con-
verted into a frontier-barricade pro-
vided with certain passages through
it, and such was the mes of
upper Germany in the developed shape
to be set forth in the sequel. We
may add that the word is not used
with this special import in the time

of the republic; and beyond doubt
this conception of the “mes only
originated with the institution of the
chain of posts enclosing the state,
where natural boundaries were want-
ing—a protection of the imperial
frontier, which was foreign to the
republic, but was the foundation of the
Augustan military system, and above
all, of the Augustan system of tolls.

Conflicts
with the
Frisii and
Chauci
under
Claudius,

124 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

lower Germanic army, on which in the year 58 first the
Frisii and then the Amsivarii, wandering homeless, thought
of settling, without being able to procure leave from the
Roman authorities to do so. Farther to the south at
least a portion of the Sugambri, who likewise were sub-
jected in great part to the same treatment, remained
settled on the right ban’ while other smaller tribes were
wholly dislodged. Thes ‘ty population tolerated within
the Limes were, as a mua.ter of course, subjects of the
empire, as is confirmed by the Roman levy taking place
among the Sugambri.

In this way matters were arranged on the lower Rhine
after the abandonment of the more comprehensive pro-
jects, and thus a not inconsiderable territory on the right
bank was still held by the Romans. But various incon-
venient complications arose in connection with it. Towards
the end of the reign of Tiberius (28) the Frisians, in
consequence of intolerable oppression in the levying of
tribute in itself small, revolted from the empire, slew the
people employed in levying it, and besieged the Roman
commandant acting there, with the rest of the Roman
soldiers and civilians sojourning in the territory, in the
fortress of Flevum, where, previous to the extension of the
Zuyder See that took place in the Middle Ages, lay the
eastmost mouth of the Rhine, near the modern island
Vlieland beside the Texel. The rising assumed such
proportions that both armies of the Rhine marched in
concert against the Frisians ; but still the governor Lucius
Apronius accomplished nothing. The Frisians gave up
the siege of the fortress, when the Roman fleet brought up
the legions ; but it was difficult to get near the Frisians

2 The Sugambri transplanted to
the left bank are not subsequently
mentioned under this name, and are
probably the Cugerni dwelling below
Cologne on the Rhine. But that the
Sugambri on the right bank, whom
Strabo mentions, were at least still in
existence in the time of Claudius, is
shown by the cohort named after this
emperor, and thus certainly formed

under him, doubtless of Sugambri
(C. 7. L. iti, p. 877); and they,
as well as the four other probably
Augustan cohorts of this name, con-
firm what Strabo also in a strict sense
says, that these Sugambri belonged
to the Roman empire. They disap-
peared doubtless, like the Mattiaci,
only amidst the tempests of the migra-
tion of nations.

CHAP. IV, AND THE FREE GERMANS 125

themselves in a country so much intersected ; several Roman
corps were destroyed in detail, and the Roman advanced
guard was so thoroughly defeated that even the dead
bodies of the fallen were left in the power of the enemy.
The matter was not brought to a decisive action, nor yet
to a true subjugation , Tiberius, the older he grew, became
ever less inclined to larger enterprises, which gave to the
general in command a position of power. With this state
of things was connected the fact that in the immediately
succeeding years the neighbours of the Frisians, the
Chauci, became very troublesome to the Romans; in
the year 41 the governor Publius Gabinius Secundus
had to undertake an expedition against them, and six
years later (47) they even pillaged far and wide the coast
of Gaul with their light piratical vessels under the leader-
ship of the Roman deserter Gannascus, by birth one of
the Cannenefates. Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo, nominated
governor of Lower Germany by Claudius, put a stop
with his fleet to these forerunners of the Saxons and
Normans, and afterwards vigorously brought back the
Frisians to obedience, by organising anew their common-
wealth and stationing a Roman garrison among them.
Corbulo had the intention of chastising the Chauci also;
at his instigation Gannascus was put out of the way—
against a deserter he held himself entitled to take this
course—and he was on the point of crossing the Ems
and advancing into the country of the Chauci, when not
only did he receive counter-orders from Rome, but the
Roman government wholly and completely altered its
attitude on the lower Rhine. The emperor Claudius
directed the governor to remove all Roman garrisons
from the right bank. We may well conceive that the
imperial general with bitter words commended the good
fortune of the free commanders of Rome in former days ;
in this step certainly there was a conclusive admission of
defeat, which had been but partially owned after the
battle of Varus. Probably this restriction of the Roman
occupation of Germany, which was not occasioned by any
pressure of immediate necessity, was called forth by the

The occu-
pation of
the right
bank aban.
doned.

i a a T T;

Jis subse-
quent posi-
tion.

126 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

resolve just then adopted to occupy Britain, and finds its
justification in the fact that the troops were not sufficient
for accomplishing both objects at once. That the order
was executed, and matters remained afterwards in that
position, is proved by the absence of Roman military in-
scriptions on the whole right bank of the lower Rhine.’
Only isolated points for crossing and sally-ports, such as,
in particular, Deutz opposite Cologne, formed exceptions
from this general rule. The military road keeps here to
the left bank and strictly to the course of the Rhine,
while the traffic-route running behind it, cutting off the
windings, pursues the straight line of communication.
Here on the right bank of the Rhine there is no evidence
of Roman military roads, either through the discovery of
milestones or otherwise.

The withdrawal of the garrisons did not imply giving
up possession, strictly speaking, of the right bank in this
province. It was looked upon by the Romans thenceforth
somewhat as the commandant of a fortress looks upon the
ground that lies under his cannon. The Cannenefates and
at least a part of the Frisians? were afterwards subject, as
before,to the empire. We have already remarked that subse-
quently in the Miinster country the herds of the legions still
pastured, and the Germans were not allowed to settle there.
But the government thenceforth relied—for the defence
of such border-territory on the right bank as still existed

1 The fortress of Niederbiber, not
far from the point at which the Wied
falls into the Rhine, as well as that of
Arzbach, near Montabaur, in the region
of the Lahn, belong to upper Ger-
many. The special significance of
the former stronghold, the largest
fortress in upper Germany, turned
on the fact that it, in a military point
of view, closed the Roman lines on
the right bank of the Rhine.

2 The levies (Zp4. Epigr. v. p. 274)
require us to assume this, while the
Frisians, as they come forward in the
year 58 (Tacitus, Amn. xiii. 54)
rather appear independent ; the elder
Pliny also (Æ. N: xxv. 3, 22) under
Vespasian names them, looking back

to the time of Germanicus, as gens
tum fida. Probably this is connected
with the distinction between the
Frisii and Fristavones in Pliny, H. N.
iv. 15, ror, and between the Frist:
matores and minores in Tacitus, Germ.
34. The Frisians that remained
Roman would be the western; the
free, the eastern; if the Frisians
generally reach as far as the Ets
(Ptolem. iii. 11, 7), those subsequently
Roman may have settled perhaps to
the westward of the Yssel We may
not put them elsewhere than on the
coast that still bears their name ; the
designation in Pliny, iv. 17, 106,
stands isolated, and is beyond doubt
incorrect.

CHAP, IV, AND THE FREE GERMANS. ray

in this province—in the north on the Cannenefates and the
Frisians, and farther up the stream substantially on the
space left desolate; and, if it did not directly forbid, at
any rate did not give scope to Roman settlement there.
The altar stone of a private person found at Altenberg
(circuit of Miilheim), on the river Dhiin, is almost the only
evidence of Roman inhabitants in these regions. This is
the more remarkable, as the prosperity of Cologne would,
if special hindrances had not here stood in the way, have
of itself carried Roman civilisation far and wide on the
other bank. Often enough Roman troops may have
traversed these extensive regions, perhaps even have kept
the roads—which were here laid out in large number
during the Augustan period—in some measure passable,
and possibly laid out new ones; sparse settlers, partly
remains of the old Germanic population, partly colonists
from the empire, may have settled here, similar to those
that we shall soon find in the earlier imperial period on
the right bank of the upper Rhine; but the highways,
like the possessions, lacked the stamp of durability. There
was no wish to undertake here a labour of similar extent
and difficulty to that which we shall become acquainted
with further on in the upper province, or to provide here,
as was done there, military defence and fortification for
the frontier of the empire. Therefore the lower Rhine
was crossed doubtless by Roman rule, but not, like the
upper Rhine, also by Roman culture.

For the double task of keeping the neighbouring Gaul
in obedience and of keeping the Germans of the right
bank aloof from Gaul, the army of the lower Rhine would,
even after abandoning the occupation of the region on the
right of the river, have quite sufficed, and the peace with-
out and within would not presumably have been inter-
rupted, had not the downfall of the Julio-Claudian dynasty,
and the civil or rather military war thereby called forth,
exercised a momentous influence on these relations. The
insurrection of the Celtic land under the leadership of
Vindex was no doubt defeated by the two Germanic
armies ; but Nero’s fall nevertheless ensued, and when

The situa-
tion in Gau}
and Ger-

Many after
the fall of
Nero.

128 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

the Spanish army as well as the imperial guard in Rome
appointed a successor to him, the armies of the Rhine did
s the same; and in the beginning of the year 69 the greater
portion of these troops crossed the Alps to settle the point
on the battle-fields of Italy, whether its ruler was to be
called Marcus or Aulus. In May of the same year the
' new emperor Vitellius followed, after arms had decided in
his favour, accompanied by the remainder of the good
soldiers inured to war. ‘The blanks in the garrisons of
the Rhine were no doubt filled up for the exigency by
recruits hastily levied in Gaul; but the whole land knew
that they were not the old legions, and it soon became
apparent that these were not coming back. If the new
ruler had had in his power the army that placed him on
the throne, at least a portion of them must have returned
to the Rhine immediately after the defeat of Otho in
April ; but the insubordination of the soldiers still more
than the new complication which soon set in with the pro-
clamation of Vespasian as emperor in the East, retained

the German legions in Italy.
Prepara- Gaul was in the most fearful excitement. The rising
nona E: of Vindex was, as we formerly remarked (p. 82), in itself
rection directed not against the rule of Rome but against the
rulers for the time being ; but it was none the less on that
account a warfare between the armies of the Rhine and
the levy ez masse of the great majority of the Celtic can-
tons; and these were none the less subjected to pillage and
maltreatment resembling that of the conquered. The tone
of feeling which subsisted between the provincials and the
soldiers was shown, for instance, by the treatment which
the canton of the Helvetii experienced as the troops
destined for Italy marched through it. Because a courier
despatched by the adherents of Vitellius to Pannonia had
here been seized, the columns on the march from the one
side, and the Romans stationed as a garrison in Raetia
on the other, entered the canton, pillaged the villages far
and wide, particularly what is now Baden near Ziirich,
chased those who had fled to the mountains out of their
lurking-places, and put them to death by thousands or

CHAP, IV, AND THE FREE GERMANS. 129

sold the captives under martial law. Although the capital
Aventicum (Avenches, near Murten) submitted without
resistance, the agitators of the army demanded that it
should be razed, and all that the general granted was that
the question should be referred not, forsooth, to the em-
peror, but to the soldiers of the great headquarters ; these
sat in judgment on the fate of the town, and it was
merely the turn of their caprice that saved the place
from destruction. Outrages of this nature brought the
provincials to extremities ; even before Vitellius left Gaul,
a certain Mariccus, from the canton of the Boii, dependent
on the Haedui, came forward a god on earth, as he said,
and destined to restore the freedom of the Celts; and
people flocked in troops to his banner. But the exas-
peration in the Celtic country was not of so very great
moment. The very rising of Vindex had most clearly
shown how utterly incapable the Gauls were of releasing
themselves from the Roman embrace.

But the tone of feeling of the Germanic districts
reckoned as belonging to Gaul—in the modern Nether-
lands—of the Batavi, the Cannenefates, the Frisians, whose
distinctive position has already been dwelt on, had a
somewhat greater importance ; and it happened that, on
the one hand, these very tribes had been exasperated to
the utmost, and on the other, that their contingents were
accidentally to be found in Gaul. The bulk of the Bata-
vian troops, 8000 men, assigned to the 14th legion, had
for a considerable time a place along with the latter in
the army of the upper Rhine, and had then under
Claudius, on occasion of the occupying of Britain, gone to
that island, where this corps shortly before had, by its
incomparable valour, gained the decisive battle under
Paullinus for the Romans; from this day onward it
occupied indisputably the first place among all the divi-
sions of the Roman army. When it was recalled on
account of this very distinction by Nero, in order to go
off with him to the war in the East, the revolution break-
ing out in Gaul had brought about a quarrel between the
legion and its auxiliary troops; the former, faithfully

VOL. I. 9

Rising of:

eee RN Eee ee

130 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII,

devoted to Nero, hastened to Italy; the Batavi, on the

other hand, refused to follow. Perhaps this was con-

nected with the fact that two of their most noted officers,

Civili. the brothers Paulus and Civilis, had, without any reason
and without respect to many years of faithful service and

| honourable wounds, been shortly before put on trial as
suspected of high treason, and the former executed, the

latter placed in captivity. After the downfall of Nero,

to which the revolt of the Batavian cohorts had materially
contributed, Galba released Civilis and sent the Batavians

back to their old headquarters in Britain. While they, on

the march thither, were encamped among the Lingones
(Langres), the legions of the Rhine revolted from Galba

and proclaimed Vitellius emperor. The Batavi, after consid-

erable hesitation, ultimately joined the movement ; Vitellius

did not forgive them for this hesitation, but did not venture

directly to call to account the leader of the powerful corps.

Progress of Thus the Batavians had marched with the legions of
s lower Germany to Italy and had fought with their usual
valour in the battle of Betriacum for Vitellius, while their

old legionary comrades confronted them in the army of

Otho. But the arrogance of the Germans exasperated

their Roman comrades in victory, however much these
acknowledged their valour in battle ; the very generals in
command did not trust them, and even made an attempt

to divide by detaching them—a course, which, in this war,

where the soldiers commanded and the generals obeyed,

| was not capable of being carried out, and had almost cost
‘ the general his life. After the victory they were commis-
sioned to accompany their hostile comrades of the 14th

legion to Britain; but when matters came to a skirmish

between the two at Turin, the latter alone went to Britain,

and the Batavians to Germany. Meanwhile Vespasian

had been proclaimed emperor in the East, and, while in
consequence of this Vitellius gave to the Batavian cohorts
marching orders for Italy as well as ordered new compre-

hensive levies among the Batavi, commissioners of Ves-

pasian opened communications with the Batavian officers

to hinder this departure, and to provoke in Germany

cHap.iv, AND THE FREE GERMANS. 131

itself a rising which should detain the troops there.
Civilis entered into the suggestion. He resorted to his
home, and gained easily the assent of his own people as
well as the neighbouring Cannenefates and Frisians. The
insurrection broke out among the former; the camps of
the two cohorts in the neighbourhood were surprised and
the Roman posts seized ; the Roman recruits fought ill;
soon Civilis with his cohort—which he had caused to follow,
ostensibly to employ it against the insurgents—threw him-
self openly into the movement, along with the three
Germanic cantons renounced allegiance to Vitellius, and
summoned the other Batavians and Cannenefates, who
just then were breaking up from Mentz for the march to
Italy, to join him.

All this was more a soldiers’ rising than an insurrection
of the province, or even a Germanic war. If at that time
the Rhine legions were fighting with those of the Danube,
and further with these and the army of the Euphrates,
it was but in keeping that the soldiers of the second
class, and above all their most distinguished troop,
the Batavian, should enter independently into this divi-
sional warfare. Any one who compares this movement
among the cohorts of the Batavians and the Germans on
the left of the Rhine with the insurrection of those on
the right bank of the Rhine under Augustus, may not
overlook the fact, that in the later rising the alae and
cohorts took up the part of the general levy of the
Cherusci ; and, if the perfidious officer of Varus released
his nation from the Roman rule, the Batavian leader
acted in the commission of Vespasian ; in fact, perhaps, on
the secret directions of the governor of his province
privately inclined towards Vespasian, and the rising in
the first instance was directed simply against Vitellius.
It is true that the position of things was such that this
soldiers’ revolt might change itself at any moment into
a German war of the most dangerous kind. The same
Roman troops who covered the Rhine against the
Germans of the right bank were, in consequence of
the corps-warfare, placed in an attitude of hostility to

Its char-
acter,

State of the
armies on
the Rhine.

First con-
flicts.

132 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

the Germans on the left bank; the parts were of
such a nature, that it seemed almost easier to exchange
them than to carry them out. Civilis himself may
possibly have left it to depend on the sequel, whether the
movement would end in a change of emperor or in the
expulsion of the Romans from Gaul by the Germans.

The command of the two armies on the Rhine was
held at this time, after the governor of lower Germany
had been made emperor, by his former colleague in
upper Germany, Hordeonius Flaccus, a gouty man
advanced in years, without energy and without authority,
either, moreover, in fact secretly holding to Vespasian, or
at any rate very much suspected of such faithlessness by
the legions, who zealously adhered to the emperor of
their own making. It is characteristic of him and of his
position that, to clear himself of the suspicion of treason,
he gave orders that the government despatches on arrival
should be sent unopened to the eagle-bearers of the
legions, and these should read them in the first instance
to the soldiers, before they forwarded them to their
address. Of the four legions of the lower army which
had primarily to do with the insurgents two, the 5th
and the 15th, were stationed under the legate Munius
Lupercus in the headquarters at Vetera; the 16th, under
Numisius Rufus, in Novaesium (Neuss); the Ist, under
Herennius Gallus, in Bonna (Bonn). Of the upper army,
which then numbered only three legions,! one, the 2 Ist,
remained in its stated quarters Vindonissa, aloof from
these events, if it had not rather been drawn off wholly
to Italy ; the two others, the 4th Macedonian and the
22d, were stationed at the headquarters Mentz, where
Flaccus also was present; and in point of fact, his able
legate Dillius Vocula exercised the chief command. The
legions had throughout only half of their full complement,
and most of the soldiers were half-invalids or recruits.

Civilis, at the head of a small number of regular
troops, but of the collective levy of the Batavi, Cannene-

1 The fourth upper German legion on account of the Armeno-Parthian
was sent in the year §8 to Asia Minor war (Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 35).

me TT,

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 133

fates, and Frisians, advanced from his home to the attack.
In the first instance, on the Rhine he met with remnants
of the Roman garrisons driven from the northern cantons
and a division of the Roman Rhenish fleet; when he
attacked them, not merely did the ships’ crews, consisting
in great part of Batavians, go over to him, but also a
cohort of the Tungri—it was the first revolt of a Gallic
division; such Italian soldiers as were present were
slain or taken prisoners. This success brought at length
the Germans on the right of the Rhine into the move-
ment. What they had long vainly hoped for—the rising
of the Roman subjects on the other bank—now came to
be fulfilled, and as well the Chauci and the Frisians on
the coast, as above all, the Bructeri on both sides of the
upper Ems as far down as the Lippe, the Tencteri on
the middle Rhine opposite to Cologne, and in lesser
measure the tribes adjoining these on the south—Usipes,
Mattiaci, Chatti—threw themselves into the struggle.
When, on the orders of Flaccus, the two weak legions
marched out from Vetera against the insurgents, these
could already confront them with a numerous contingent
drawn from beyond the Rhine; and the battle ended, like
the combat on the Rhine, with a defeat of the Romans
through the defection of the Batavian cavalry, which
belonged to the garrison of Vetera, and through the bad
behaviour of the cavalry of the Ubii and of the Treveri.
The insurgents and the Germans who flocked to them
proceeded to invest and besiege the headquarters of the
lower army. During this siege news of the events on
the lower Rhine reached the other Batavian cohorts in
the neighbourhood of Mentz ; they at once wheeled round
towards the north. Instead of ordering them to be cut
down, the weak-minded commander-in-chief allowed them
to go, and when the commandant of the legion in Bonn
sought to intercept them, Flaccus did not support him as
he might have done and had even at first promised. So the
brave Germans dispersed the Bonn legion and succeeded
in joining Civilis—henceforth the compact core of his
army, in which now the banners of the Roman cohorts

Participa-
tion of the
Germans
on the right
of the
Rhine,

Siege of
Vetera.

Vocula.

134 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

stood by the side of the animal-standards from the sacred
groves of the Germans. But still the Batavian held, at
least ostensibly, by Vespasian ; he swore in the Roman
troops in Vespasian’s name, and summoned the garrison
of Vetera to join him in declaring for the latter. These

troops, however, saw in this, probably with warrant, a-

mere attempt to overreach them, and repelled it as
resolutely as they repelled the assailing hosts of the
enemy, who soon found themselves compelled by the
superiority of Roman tactics to change the siege into a
blockade. But, as the leaders of the Roman army had
been taken by surprise in these events, provisions were
scarce and speedy relief was urgently called for. In
order to bring it, Flaccus and Vocula set out with their
whole force from Mentz, drew to themselves on the way
the two legions from Bonna and Novaesium as well as
the auxiliary troops of the Gallic cantons appearing
at the word of command in large numbers, and approached
Vetera.

But instead of throwing at once the whole force from
within and without on the besiegers, however great their
superiority in numbers, Vocula pitched his camp at Gel-
duba (Gellep on the Rhine, not far from Krefeld) a long
day’s march distant from Vetera, while Flaccus lay farther
back. The worthlessness of the so-called general and the
ever increasing demoralisation of the troops, above all, the
distrust towards the officers, which frequently went so far
as to maltreat and attempt to kill them, can alone at least
explain this halting. Thus the mischief gradually
thickened on all sides. All Germany seemed desirous to
take part in the war ; while the besieging army constantly
obtained new contingents from that quarter, other bands
passed over the Rhine, which in this dry summer was
unusually low. partly in the rear of the Romans into the
cantons of the Ubii and the Treveri to lay waste the valley
of the Moselle, partly below Vetera into the region of the
Maas and the Scheldt; further bands appeared before

Mentz and made pretext of besieging it. Then came the .

accounts of the catastrophe in Italy. On the news of the

CHAP, IV, AND THE FREE GERMANS. 135

second battle at Betriacum in the autumn of the year 69
the Germanic legions gave up the cause of Vitellius as
lost and took the oath, though reluctantly, to Vespasian,
perhaps in the hope that Civilis, who had in fact inscribed
the name of Vespasian on his banners, would then make
his peace. But the German swarms, who had meanwhile
poured themselves over all northern Gaul, had not come
to install the Flavian dynasty ; even if Civilis had ever
wished this, he now had no longer the power. He threw
off the mask, and openly expressed—what indeed was
long settled—that the Germans of north Gaul intended,
with the help of their free countrymen, to shake off the
Roman rule. |

But the fortune of war changed. Civilis attempted to
surprise the camp of Gelduba ; the attack began success-
fully, and the defection of the cohorts of the Nervii
brought Vocula’s little band into a critical position. Then
suddenly two Spanish cohorts fell on the rear of the Ger-
mans; what threatened to be a defeat was converted into
a brilliant victory; the flower of the assailing army
remained on the field of battle. Vocula indeed did not
advance at once against Vetera, as he possibly might
have done, but he penetrated into the besieged town some
days later after a renewed vehement conflict with the
enemy. It is true that he brought no provisions ; and,
as the river was in the power of the enemy, these had to
be procured by the land-route from Novaesium, where
Flaccus was encamped. The first convoy passed through ;
but the enemy, having meanwhile assembled again, attacked
the second column with provisions on its way, and com-
pelled it to throw itself into Gelduba. Vocula went off
thither to its support with his troops and a part of the old
garrison of Vetera. When they had arrived at Gelduba,
the men refused to return to Vetera and to take upon
themselves the further sufferings of the siege in prospect ;
instead of this they marched to Novaesium, and Vocula,
who knew that the remnant of the old garrison of
Vetera was in some measure provisioned, had for good
or evil to follow.

Relief of
Vetera.

Mutiny of
Roman
troops.

Insurrec-
tion in
Gaul.

136 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

In Novaesium meanwhile mutiny had broken out.
The soldiers had come to learn that a largess destined for
them by Vitellius had reached the general, and com-
pelled its distribution in the name of Vespasian. They
had scarcely received it, when, in the wild carousing which
ensued upon the largess, the old grudge of the soldiers
broke out afresh ; they pillaged the house of the general
who had betrayed the army of the Rhine to the general of
the Syrian legions, slew him, and would have prepared the
same fate for Vocula, if the latter had not escaped in
disguise. Thereupon they once more proclaimed Vitel-
lius emperor, not knowing that he was already dead.
When this news came to the camp, the better part of the
soldiers, and in particular the two upper German legions,
began in some measure to reflect ; they again exchanged
the effigy of Vitellius on their standards for that of Ves-
pasian, and placed themselves under the orders of Vocula ;
he led them to Mentz, where he remained during the
rest of the winter 69-70. Civilis occupied Gelduba, and
thereby cut off Vetera, which was most closely blockaded ;
the camps of Novaesium and Bonna were still held.

Hitherto the Gallic land, apart from the few insurgent
Germanic cantons in the north, had kept firmly by Rome.
Certainly partisanship ran through the several cantons ;
among the Tungri, for example, the Batavi had a strong
body of adherents, and the bad behaviour of the Gallic
auxiliary troops during the whole campaign may probably
have been in part called forth by such a temper of hos-
tility to the Romans. But even among the insurgents
there was a considerable party favourably disposed to
Rome; a Batavian of note, Claudius Labeo, waged a par-
tisan warfare not without success against his countrymen in
his home and its neighbourhood, and the nephew of Civilis,
Julius Briganticus, fell in one of these combats at the head
of a band of Roman horse. All the Gallic cantons had
without more ado complied with the injunction to send
contingents ; the Ubii, although of Germanic descent,
were in this war mindful simply of their Romanism, and
they as well as the Treveri had offered brave and success-

CHAP, IV, AND THE FREE GERMANS. 137

ful resistance to the Germans invading their territory. It
is easy to understand how this was so. The position of
things in Gaul was still much as it was in the days of
Caesar and Ariovistus ; a liberation of their Gallic home
from the Roman dominion by means of those hordes,
which, in order to lend to Civilis the help of his country-
men, were just then pillaging the valleys of the Moselle,
Maas, and Scheldt, was tantamount to a surrender of the
land to its Germanic neighbours; in this war, which had
grown out of a feud between two corps of Roman troops
into a conflict between Rome and Germany, the Gauls
were, properly speaking, nothing but the stake and the
booty. That the tone of feeling among the Gauls, in
spite of all their well-founded general and special com-
plaints as to the Roman government, was predominantly
anti-Germanic, and that the materials for kindling such a
national rising suddenly bursting into flame and reckless
of consequences, as had spread through the people in
an earlier time, were wanting in this Gaul now half-
Romanised, events up to this time had most clearly shown.
But amidst the constant misfortunes of the Roman army
the courage of the Gauls hostile to the Romans gradually
grew stronger, and their defection completed the catas-
trophe. Two Treveri of note, Julius Classicus, the com-
mander of the Treverian cavalry, and Julius Tutor, com-
mandant of the garrisons on the banks of the middle
Rhine, Julius Sabinus one of the Lingones, descended, as
he at least boasted, from a bastard of Caesar, and some
other men of like mind from different cantons, professed
in thoughtless Celtic fashion to discern that the destruc-
tion of Rome was written in the stars and announced to
the world by the burning of the Capitol (Dec. 69).

So they resolved to set aside the Roman rule and to
set up a Gallic empire. For this purpose they took the
course of Arminius, Vocula allowed himself to be really
induced by falsified reports of these Roman officers to set
out, with the contingents placed under their command and
a part of the Mentz garrison, in the spring of 70 for the
lower Rhine, in order with these troops and the legions of

The Gallic
empire.

A

toa .. Tm. 4

Capitula-
tion of the
Romans.

138 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

Bonna and Novaesium to relieve the hard-pressed Vetera.
On the march from Novaesium to Vetera, Classicus and
the officers in concert with him left the Roman army and
proclaimed the new Gallic empire. Vocula led the legions
back to Novaesium ; Classicus pitched his camp imme-
diately in front of it. Vetera could not now hold out
long ; the Romans could not but expect after its fall to find
themselves confronted by the whole power of the enemy.

The Roman troops refused to face this prospect and
entered into a capitulation with the revolted officers. In
vain Vocula attempted once more to urge the ties of dis-
cipline and of honour; the legions of Rome allowed a
Roman deserter from the Ist legion to stab the brave
general on the order of Classicus, and themselves delivered
up the other chief officers in chains to the representative
of the empire of Gaul, who thereupon made the soldiers
swear allegiance to that empire. The same oath was
taken at the hands of the perfidious officers by the gar-
rison of Vetera, which, compelled by famine, at once sur-
rendered, and likewise by the garrison of Mentz, where
but a few individuals avoided disgrace by flight or death.
The whole proud army of the Rhine, the first army of the
empire, had surrendered to its own auxiliaries ; Rome had
surrendered to Gaul.

It was a tragedy, and at the same time a farce. The
Gallic empire lapsed, as it could not fail to do. Civilis
and his Germans were doubtless, in the first instance,
well content that the quarrel in the Roman camp delivered
the one as well as the other half of their foes into their
hands ; but he had no thought of recognising that empire,
and still less had his allies from the right bank of the
Rhine.

As little would the Gauls themselves have anything
to do with it—a result, to which certainly the split
between the eastern districts and the rest of the country,
which had already become apparent at the rising of
Vindex, materially contributed. The Treveri and the
Lingones, whose leading men had instigated that camp-
conspiracy, stood by their leaders, but they remained

CHAP, IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 139

virtually alone ; only the Vangiones and Triboci joined
them. The Sequani, into whose territory the Lingones
marched to induce their accession, drove them summarily
homeward. The esteemed Remi, the leading canton in
Belgica, convoked the diet of the three Gauls, and,
although there was no lack there of orators on behalf of
political freedom, it resolved simply to dissuade the
Treveri from the revolt. How the constitution of the
new empire would have turned out, had it been established,
it is difficult to say; we learn only that Sabinus, the
great-grandson of Caesars concubine, named himself
also Caesar, and in this capacity allowed himself to be
beaten by the Sequani; whereas Classicus, who had not
such ascendency at his command, assumed the insignia
of Roman magistracy, and thus played perhaps the part
of republican proconsul. In keeping with this there
exists a coin, which must have been struck by Classicus
or his adherents, exhibiting the head of Gallia, as the
coins of the Roman republic show that of Roma, and by
its side the symbol of the legion, with the genuinely
audacious legend of “ fidelity” (fides). At first, doubtless,
on the Rhine the imperialists, in concert with the
insurgent Germans, had full freedom. The remnants
of the two legions that had capitulated in Vetera were
put to death, contrary to the terms of surrender and to
the will of Civilis; the two from Novaesium and Bonna
were sent to Treves; all the Roman camps on the
Rhine, large and small, with the exception of Mogon-
tiacum, were burnt. The Agrippinenses found them-
selves in the worst plight. The imperialists had certainly
confined themselves to requiring from them the oath of
allegiance ; but the Germans in this case did not forget
that they were. properly speaking, the Ubii. A message
of the Tencteri from the right bank of the Rhine—this
was one of the tribes whose old home the Romans had
laid desolate and used as pasture-ground, and which had
in consequence of this been obliged to seek other abodes
—demanded the razing of this chief seat of the Germanic
apostates, and the execution of all their citizens of Roman

Advent of
the Ro-
mans.

140 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

descent. This would probably have been resolved on
had not Civilis, who was personally under obligation to
them, as well as the German prophetess Veleda in the
canton of the Bructeri, who had predicted this victory,
and whose authority the whole insurgent army recognised,
interceded on their behalf.

The victors were not left long to contend over the
booty. The imperialists certainly gave the assurance
that the civil war in Italy had broken out, that all the
provinces were overrun by the enemy, and Vespasian was
probably dead; but the heavy arm of Rome was soon
enough felt. The newly confirmed government could
despatch its best generals and numerous legions to the
Rhine; and certainly an imposing display of power was
there needed. Annius Gallus took up the command in
the upper, Petillius Cerialis in the lower province; the
latter, an impetuous and often incautious, but brave and
capable officer, took the really serious action. Besides
the 21st legion from Vindonissa, five came from Italy,
three from Spain, one along with the fleet from Britain,
and, in addition, a further corps from the Raetian
garrison. This and the 21st legion were the first to
arrive. The imperialists had possibly talked of blocking
the passes of the Alps; but nothing was done, and the
whole country of the upper Rhine lay open as far as
Mentz. The two Mentz legions had no doubt sworn
allegiance to the Gallic empire, and at first offered resist-
ance ; but, so soon as they perceived that a larger Roman
army confronted them, they returned to obedience, and
the Vangiones and Triboci immediately followed their
example. Even the Lingones submitted—merely upon
a promise of mild treatment—without striking a blow on
the part of their 70,000 men capable of bearing arms.’
The Treveri themselves had almost done the same; but
they were prevented from doing so by the nobility. The

1 Frontinus, Srat. iv. 3, 14. In sur-Béze, about fourteen miles north-
their territory the advancing troops east of Dijon, men of at least five
must have constructed a reserve of the advancing legions had ex-

station and a depot; according to ecuted buildings here (Hermes, xix.
tiles recently found near Mirabeau- 437).

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 141

two surviving legions of the lower Rhenish army that
were stationed here had, on the first news of the approach
of the Romans, torn the Gallic insignia from their
standards, and withdrew to the Mediomatrici that had
remained faithful (Metz), where they submitted to the
mercy of the new general. When Cerialis arrived at the
army, he found a good part of the work already done.
The insurgent leaders exerted themselves, it is true, to
the utmost—at that time by their orders the legionary
legates delivered up at Novaesium were put to death—
but in a military sense they were impotent, and their
last political move—that of offering the Roman general
himself the sovereignty of the Gallic empire—was worthy
of the beginning. After a short combat Cerialis occupied
the capital of the Treveri, the leaders and the whole
council having taken refuge with the Germans. This
was the end of the Gallic empire.

More serious was the struggle with the Germans.
Civilis, with his whole fighting strength, the Batavi, the
contingent of the Germans, and the refugee bands of the
Gallic insurgents, suddenly assailed the much weaker
Roman army in Treves itself. The Roman camp was
already in his power, and the bridge of the Moselle
occupied by him, when his men, instead of following up
the victory which they had won, began prematurely to
pillage, and Cerialis, compensating for his imprudence by
brilliant valour, restored the combat and ultimately drove
the Germans out from the camp and the town. There
was no further success of importance. The Agrippinenses
again joined the Romans, and killed the Germans, who
were staying among them, in their houses; a whole
Germanic cohort encamped there was shut up and burnt
in its quarters. Whatsoever in Belgica still held to the
Germans was brought back to obedience by the legion
arriving from Britain; a victory of the Cannenefates
over the Roman ships which had landed the legion, and
other isolated successes of the brave Germanic bands, above
all, of the more numerous and better managed Germanic
ships, did not change the general position of the war.

Last
struggles
of Civilis.

Nature of
the Roman
task and
its issue,

142 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

On the ruins of Vetera Civilis confronted the foe; but
he had to give way to the Roman army, which had mean-
while been doubled, and at length, after an obstinate
resistance, had. to leave his own home to the enemy.
As ever happens, discord ensued in the train of mis-
fortune. Civilis was no longer sure of his own men, and
sought and found protection from them among his
opponents, Late in the autumn of the year 70 the
unequal struggle was decided; the auxiliaries now on
their part surrendered to the burgess-legions, and the
priestess Veleda went as a captive to Rome.

When we look back on this war, one of the most
singular and most dreadful in all ages, we cannot but
own that hardly ever has an army had a task set before
it equally severe with that of the two Roman armies on
the Rhine in the years 69 and 70. In the course of a
few months soldiers successively of Nero, of the senate,
of Galba, of Vitellius, and of Vespasian ; the only support
to the dominion of Italy over the two mighty nations

of the Gauls and the Germans, while the soldiers of the

auxiliaries were taken almost entirely, and those of the
legions in great part, from those very nations ; deprived
of their best men, mostly without pay, often starving, and
beyond all measure wretchedly led, they were certainly
expected to perform feats physically and morally super-
human. They ill sustained the severe trial, This was
less a war between two divisions of the army, like the
other civil wars of this terrible time, than a war of
soldiers, and above all of officers, of the second class
against those of the first, combined with a dangerous
insurrection and invasion of the Germans, and an incidental
and insignificant revolt of some Celtic districts. In
Roman military history Cannae and Carrhae and the
Teutoburg Forest are glorious pages compared with the
double disgrace of Novaesium; only a few individual
men, not a single troop, preserved a pure escutcheon
amidst the general dishonour. The frightful disorganisa-
tion of the political and, above all, of the military system,
which meets us on the fall of the Julio-Claudian dynasty,

CHAP, IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 143

appears—more clearly even than in the leaderless battle
of Betriacum— in those events on the Rhine, to which the
history of Rome never before and never after exhibits a
parallel.

The very extent and general diffusion of these mis-
deeds rendered a corresponding chastisement impossible.
It deserves to be acknowledged that the new ruler, who
happily had remained in person aloof from all these occur-
rences, in a genuine statesmanly fashion allowed the
past to be past, and exerted himself only to prevent the
repetition of similar scenes. That the prominent culprits,
whether from the ranks of the troops or from the insur-
gents, were brought to account for their crimes, was a
matter of course ; we may measure the punishment by the
fact that when five years afterwards one of the Gallic
insurgent leaders was discovered in a lurking-place, in
which his wife had up to that time kept him concealed,
Vespasian gave him as well as her over to the executioner.
But the renegade legions were allowed to share in the
fighting against the Germans, and to atone for their guilt
to some extent in the hot conflicts at Treves and at
Vetera. It is true, nevertheless, that the four legions of
the lower Rhenish army were all dismissed, as was one
of the two upper Rhenish legions that took part—one
would gladly believe that the 22d was spared in honour-
able remembrance of its brave legate. Probably a consider-
able number of the Batavian cohorts met with the same
fate, and not less, apparently, the cavalry regiment of the
Treveri, and perhaps several other specially prominent
troops. Still less than against the rebellious soldiers
could proceedings be taken with the full severity of the
law against the insurgent Celtic and German cantons;
that the Roman legions demanded the razing of the
Treverian colony of Augustus—this time for the sake not
of booty but of vengeance—is at least as intelligible as
the destruction, desired by the Germans, of the town of
the Ubii ; but as Civilis protected the one so Vespasian
protected the other. Even the Germans on the left of
the Rhine had, on the whole, their previous position left

Conse-
quences of
the Bata-
vian war.

Later
attitude of
the Roman
Germans
on the
lower
Rhine.

144 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

to them. But probably—we are here without certain
tradition—there was introduced in the levy and the em-
ployment of the auxilia an essential change, which
diminished the danger involved in the auxiliary system.
The Batavi retained freedom from taxation and a still
privileged position as regards service ; a part of them, not
altogether inconsiderable, had withal championed in arms
the cause of the Romans. But the Batavian troops were
considerably diminished, and, while hitherto—as it would
appear of right—officers had been placed over them from
their own nobility, and the same had been at least fre-
quently done as respects the other Germanic and Celtic
troops, the officers of the alae and cohortes were afterwards
taken predominantly from the class from which Vespasian
himself was descended—from the good urban middle class
of Italy and of the provincial towns organised after the
Italian fashion. Officers of the position of the Cheruscan
Arminius, of the Batavian Civilis, of the Treverian Clas-
sicus do not henceforth recur. As little is the previous
close association of troops levied from the same canton
met with subsequently; on the contrary, the men serve,
without distinction as to their descent, in the most various
divisions ; this was probably a lesson which the Roman
military administration gathered from this war. It was
another change, probably suggested by this war, that while
hitherto the majority of the auxiliaries employed in Germany
were taken from the Germanic and neighbouring cantons,
thenceforth the Germanic auxiliary troops found prepon-
derantly employment outside of their native country, just
like the Dalmatian and Pannonian troops in consequence
of the war with Bato. Vespasian was a soldier of sagacity
and experience; it is probably in good part a merit of
his if we meet with no later example of revolt of the
auxilia against their legions.

That the insurrection, which we have just narrated, of
the Germans on the left of the Rhine—although it, in
consequence of the accidental completeness of the accounts
preserved respecting it, alone gives us a clear insight into
the political and military relations on the lower Rhine

iat bid A REEE APT ATE ES

CHAP, IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 145

and in Gaul generally, and therefore deserved to be nar-
rated in more detail—was yet called forth more by outward
and accidental causes than ‘by the inner necessity of things,
is proved by the apparently complete quiet which now
ensued there, and by the—so far as we can see—unin-
terrupted status quo in this very region. The Roman Ger-
mans were merged in the empire no less completely than
the Roman Gauls; of attempts at insurrection on the
part of the former there is no further mention. At the
close of the third century, the Franks invading Gaul by
way of the lower Rhine included in their seizure the
Batavian territory; yet the Batavians maintained them-
selves in their old though diminished settlements, as did like-

wise the Frisians, even during the confusions of the great-

migration of peoples, and, so far as we know, preserved
allegiance even to the decaying empire.

When we turn from the Romanised to the free Germans
to the east of the Rhine, we find offensive action on their
part not less brought to an end with their participation
in that Batavian insurrection, than the attempts of the
Romans to bring about an alteration of the frontier on a
grand scale in those regions came to a close with the
expeditions of Germanicus.

Of the free Germans, those dwelling next to the
Roman territory were the Bructeri on both banks of the
middle Ems, and in the region of the sources of the Ems
and Lippe ; for which reason they took part before all the
other Germans in the Batavian insurrection. To their
canton belonged the maiden Veleda, who sent forth her
countrymen to the war against Rome and promised them
the victory, whose utterance decided the fate of the town
of the Ubii, and to whose high tower the captive senators
and the captured admiral’s ship of the Rhenish fleet were
sent. The overthrow of the Batavi affected them also;
and perhaps, in addition, a special counterblow of the
Romans since that virgin was subsequently led as a cap-
tive to Rome. This disaster, as well as feuds with the
neighbouring tribes, broke their power; under Nero a
king whom they did not wish was obtruded on them by

VOL. I. IO

The free
Germans
on the
lower
Rhine,

Bructeri.

k m d

w,

Cherusci.

A E am enero
` = 4

Lango-
bardi.

Semnones,

146 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

force of arms on the part of their neighbours with the
passive assistance of the Roman legate.

The Cherusci, in the region of the upper Weser, in
the time of Augustus and Tiberius the leading canton in
central Germany, is seldom mentioned after the death of
Arminius, but always as sustaining good relations to the
Romans. When the civil war, which must have continued
to rage among them even after the fall of Arminius, had
swept away the whole family of their princes, they re-
quested from the Roman government the last of that
house, Italicus, a brother’s son of Arminius living in Italy,
to be their ruler; it is true that the return home of one
who was brave but answered more to his name than to
his lineage, kindled the feud afresh, and, when he was
driven off by his own people, the Langobardi placed him
once more on the tottering throne. One of his successors,
king Chariomerus, so earnestly took the side of the
Romans in Domitian’s war with the Chatti, that he after
its close, when driven away by the Chatti, fled to the
Romans and invoked—although vainly—their interven-
tion. Through those perpetual inward and outward feuds
the Cheruscan people was so weakened that it henceforth
disappears from active politics, The name of the Marsi
is no longer met with at all after the expeditions of Ger-
manicus. That the tribes dwelling farther to the east on
the Elbe as well as all the more remote Germans took as
little part in the struggles of the Batavians and their allies
in the years 69 and 70, as these took in the German wars
under Augustus and Tiberius may, considering the de-
tailed character of the narrative, be described as certain.
Where they meet us subsequently they never appear in a
hostile attitude to the Romans. That the Langobardi
reinstated the Roman king of the Cherusci, has already
been mentioned. Masuus, the king of the Semnones, and
—what is remarkable—along with him the prophetess
Ganna, who was held in high repute among this tribe
famous for its special credulity, visited the emperor
Domitian in Rome, and met with a friendly reception at
his court. In the regions from the Weser to the Elbe

CHAP, IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 147

during these centuries various feuds may have raged, the
balance of power may in various cases have shifted, various
cantons may have changed their name or joined another
combination ; as regards their relations to the Romans a
permanent frontier-peace set in, after it came to be gener-
ally felt that these had positively abandoned the subjuga-
tion of this region. Even invasions from the far East
cannot have materially disturbed it at this epoch ; for they
could not but have reacted on the Roman guarding of the
frontier, and we should not have lacked information
had more serious crises occurred in this domain. All
this is confirmed by the reduction of the army of the
lower Rhine to half of its former amount, which occurred
we know not exactly when, but within this epoch. The
army of the lower Rhine, with which Vespasian had to
fight, numbered four legions ; that of the time of Trajan
presumably the same number, at least three ;* probably
already under Hadrian, certainly under Marcus, there
were not more than two—the 1st Minervian and the 30th
of Trajan—stationed there.

Germanic affairs in the upper province developed
themselves after another fashion. Of the Germans on the
left of the Rhine who belonged to this province, the
Triboci, Nemetes, Vangiones, there is nothing historically
worth mentioning, except that they, for long settled among
the Celts, shared the destinies of Gaul. Here too the
Rhine always remained the chief line of defence for the
Romans. All the standing camps of the legions were at
all times on the left bank of the Rhine; not even that of

1 Under the legate Q. Acutius
Nerva, who was probably the consul
of the year 100, and so administered
lower Germany after that year, there
were stationed, according to inscrip-
tions of Brohl (Brambach, 660, 662,
679, 680), in this province four le-
gions, the 1st Minervia, 6th Victrix,
troth Gemina, 22d Primigenia. As
each of these inscriptions names only
two or three, the garrison may then
have consisted only of three legions,
if during the governorship of Acutius
the rst Minervia came in place of the

22d Primigenia drafted off elsewhere.

But it is far more probable—seeing |

that all the legions were not always
taking part in the detachments to the
stone quarries at Brohl—that these
four legions were doing garrison-duty
at the same time in lower Germany.
These four legions are probably just
those that came to lower Germany
on the reorganisation of the Germanic
armies by Vespasian (p. 159 note),
only that the rst Minervia was put by
Domitian in the place of the zist,
probably broken up by him.

Upper
Germany.

4

Mogonti-
acum.

148 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

Argentoratum was transferred to the right bank, when the
whole region of the Neckar was Roman. But while in
the lower province the Roman rule on the right bank of
the Rhine was restricted in course of time, here on the
other hand it was extended. The project of Augustus
to connect the camps on the Rhine with those on the
Danube by advancing the imperial frontier in an east-
ward direction—which, if it had been carried out, would
have enlarged upper more than lower Germany—was
perhaps never completely abandoned in this command,
and was resumed subsequently, though on a more modest
scale. Historical tradition does not give us the means of
presenting a connected view of the operations continued
with this object for centuries, the construction of roads
and walls pertaining thereto, and the wars waged on this
account; and even the great military structure still exist-
ing, whose rise and progress—likewise embracing centuries
—must include in itself a good part of that history, has
hitherto not been investigated throughout, as it well might
be, by the eyes of military experts. The hope that unified
Germany would combine for the investigation of this its
oldest historical monument, has not been fulfilled. We
shall here attempt to put together what has hitherto been
brought to light on the subject from the fragments of the
Roman annals or of the Roman strongholds.

On the right bank, not far from the northern end of
the province, there stretches in front of the level or hilly
country of the lower Rhine, in a direction from west to
east, the range of the Taunus, which abuts on the Rhine
opposite to Bingen. Parallel to this mountain-range,
shut off on the other side by the spurs of the Odenwald,
stretches the plain of the lower Main-valley, the true
access to the interior of Germany, dominated by the key
of the position at the point where the Main falls into the
Rhine, Mogontiacum or Mentz, from the time of Drusus
down to the end of Rome the stronghold out of which
the Romans sallied to attack Germany from Gaul, as it

1 According to the ingenious de- deutsche Zeitschrift, iii. 307 ff), it is
cipherings of Zangemeister (West- established that a military road was

COES ET a ICE Ort See Ae E a a a

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS.

149

is at the present day the true barrier of Germany against
France. Here the Romans, even after they had abandoned
their rule in the region of the upper Rhine generally,
retained not merely the 7éte-de-pont on the other bank,
the castellum Mogontzacense (Castel), but also that plain
of the Main itself in their possession ; and in this region
a Roman civilisation might establish itself. This land
originally belonged to the Chatti, and a Chattan tribe, the
Mattiaci, remained settled here even under Roman rule ;
but, after the Chatti were compelled to cede this district
to Drusus, it remained a part of the empire. The
hot springs in the immediate neighbourhood of Mentz
(aquae Mattiacae, Wiesbaden) were used by the Romans
demonstrably in Vespasian’s time, and doubtless long
before: silver was worked here under Claudius; the
Mattiaci already furnished troops to the army at an early
date like other subject districts They took part in the
general rising of the Germans under Civilis; but, after
they were vanquished, the earlier relations were re-
established. From the end of the second century we
find the community of the Taunensian Mattiaci under
authorities organised after the Roman model.’

The Chatti, although thus driven away from the
Rhine, appear in the sequel as the most powerful among
the tribes of inland Germany who came into contact
with the Romans; the lead which, under Augustus and
Tiberius, had been possessed by the Cherusci on the
middle Weser, passed, amidst the constant feuds with
these their southern cognate neighbours, over to the latter.
All the wars between Romans and Germans, of which
we have any knowledge from the time after the death of

Arminius down to the time

already laid out under Claudius on
the left bank of the Rhine from Mentz
as far as the frontier of the upper
German province.

1 The full name ¢(svitas) M(attia-
corum) Ta(unenstum) appears on the
inscription of Castel in Brambach, C.
J. Rh. 13303 it occurs frequently as
civitas Mattiacorum or civitas Taun-

when the migrations of the

ensium, with Duoviri, Aediles, De-
curiones, Sacerdotales, Seviri ; peculiar
and characteristic of a frontier town
are the kastiferi civitatis Mattiacorum,
probably to be taken as a municipal
militia (Brambach, 1336). The oldest
dated document of this community is
of the year 198 (Brambach, 956).

Mattiaci

Chatti.

150 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

peoples began at the end of the third century, were waged
against the Chatti ; as in the year 41 under Claudius by
Galba, who became afterwards emperor; and in the
year 50 under the same emperor by Publius Pomponius
Secundus, celebrated as a poet. These were the usual
border incursions, and the Chatti had taken a part, but
only a secondary one, in the great Batavian war (p. 133).
But in the campaign which the Emperor Domitian under-
took in the year 83 the Romans were the aggressors ;
and this war led, not indeed to brilliant victories, but
doubtless to a considerable and momentous pushing for-
ward of the Roman frontier! At that time the frontier-
line was arranged, as we find it thenceforth drawn ; and
within that line, which in its most northern portion was
not far removed from the Rhine, must have been included
a great part of the Taunus and the region of the Main as
far as above Friedberg. The Usipes, who, after their
already-mentioned expulsion from the region of the Lippe,
appear about the time of Vespasian in the neighbourhood
of Mentz, and may have found new settlements to the
east of the Mattiaci on the Kinzig or in the Fuldan dis-
trict, were then annexed to the empire, and, at the same
time with them, a number of smaller tribes thrown off by
the Chatti. Thereupon, when in the year 88, under the
governor Lucius Antonius Saturninus, the upper German

1 The accounts of this war have
been lost ; its time and place admit
of being determined. As the coins
give to Domitian the title Germanicus
after the beginning of the year 84
(Eckhel, vi. 378, 397), the campaign
falls in the year 83. Accordant with
this is the levy of the Usipes, which
falls on this same year, and their
desperate attempt at flight (Tacitus,
Agr. 28; comp. Martialis, vi. 60).
It was an aggressive war (Suetonius,
Dom. 6: expeditio sponte suscepta ;
Zonaras, xi. 193 AenAarioas ria
tay mépay ‘Piyou trav eévorbviwyr).
The shifting of the line of posts is
attested by Frontinus, who took part
in the war, Strat. ii. 11, 7: cum in
finibus Cubiorum (name unknown and

probably corrupt) castella poneret, and
i. 3, IO: lemstibus per cxx. m. p. actis,
which is here brought into immediate
connection with the military opera-
tions, and hence may not be separated
from the Chattan war itself and re-
ferred to the agrs decumates, which
had for long been in the Roman
power. The measure of 108 miles
is very conceivable for the military
line which Domitian planned at the
Taunus (according to Cohausen’s esti-
mates, Kim. Grenewall, p. 8, the later
Limes from the Rhine round the
Taunus as far as the Main is set down
at 137 miles), but is much too small
to admit of its being referred to the
line of connection from thence to
Ratisbon.

CHAP, IV.

AND THE FREE GERMANS. 151

army rose against Domitian, the war was on the point of
renewal ; the revolted troops made common cause with
the Chatti;’ and it was only the interruption of the com-
munications, when the ice broke up on the Rhine, that
made it possible for the regiments which had remained
faithful to settle matters with the revolters before the

dangerous contingent arrived.

Roman rule extended from
80 ugae, and thus even

1 The Germans (Suetonius, Dom. 6)
could only be the Chatti, and their
earlier allies, perhaps in the first in-
stance just the Usipes and thosesharing
their fate. The insurrection broke out
in Mentz, which alone was a double
camp of two legions. Saturninus
was assailed from Raetia by the
troops of L. Appius Maximus Nor-
banus. For the epigram of Martial,
ix. 84, cannot be understood other-
wise, the more especially as his con-
queror, of senatorial rank as he was,
could not administer a regular com-
mand in Raetia and Vindelicia, and
could only be led into this region by
a case of war emerging, as indeed
the sacrilegi furores clearly point to the
insurrection. The tiles of this same
Appius, which have been found in
the provinces of upper Germany and
Aquitania, do not warrant the mak-
ing him legate of the Lugdunensis, as
Asbach (Westdeutsche Zeitschrift, iii.
9), suggests, but must be referred to
the epoch after the defeat of An-
tonius (Hermes, xix. 438). Where
the battle was fought remains doubt-
ful ; the region of Vindonissa most
naturally suggests itself, to which
point Saturninus may have gone to
meet Norbanus. Had Norbanus
encountered the insurgents only at
Mentz, which in itself seems con-
ceivable, these would have had the
crossing of the Rhine in their power,
and the contingent of the Germans
could not have been hindered by the
breaking-up of the Rhine from rein-
forcing them.

* The detached notice is found
Subjoined to the Veronese provincial

It is stated that the
Mentz towards the interior
beyond Fulda;? and this

list (Wotitia dignitatum, ed. Seeck,
p- 253): nomina civitatum trans
Renum fiuvium quae sunt; Usiphorum
(read Usiporum)} — Tuvanium (read
Tubantum) — Nictrensium— Novarit
—Casuariorum : istae omnes civitates
trans Renum in formulam Belgicae
primae redactae trans castellum Mon-
tiacese: nam ixxx. leugas trans Renum
Romani possederunt, {stae civitates
sub Gallieno imperatore a barbaris oc-
cupatae sunt. That the Usipes after-
wards dwelt in this region, is confirmed
by Tacitus, Arst. iv. 37, Germ. 323
that they belonged to the empire in
the year 83, but had perhaps been
made subject only shortly before, is
plain from the narrative, Agr. 28.
The Tubantes and Chasuarii are
placed by Ptolemy, ii. 11, 11, in
the vicinity of the Chatti; that they
shared the fate of the Usipes is
accordingly probable. No certain
identification of the other two cor-
rupt names has hitherto been found ;
perhaps the Tencteri had a place
here, or some of the small tribes

named with these only in Ptolemy, ii.

11, 6. The notice in its original form
named Belgica simply, as the province
was only divided by Diocletian, and
named it rightly in so far as the two
Germanies belonged geographically to
Belgica. The specified measurement
carries us, if we follow the Kinzig
valley to the north-east, beyond Fulda
nearly to Hersfeld. Inscriptions have
been found here far eastward beyond
the Rhine, as far as the Wetterau ;
Friedberg and Butzbach were mili-
tary positions strongly garrisoned ; at
Altenstadt between Friedberg and

A
Sei ~" $ i aes js? R TANT i aij 2
. mm Nee ee ee em ee te en,

T

ra

The region
of the
Neckar,

ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

152
account appears worthy of credit, if we take into con-
sideration that the military frontier-line, which certainly
seems not to have gone far above Friedberg, doubtless
kept here also within the territorial boundary.

But not merely was the valley of the lower Main in
front of Mentz brought within the military frontier-line ;
in south-western Germany also the boundary was pushed
forward in a still greater degree. The region of the
Neckar, once possessed by the Celtic Helvetii, then for
long a debateable borderland between these and the ad-
vancing Germans, and therefore named the Helvetian
desert, subsequently perhaps occupied partially by the Mar-
comani, before these retreated to Bohemia (p. 29), came on
the regulation of the Germanic boundaries after the battle
of Varus into the same position as the greater portion of
the right bank of the lower Rhine. Here, too, there must
have been a frontier-line already at that time marked off,
within which Germanic settlements were not tolerated.
Thereupon individual, mostly Gallic, immigrants, who had
not much to lose, settled down, as on an unenclosed moor,
in these fertile but little protected regions, which went at
that time by the name of agri decumates.' This private
occupation, which was, it may be conjectured, merely
tolerated by the government, was followed by the formal
taking possession of it probably under Vespasian. As
already, about the year 74, a highway was carried from
Strassburg on the right bank of the Rhine as far as
Offenburg,’ there must have been instituted about this

Biidingen there has been found an
inscription of the year 242 (Bram-
bach, C. J. Rk. 1410) pointing to
protection of the frontier (collegium
iuventutis).

2 What the designation agri decu-
mates (for the latter word is at any-
rate to be connected with agri) oc-
curring only in Tacitus, Germ. 29,
means, is uncertain. It is possible

that the territory regarded in the
earlier imperial period certainly as
property of the state or rather of the
emperor, like the old ager occupa-
torius of the republic, might be used

by the first who took possession upon
payment of the tenth; but neither is
it linguistically proved that decumas
can mean ‘‘liable for a tenth,” nor
are we acquainted with such arrange-
ments in the imperial period. More-
over it should not be overlooked that
the description of Tacitus refers to
the time before the institution of the
line of the Neckar; it does not suit
the latter period any more than does
the designation, which doubtless is not
clear, but is at any rate certainly con-
nected with the earlier legal relation.

2 This has been proved by Zange-

CHAP, IV, AND THE FREE GERMANS. 153

time in this region a more earnest protection of the fron-
tier than the mere prohibition of Germanic settlement
furnished. What the father had begun the sons carried
out. Perhaps even through the construction—whether by
Vespasian, by Titus, or Domitian—of the “Flavian altars”?
at the source of the Neckar, near the modern Rottweil—
a settlement of which indeed we know nothing but the
name—there was procured for the new upper Germany
on the right of the Rhine a centre similar to what the
Ubian altar was formerly intended to become for Great
Germany, and soon afterwards the altar of Sarmizegetusa
became for the newly-conquered Dacia. The first institu.
tion of the frontier-defence, to be described further on, by
which the Neckar valley was brought within the Roman
line, is thus the work of the Flavii, chiefly, doubtless, of
Domitian? who thereby carried further the construction
at the Taunus. The military road on the right of the
Rhine from Mogontiacum by way of Heidelberg and
Baden in the direction of Offenburg—the necessary con-
sequence of this annexation of the Neckar region—was,
as we now know,’ constructed by Trajan in the year
100, and was a part of the more direct communication
established by that emperor between Gaul and the line of s
the Danube. There was employment for the soldiers at
these works, but hardly for their arms; there were no
Germanic tribes dwelling in the region of the Neckar, and
still less can the narrow strip on the left bank of the
Danube, which was thereby brought within the frontier
line, have cost serious struggles. The nearest Germanic
people of note there, the Hermunduri, had more friendly

See Ne me ge mem ee

meister (Westdeutsche Zeitschrift, iii.
P. 246).

1 The fact that here several altars
were dedicated, while elsewhere at
these central sanctuaries only one is
mentioned, may be explained perhaps
by the cultus of Roma falling into
the background by the side of that of
the emperors. If at the very outset
several altars were erected, which is
probable, perhaps one of the sons
caused altars to be set up as well to

oo en re et Ry

his father and perhaps his brother as
to his own Genius.

2 That the transfer took place
shortly before Tacitus wrote the Ger-
mania in the year 98, he himself states,
and that Domitian was its author, fol-
lows from the fact that he does not
name the author.

3 This, too, has been document-
arily established by Zangemeister
(Westdeutsche Zeitschrift, iii. 237 f.).

Re rs ein) eee cate CS Oe,

The upper
Germanic
Limes.

154 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

dispositions towards the Romans than any other tribe had,
and carried on lively commercial intercourse with them in
the town of the Vindelici, Augusta; of the fact that this
advance met with no resistance from them, we shall find
traces further on. Under the following reigns of Hadrian,
Pius, and Marcus, further progress was made with these
military arrangements.

We cannot historically follow out the mode in which
the frontier-fence between the Rhine and the Danube—
still in great part subsisting as regards its foundations at
the present day—came into existence, but we are able to
recognise not merely the course which it took but also
the purpose which it served. The work was as to its
nature and purpose different in upper Germany from
what it was in Raetia. The upper German frontier-
fence, with a length in all of about 250 Roman miles
(228 English miles?) begins immediately at the northern
boundary of the province, embraces, as has been already
said, the Taunus and the plain of the Main as far as the
district of Friedberg, and turns thence southward to the
Main, which it meets at Grosskrotzenburg above Hanau.
Following the Main thence as far as Worth, it here takes
the direction of the Neckar, which it reaches somewhat
below Wimpfen and does not again leave. Afterwards
in front of the southern half of this frontier-line a second
was laid out, which follows the Main by way of Wörth as
far as Miltenberg, and thence is led for the most part in
a straight direction to Lorch between Stuttgart and Aalen.
Here to the upper German frontier-fence is joined on the
Raetian, only 120 miles (108 English) long ; it leaves the
Danube at Kelheim above Ratisbon and runs thence,
twice crossing the Altmuhl, in a curve westward likewise
as far as Lorch.

1 This measurement holds for the case of the older line of the Neckar
line of forts from Rheinbrohl to Lorch the rampart is considerably shorter,
(Cohausen, der Rom. Grenswall,p.7{.). since, instead of that from Miltenberg
For the earthen rampart there falls to to Lorch, here comes in the much
be deducted the stretch of the Main shorter one of the Odenwald from
from Miltenberg to Grosskrotzenburg, Wörth to Wimpfen,
of about thirty Roman miles. In the

AND THE FREE GERMANS.

CHAP. IV. 155

The upper Germanic Limes consists of a series of forts
which are distant from each other, at the most, half a day’s
march (about nine English miles). Where the lines of
connection between the forts are not closed by the Main
or the Neckar, as stated above, there was introduced an
artificial barrier, at first perhaps merely by a palisade, after-
wards by a continuous earthen rampart of moderate height,
with a fosse outside and watch-towers built in at short
intervals on the inner side.” The forts are not introduced
into the rampart, but constructed immediately behind it at
a distance seldom exceeding one-third of an English mile.

The Raetian frontier-fence was a mere barrier, pro-
duced by piling up quarry-stones ; there were no fosses
or watch-towers, and the forts, constructed behind the
Limes without regular succession and at unequal intervals
(none nearer than two and a half to three miles), stand
in no immediate connection with the barrier-line. As to
the order in time of the constructions there is no definite
testimony ; it is proved that the upper Germanic line of
the Neckar was in existence under Pius,’ that placed in front

1 Tf, as is probable, the statement
that Hadrian blocked the imperial
frontier-roads by palisades against the
barbarians (p. 122) relates in part and
perhaps primarily to the upper Ger-
manic, the wall, of which remains are
extant, was not his work; whether
this may have carried palisades or not,
no report would mention these and
pass over the wall itself. Dio, lxix.
Q, says that Hadrian revised the de-
fence of the frontier throughout the
empire. The designation of the pale
[Pahl] or pale-ditch [P/akleraben]
cannot be Roman ; in Latin the
stakes, which, driven into the wall of
the camp, form a palisade-chain for it,
are Called not pali, but valli or sudes,
just as the wall itself is never other
than vallum. If the designation in
use from of old for this purpose ap-
parently along the whole line among
the Germans was really borrowed
from the palisades, it must have been
of Germanic origin, and can only have
proceeded from the time when this

Re es Ee no em, en, net NN a ee |

wall stood before their eyes in its in-
tegrity and significance. Whether
the ‘‘region” Palas which Ammianus
mentions (xviii. 2, 15) is connected
with this is doubtful.

2 In such an one recently discovered
between the forts of Schlossau and
Hesselbach, 1850 yards from the
former, about three miles from the
latter, there has been found a votive in-
scription (Korrespondenzblatt der West-
deutschen Zeitschrift, 1 Jul. 1884),
which the troop that built it—a de-
tachment of the Ist cohort of the
Sequani and Raurici under command
of a centurion of the 22d legion,
erected as thanksgiving ob burgum
explic(ttum). These towers thus were
burgi.

3 The oldest dated evidence for
these is two inscriptions of the garri-
son of Bockingen, opposite Heilbronn,
on the left bank of the Neckar of the
year 148 (Brambach, C. Z. RA. 1583,

1590).

The Raet-
jan Limes.

156 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

of it from Miltenberg to Lorch under Marcus.’ The idea of
a frontier-bar was common to the two structures, otherwise
so different ; the preference in the one case for the piling
up of earth—whence the fosse for the most part resulted
of itself—in the other case, for layers of stone, probably
depended only on the diversity of the soil and of the
materials for building. It was common to them, further,
that neither the one nor the other was constructed for the
defence, as a whole, of the frontier. Not merely was the
hindrance, which the piling up of earth or stone presented
to the assailant, slight in itself; but along the line we meet
everywhere with commanding positions, morasses lying in
the rear, a want of outlook towards the country in front,
and similar clear indications of the fact, that in the tracing
of it warlike purposes generally were not contemplated.
The forts are of course arranged for defence, each by itself,
but they are not connected by paved cross-roads; and
so the individual garrison relied for support not on those
of the neighbouring forts, but on the rear-base, to which
the road led, whereby each was kept garrisoned. More-
over, these garrisons were not dovetailed into a military
system of frontier defence ; they were rather fortified posi-
tions for a case of need than strategically chosen for the
occupation of the territory, as indeed the very extent of
the line itself, compared with the number of troops at
disposal, excludes the possibility of its defence as a
whole.

1 The oldest dated evidence for the
existence of this line is the inscription
of vicus Aurelii (Oehringen) of the
year 169 (Brambach, C. Z. RA. 1558),
doubtless only private, but certainly
not set up before the construction of
this fort belonging to the Miltenberg-
Lorch line ; little later is that of Jags-
thausen, likewise belonging to that
line, of the year 179 (C. Z. Rh. 1618).
Accordingly vicus Aurelii might take
its name from Marcus, not from Cara-
calla, though it is attested of the latter
that he constructed various forts in
these regions and named them after
himself (Dio, Ixxvi. 13).

2 As to the distribution of the
upper German troops there is a want
of sufficient information, but not en-
tirely of data on which to rest. Of
the two headquarters in upper Ger-
many, that of Strassburg can be shown
to have been after the construction of
the line of the Neckar occupied but
weakly, and was probably more an
administrative than a military centre
(Westdeutsches Correspondensblatt,
1884, p. 132). On the other hand,
the garrison of Mentzalwaysdemanded
a considerable portion of the aggre-
gate strength, all the more because it
was probably the only compact body

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 157

Thus these extensive military structures had not, like the
Britannic wall, the object of checking the invasion of the
enemy. The intention rather was, that, like the bridges
over the river-frontier, so the roads on the land-frontier
should be commanded by the forts, but in other respects,
like the river as the water-boundary, so the wall on the
landward should hinder the uncontrolled crossing of the
frontier. Other uses might be combined with this; the
preference, often apparent, for the rectilineal direction
points to its application for signals, and occasionally the
structure may have been used directly for purposes of
war. But the proper and immediate object of the struc-
ture was to prevent the crossing of the frontier. The
fact, withal, that watch-posts and forts were erected, not
on the Raetian but on the upper Germanic frontier, is

of troops on a large scale in all upper
Germany. The other troops were

distributed partly to the Limes, whose

forts, according to Cohausen’s esti-
mate (Rim. Grenzwall, p. 335), were
on an average five miles apart from
one another, and so in all about fifty;
partly to the interior forts, especially on
the line of the Odenwald from Giindels-
heim to Worth; that the latter, at
least in part, remained occupied even
after the laying out of the outer Limes,
is at least probable. Owing to the
inequality in size of the forts still mea-
surable, it is difficult to say what num-
ber of troops was required to make
them capable of defence. Cohausen
(Z c. p. 340) reckons to a middle-
sized fort, including the reserve, 720
men. As the usual cohort of the

- legion as of the auxiliaries numbered

500 men, and the fort-buildings must
necessarily have had regard to this
fact, the garrison of the fort in the
event of siege must be estimated on an
average at least at this number. After
the reduction the upper German army
could not possibly have held the forts,
even of the Limes alone, simultaneously
in this strength. Much less could it,
even before the reduction, have kept
the lines between the forts even barely
Occupied with its 30,000 men (p.

119); and, if this was not possible,
the simultaneous occupation of all the
forts had in fact no object. To all
appearance each fort was planned in
such a way that, when duly garrisoned,
it could be held; but, as a rule—and on
this frontier the state of peace was the
rule—the individual fort was not ona
war-footing, but only furnished with
troops, in so far that posts might be
stationed in the watch - towers, and
the roads as well as the byways might
be kept under inspection. The stand-
ing garrisons of the forts were, it may
be conjectured, very much weaker
than is usually assumed. We pos-
sess from antiquity but a single record
of such a garrison ; it is of the year
155, and relates to the fort of Kut-
lowitza, to the north of Sofia (Zp.
Epigr. iv. p. 524), for which the army
of lower Moesia, and in fact the Irth
legion, furnished the garrison. This
troop numbered at that time, besides
the centurion in command, only 76
men. The Raetian army was, at
least before Marcus, still less in a
position to occupy extensive lines ;
it numbered then at the most 10,000
men, and had, besides the Raetian
Limes, to supply also the line of the
Danube from Ratisbon to Passau.

Object of
these struc-
tures,

ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

158
explained by their different relations to the neighbours, in
the former case to the Hermunduri, in the latter to the
Chatti. The Romans in upper Germany did not con-
front their neighbours as they confronted the Highlanders
of Britain, in whose presence the province was always in
a state of siege ; but the repulse of predatory invaders as
well as the levying of the frontier-dues demanded at any
rate ready and near military help. The upper German
army, and in keeping with it the garrisons on the Limes,
might be gradually reduced, but the Roman pilum could
never be dispensed with in the land of the Neckar. It
might, however, be dispensed with in presence of the
Hermunduri, who, in Trajan’s time, alone of all the Germans,
were at liberty to cross the frontier of the empire without
special control and to trade freely in the Roman territory,
especially in Augsburg, and with whom, so far as we
know, border-collisions never took place. There was
thus at this period no occasion for a similar structure on
the Raetian frontier; the forts north of the Danube, which
can be shown to have subsisted already in Trajan’s time,
sufficed here for the protection of the frontier and the
control of frontier-intercourse. This accords with the
observation that the Raetian Limes, as it stands before our
eyes, corresponds only with the more recent upper Ger-
manic barrier-line perhaps laid out for the first time
under Marcus. Then occasion for it was not wanting.
The wars of the Chatti, as we shall see (p. 161), seized at
this time also on Raetia; the strengthening too of the
garrison of the province might reasonably stand in con-
nection with the erection of this Limes, which, however
little it was arranged for military ends, was at any rate
doubtless constructed with a view to its being a frontier-
bar, though of less strong character.?

1 This is proved by the document
of Trajan of the year 107, found at
Weissenburg.

2 The investigations hitherto as to
the Raetian Limes have butlittlecleared
up the destination of this work ; this
only is made out that it was less
adapted than the analogous upper Ger-

man one for military occupation. A
weaker frontier-bar of that sort may
reasonably, even before the Marco-
manian war, have been chosen to face
the Hermunduri; nor does what
Tacitus says of their intercourse in
Augusta Vindelicum by any means ex-
clude the existence at that time of a

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 159

In a military as well as a political sense the shifting Their X
of the frontier, or rather the strengthening of the frontier- “°*
fence, was effective and useful. While formerly the
Roman chain of forts in upper Germany and Raetia
probably went up the Rhine by way of Strassburg to Basel
and along by Vindonissa to the lake of Constance, then
from thence to the upper Danube, now the upper Ger-
man headquarters were in Mentz and the Raetian in
Ratisbon, and generally the two chief armies of the
empire were brought considerably nearer to each other.
The legionary camp of Vindonissa (Windisch near Ziirich)
became thereby superfluous. The army of the upper
Rhine could, like the neighbouring one, be reduced after
some time to the half of its former strength. The
original number of four legions, which was only acci-
dentally diminished to three during the Batavian war,
subsisted, at all events, probably still under Trajan ;! but
under Marcus the province was only occupied by two
legions, the 8th and the 22d, of which the former was
stationed at Strassburg, the second at the headquarters
Mentz, while most of the troops, broken up into smaller
posts, were stationed along the frontier-wall. Within the
new line urban life flourished almost as on the left bank
of the Rhine ; Sumelocenna (Rottenburg on the Neckar), l
Aquae (civitas Aurelia Aquensis, Baden), Lopodunum

Raetian Limes. Only in that case we
should expect that it would not end at
Lorch, but would join the line of the
Neckar ; and in some measure it does
this, inasmuch as at Lorch instead of
the Limes comes the Rems, which falls
into the Neckar at Canstatt.

1 Of the seven legions which at
Nero’s death were stationed in the two
Germanies (p. 132), Vespasian broke
up five; there remained the 21st and
the 22d, to which, thereupon, were
added the seven or eight legions in-
troduced for the suppression of the
revolt,therst Adiutrix, 2d Adiutrix, 6th
Victrix, 8th and 10th Gemina, 11th,
13th (?), and 14th. Of these, after
the close of the war, the rst Adiutrix
was sent probably to Spain (p. 65,

note), the 2d Adiutrix probably to
Britain (p. 174, note 4), the 13th
Gemina (if this came to Germany at
all) to Pannonia ; the other seven re-
mained, namely, in the lower pro-
vince the 6th, roth, 24st, and 22d
(p. 147, note), in the upper the 8th,
11th, and 14th. To the latter was
probably added in the year 88 the rst
Adiutrix, once more sent from Spain
to upper Germany (p. 65 note). That
under Trajan the 1st Adiutrix and the
11th were stationed in upper Ger-
many is shown by the inscription of
Baden-Baden (Brambach, C. Z. Rh.
1666). The 8th and the 14th, it can
be shown, both came with Cerialis to
Germany, and both did garrison duty
there for a considerable period.

2
en E | ee

~~

Germany
under
Marcus.

160 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

(Ladenburg), had, if we except Cologne and Treves, to
fear no comparison as respects Roman urban development
with any town of Belgica. The rise of these settlements
was chiefly the work of Trajan, who began his govern-
ment with this act of peace ;! “the Rhine Roman on both
its banks” is what a Roman poet entreats speedily to
send to Rome its yet unseen ruler. The great and fertile
region, which was placed in this way under the protection
of the legions, needed that protection and was worthy of
it. Doubtless the battle of Varus marks the beginning of
the ebb of Roman power, but only in so far as its advance
was thereby ended, and the Romans thenceforth contented
themselves in general with shielding more vigorously and
continuously what was retained.

Down to the beginning of the third century the Roman
power on the Rhine showed no indications of tottering.
During the war with the Marcomani under Marcus all
remained quiet in the lower province. If a legate of
Belgica had at that time to call out the general levy
against the Chauci, this was presumably a piratical expedi-
tion, such as often visited the north coast at this time, just
as earlier and later. The surge of the great movement of
peoples reached to the sources of the Danube and even as
far as the region of the Rhine; but it did not shake the

1 Traian was sent by Nerva in the
year 96 or 97 as legate to Germany,
probably to the upper, as at that time
Vestricius Spurinna seems to have pre-
sided over the lower. Nominated here
as co-regent in Octoberofthe year97,he
received the accounts of Nerva’s death
and of his nomination as the Augustus
in February 98 at Cologne. He may
have remained there during the winter
and the following summer; in the
winter 98-99 he was on the Danube.
The words of Eutropius, viii. 2: urbes
trans Rhenum in Germania reparavit
(whence the often misused notice in
Orosius, vii. 12, 2, has been copied),
which can only be referred to the
upper province, but naturally apply
not to the legate, but to the Caesar or
the Augustus, obtain a confirmation

through the civitas Ulpia s(altus ?)
N(icerini ?) Lopodunum of the inscrip-
tions. The ‘‘restoration” may stand
in contrast not to the institutions of
Domitian, but to the irregular germs
of urban arrangements in the Decu-
mates-land before the shifting of the
military frontier. There is no indica-
tion pointing to warlike events under
Trajan ; that he planned and gave his
name (Ammianus, xvii. 1, 11) to a
castellum in Alamannorum solo—ac-
cording to the connection, on the
Main not far from Mentz—is as little
proof of such events as the circum-
stance that a later poet (Sidonius,
Carm. vii. 115), mixing up old and
new, makes Agrippina under him the
terror of the Sugambri—that is, in his
sense, of the Franks,

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 161

foundations there. The Chatti, the only considerable _
Germanic tribe on the upper German and Raetian border-
fence, pushed forward in both directions, and were pro-
bably at that time even among the. Geriians invading-
“Italy, as will be shown further on. when we destebe-tiico= =
war. At any rate the reinforcement.of the Raetian army _

at that time ordained by Marcus, and its conversion into-

` a command of the first class with legion and legates, can
Chatti, and proves that they « did not. treat them lightly a as
regards the future. The already-mentioned strengthening _
of the border-defence would likewise stand connected with. _
this movement. These ‘measures must have sufficed for
the next generation. -

Under Antoninus the son of Severus a new and more War with
eee oe ee Raetia. This Aiamamni.
as waged against the Chatti; but by their : side a
second people is named, which we-here meet for the first
time—the Alamanni. Whence they came, we know not.
According to a Roman writing a little -later they were a
conflux of mixed elements ; the appellation also seems
to point to a league of communities, as well as the fact
that afterwards the different tribes comprehended under
this name stand forth—more than is the case among the
other great Germanic peoples—in their separate character,
and the Juthungi, the Lentienses, and other Alamannic
peoples not seldom act independently. But that it is
not the Germans of this region who here emerge allied
under the new name and strengthened by the alliance, is
shown as well by the naming of the Alamanni alongside
of the Chatti, as by the mention of the unwonted skiful-
ness of the Alamanni in equestrian combat. On the con-
trary it was certainly, in the main, hordes coming on from
the East that lent new strength to the almost extinguished
German resistance on the Rhine ; it is not improbable that
the powerful Semnones, in earlier times dwelling on the
middle Elbe, of whom there is no further mention after
the end of the second century, furnished a strong con-
tingent to the Alamanni. The constantly increasing mis-

VOL. I. II

Severus

Antoninus.

Alexander.

Maxi-
minus,

162 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII,

government in the Roman empire naturally contributed its
share, although only in a secondary degree, to the shifting
of power. The emperor took the field in person against
the new foe; in August of the year 213 he crossed the
Roman frontier, and a victory over them on the Main was
achieved or at least celebrated ; further forts were con-
structed ; the tribes of the Elbe and of the North Sea
sent deputies to the Roman ruler, and wondered when in
receiving them he wore their own dress, with silver-mounted
jacket, and hair and beard coloured and arranged after the
German fashion. But thenceforth the wars on the Rhine
are incessant, and the aggressors are the Germans; the neigh-
bours formerly so pliant had as it were exchanged charac-
ters. Twenty years later the inroads of the barbarians
on the Danube as on the Rhine were so constant and so
serious, that the emperor Alexander had on their account to
break off the less immediately dangerous Persian war and
to resort in person to the camp of Mentz, not so much to
defend the territory as to purchase peace from the Ger-
mans by large sums of money. The exasperation of the
soldiers at this led to his murder (A.D. 235), and thereby
to the fall of the Severian dynasty, the last that existed
at all until the regeneration of the state.

His successor Maximinus, a rough but brave Thracian
who had risen from the position of a common soldier,
compensated for the cowardly conduct of his predecessor
by an energetic expedition into the heart of Germany.
The barbarians did not yet venture to face a strong and
well-led Roman army ; they retreated to their forests and
morasses, and the brave emperor, following them even
thither, fought in front of all hand to hand. From these
conflicts, which were doubtless directed from Mentz
primarily against the Alamanni, he could with right call
himself Germanicus ; and even for the future the expedi-
tion of the year 236, for long the last great victory which
the Romans gained on the Rhine, bore somé fruit.
Although the constant and bloody changes on the throne
and the grave disasters in the East and on the Danube
allowed the Romans. no time to breathe, during the next

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 163

twenty years, if peace was not strictly preserved on the
Rhine a greater disaster did not occur. It appears even
that one of the upper German legions was at that time
sent to Africa without its place being supplied, and so
upper Germany was held as tolerably secure. But when
in the year 253 the different generals of Rome were once
more fighting each other for the imperial dignity, and the
Rhine-legions marched to Italy to fight out the cause of
their emperor Valerianus against the Aemilianus of the
Danube-army, this seems to have been the signal’ for the
Germans pushing forward especially towards the lower
Rhine.” These Germans were the Franks, who appear
here for the first time, perhaps new opponents only in
aame ; for, although the identification of them, already to
be met with in later antiquity, with tribes formerly named
on the lower Rhine—partly, the Chamavi settled beside
the Bructeri, partly the Sugambri formerly mentioned
subject to the Romans—is uncertain and at least inade-
quate, there is here greater probability than in the case of
the Alamanni that the Germans hitherto dependent on
Rome on the right bank of the Rhine, and the Germanic
tribes previously dislodged from the Rhine, took at that
time— under the collective name of the “Free”— the
offensive in concert against the Romans.

So long as Gallienus himself remained on the Rhine,
he, notwithstanding the small forces that were at his dis-
posal, kept his opponents to some extent in check, pre-
vented them from crossing the river, or drove out again
the intruders, although he doubtless ceded to one of the
Germanic leaders a portion of the desired territory on the

1 Not merely the causal connec-
tion, but even the chronological suc-
cession of these important events is
obscure. The account, relatively the
best, in Zosimus, i. 29, describes the
Germanic war as the cause why Va-
lerian immediately on ascending the
throne in 253 made his son joint-ruler
with equal rights; and Valerian bears
the title Germanicus maximus as
early as 256 (C. Z. L. viii. 2380;
likewise in 259 C. Z L. xi. 826),

perhaps even if the coin in Cohen, n.
54, is to be trusted, the title Ger-
manicus maximus ter.

2 That the Germans, against whom
Gallienus had to fight, are to be
sought at least chiefly on the lower
Rhine, is shown by the residence of
his son in Agrippina, where he can
only have remained behind as nominal
representative of his father. His
biographer also, c. 8, names the
Franks.

The
Franks.

Gallienus.

Postumus.

164 ROMAN GERMANY

BOOK VIIL.

river-bank, under the condition of his acknowledging the
Roman rule and defending his possession against his
countrymen—which indeed almost amounted to a capitu-

lation.

But when the emperor, recalled by the still more

dangerous position of affairs on the Danube, resorted
thither and left behind as representative in Gaul his elder
son still in boyhood, one of the officers, to whom he had
intrusted the defence of the frontier and the guardianship
of his son, Marcus Cassianius Latinius Postumus, got

1 It is difficult to form a concep-
tion of the degree of historical falsifi-
cation which prevails in a portion of
the Imperial Biographies ; it will not
be amiss to present here a specimen
of it in the account of Postumus.
He is here called (no doubt in an in-
serted document) Julius Postumus
(Tyr. 6), on the coins and inscrip-
tions M. Cassianius Latinius Postu-
mus, in the epitomised Victor, 32,
Cassius Labienus Postumus.— He
reigns seven years (Gall. 4); Tyr. 3,
5; the coins name his ¢r. p. X., and
Eutropius, ix. 10, gives him ten years.
—RHis opponent is called Lo/ianus, ac-
cording to the coins Ulpius Cornelius
Laelianus, Laelianus in Eutropius ix.
g (according to the one class of manu-
scripts, while the other follows the
interpolation of the biographers) and
in Victor (c. 33), Aelianus in the epi-
tome of Victor.—Postumus and Vic-
torinus rule jointly according to the
biographer; but there are no coins
common to both, and consequently
these confirm the report in Victor
and Eutropius that Victorinus was the
successor of Postumus.—It is a pecu-
liarity of this class of falsifications
that they reach their culmination in
the documents inserted. The Cologne
epitaph of the two Victorini (Zyr. 7),
hic duo Victorini tyranni (1) siti sunt
criticises itself, The alleged com-
mission of Valerian, whereby the
latter communicates to the Gauls the
nomination of Postumus, not only
praises prophetically the gifts of Pos-
tumus as a ruler, but names also
various impossible offices; a Trans-
rhenani limitis dux et Galliae prae-

A

ses at no time existed, and Pos-
tumus åpxħłv év Kedrots orparwréy
éumemioTevuévos (Zosimus, i. 38) can
only have been praeses of one of the
two Germanies, or, if his command
was an extraordinary one, dux per
Germanias. Equally impossible is, in
the same quasi-document, the ribu-
natus Vocontiorum of the son, an
evident imitation of the tribunates, as
they emerge in the Notitia Dign. of the
time of Honorius. —Against Postumus
and Victorinus, under whom the Gauls
and the Franks fight, Gallienus
marches with Aureolus, afterwards
his opponent, and the later emperor
Claudius ; he himself is wounded by
a shot from an arrow, but is victori-
ous, without any change being pro-
duced by the victory. Of this war
the other accounts know nothing.
Postumus falls in the military insur-
rection instigated by the so-called
Lollianus, while according to the re-
port in Victor and Eutropius, Postu-
mus becomes master of this Mentz
insurrection, but then the soldiers kill
him because he will not deliver up
Mentz to them for plunder. As to
the elevation of Postumus, by the
side of the narrative which agrees in
the main with the ordinary one, that
Postumus had perfidiously set aside
the son of Gallienus entrusted to his
guardianship, stands another evidently
invented to clear him, according to
which the people in Gaul did this,
and then offered the crown to Postu-
mus. The tendency to eulogise one
who had spared Gaul the fate of the
Danubian lands and of Asia and had
saved it from the Germans, comes

ar

cHaP. 1v. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 165
himself proclaimed by his men as emperor and besieged
in Cologne Silvanus the guardian of the emperor’s son.
He was successful in capturing the town and in getting
into his power his former colleague as well as the imperial
boy, whereupon he had them both executed. But during
this confusion the Franks burst over the Rhine, and not
merely overflowed all Gaul, but penetrated also into Spain
and indeed pillaged even the coast of Africa. Soon after-
wards, when the capture of Valerian by the Persians had
filled up the measure of misfortune, all the Roman land
on the left bank of the Rhine in the upper province was
lost, passing doubtless to the Alamanni, whose eruption
into Italy in the last years of Gallienus necessarily pre-
supposes this loss. He is the last emperor whose name
is found on monuments on the right of the Rhine. His
coins celebrate him on account of five great victories over
the Germans, and not less are those of his successor in
the Gallic rule, Postumus, full of the praise of the German
victories of the deliverer of Gaul. Gallienus in his earlier
years had taken up the struggle on the Rhine not without
energy, and Postumus was even an excellent officer and
would gladly have been a good regent ; but amidst the utter
unruliness which then prevailed in the Roman state or
rather in the Roman army, the talent and ability of the
individual profited neither himself nor the commonwealth.
A series of flourishing Roman towns was at that time laid
desolate by the invading barbarians, and the right bank
of the Rhine was for ever lost to the Romans.

The re-establishment of peace and order in Gaul was
primarily dependent on the cohesion of the empire
generally; so long as the Italian emperors stationed
their troops in the Narbonensis to set aside the Gallic

This

here and everywhere (most obviously
at Zyr. 5) to light ; with which is con-
nected the fact that this report knows
nothing of the loss of the right bank
of the Rhine and of the expeditions
of the Franks to Gaul, Spain, and
Africa. It is further significant that
the alleged progenitor of the Con-
stantinian house is here provided with

an honourable secondary part.
narrative, not confused but thoroughly
falsified, must be completely set aside ;
the reports on the one hand in Zosi-
mus, on the other in the Latins draw-
ing from a common source—Victor
and Eutropius, short and confused as
they are, can alone be taken into
account.

Aurelfanus.

166 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

rival, and the latter in turn made as though he would
cross the Alps, effective operations against the Germans
were of themselves excluded. It was only after that,
about the year 272,’ the then ruler of Gaul, Tetricus,
weary of his ungrateful part, had himself brought about
the submission of his troops to Aurelianus, the emperor
recognised by the Roman senate, that the thought of
warding off the Germans could be again entertained.
The raids of the Alamanni, who had for almost ten years
ravaged upper Italy as far down as Ravenna, had a stop
| put to them for long by the same able ruler who had
brought Gaul back to the empire, and he emphatically
defeated one of their tribes, the Juthungi, on the upper
Danube. If his government had lasted he would doubt-
| less have renewed the protection of the frontier also in
Gaul; after his speedy and sudden end (275) the
Germans once more crossed the Rhine and devastated the
country far and wide.

His successor Probus (from 276), also an able soldier,
not merely drove them out afresh—he is said to have
taken from them seventy towns—but also advanced
again on the aggressive, crossed the Rhine, and drove
the Germans back over the Neckar. He did not, how-

Probus.

ever, renew the lines of the

1 The rule of Postumus lasted ten
years (p. 164, note 1). That the elder
son of Gallienus was already dead in
259, we learn from the inscription of
Modena, C. / Z. xi. 826; the
revolt of Postumus thus falls certainly
in or before this year. As the
captivity of Tetricus cannot well be
placed later than 272, immediately
after the second expedition against
Zenobia, and the three Gallic rulers
reigned, Postumus for ten years,
Victorinus for two (Eutropius, ix. 9),
Tetricus for two (Victor, 35), this
brings the revolt of Postumus to
somewhere about 259; yet such
numbers are frequently somewhat
deranged. When the duration of
the expeditions of the Germans into
Spain under Gallienus is definitely

stated at twelve years (Orosius, vil.

earlier time, but contented

41, 2), this appears to be superficially
reckoned according to the Chronicle
of Jerome. The usual exact numbers
are unattested and deceptive.

2 According to the biographer,
C. 14, 15, Probus brought the Ger-
mans of the right bank of the Rhine
into dependence, so that they were
tributary to the Romans and defended
the frontier for them (omnes jam bar-
bari vobis arant, vobis jam serviunt et
contra interiores gentes militant) ; the
right of bearing arms is left to them
for the time, but the idea is, on
further successes, to push forward the
frontier and erect a province of Ger-
mania. Even as free fancies of a
Roman of the fourth century—more
they are not—these utterances have a
certain interest.

- . PT e Ne A ARGON `-

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 167

himself with erecting and occupying at the more important
positions of the Rhine ¢étes de pont on the other bank,
—that is, he reverted nearly to such arrangements as had
subsisted here before Vespasian. At the same time the
Franks were defeated by his generals in the northern
province. Great masses of the vanquished Germans
were sent as forced settlers to Gaul, and above all to
Britain. In this way the frontier of the Rhine was won
back and handed over to the later empire. No doubt,
like the rule on the right bank of the Rhine, peace on
the left had passed away beyond recall. The Alamanni
stood in a threatening attitude opposite to Basel and
Strassburg, the Franks opposite to Cologne. By their
side other tribes presented themselves. The fact that
the Burgundiones, once settled beyond the Elbe, advancing
westward as far as the upper Main, threatened Gaul, is
first mentioned under the emperor Probus; a few years
later the Saxons, in concert with the Franks, began their
attacks by sea on the north coast of Gaul as on the
Roman Britain. But under the—for the most part—
vigorous and capable emperors of the Diocletiano-
Constantinian house, and even under their immediate
successors, the Romans kept the threatening inundation
of peoples within measured bounds.

To depict the Germans in their national development
is not the task of the historian of the Romans; for him
they appear only as hindering or as destroying. An
interpenetration of the two nationalities, and a mixed
culture thence resulting, such as the Romanised land of
the Celts presented, Roman Germany has none to show ;
or—so far as concerns our conception of it—it coincides
with the Romano-Gallic all the more, since the Germanic
territories on the left bank of the Rhine, which remained
for a considerable time in the Roman possession, were
pervaded throughout with Celtic elements, and even those
on the right, deprived for the most part of their original
population, obtained the majority of the new settlers
from Gaul. Communal centres, such as the Celtic system
possessed in large number, were wanting to the German

Romanis-
ing of the
Germans.

Roman
Germanis-
ing.

168 ROMAN GERMANY BOOK VIII.

element. Partly on that account, partly in consequence
of outward circumstances, the Roman element was able,
as has been already brought out (p. 102), to develop
itself sooner and more fully in the Germanic east than in
the Celtic regions. The encampments of the army of
the Rhine, all of which fell within Roman Germany,
were of essential influence in this respect. The larger

“of them obtained, partly through the traders who attached
themselves to the army, partly, and above all, through ©

the veterans who remained in their wonted quarters even
after their discharge, an urban appendage—a town of
huts (canabae), separate from the military quarters proper ;
everywhere, and particularly in Germany, towns proper
grew in time out of these at the legionary camps and
especially the headquarters. At their head stood the
Roman town of the Ubii, originally the second largest
camp of the army of the lower Rhine, then from the
year 50 onward a Roman colony (p. 99), exercising the
most important effect in elevating Roman civilisation in
the region of the Rhine. Here the camp-town gave
place to that of the Roman plantation; subsequently
urban rights were obtained, without shifting the quarters
of the troops, by the settlements belonging to the two
great camps of the lower Rhine—Ulpia Noviomagus, in
the land of the Batavi, and Ulpia Traiana, near Vetera—
from Trajan, and in the third century by the military
capital of upper Germany, Mogontiacum. No doubt
these civil towns always retained a subordinate position
by the side of the military centres of administration
independent of them. l

If we look beyond the limit where this narrative
closes, we certainly find, instead of the Romanising of
the Germans, in some measure a Germanising of the
Romans. The last phase of the Roman state was marked
by its becoming barbarian, and especially becoming Ger-
manised ; and the beginnings of the process reach far
back. It commences with the peasantry in the colonate,
passes on to the troop as modelled by the emperor Severus,
seizes then on the officers and magistrates, and ends with

Ern ne Gp A Pe gt a-

CHAP. IV. AND THE FREE GERMANS. 169

the hybrid Romano-Germanic states of the Visigoths in
Spain and Gaul, the Vandals in Africa, above all, with the
Italy of Theoderic. For the understanding of this last
phase there is certainly needed an insight into the political
development of the one as of the other nation. Unfortu-
nately, the enquiry into early German history is here at
fault. It is true that the political arrangements into
which these Germans entered as servants or joint rulers
are well known, far better than the systematic history of
the same epoch. But over the primitive condition of the
Germans floats that gray morning-haze in which sharp
outlines are lost. German heathenism, apart from the
far north, perished before the time of which we have
knowledge ; and the religious elements, which are never
wanting in a national war, we know doubtless for the
Sassanidae, but not for the Marcomani. The beginnings
of the political development of the Germans are delineated
for us in part by the picture of Tacitus—many-coloured,
hampered by modelling itself on the ideas of a fading past,
and but too often keeping silence as to elements of really
decisive moment—while in part we must take them from
the hybrid states which arose on formerly Roman soil and
had Roman elements everywhere inwoven. Here our
records seldom give us German technical terms, but sub-
stitute Latin descriptions which are plainly inadequate,
and here, in general, we miss those sharply-defined ideas
which our studies of classical history offer us in plenty.
It is characteristic of our German nation that it has not
been permitted to develop itself by German effort from
German origins, and we may connect with this the. fact
that German scholarship has studied the beginnings and
characters of other nations with more success than it has
won in the study of its own.

ra

h
g -am 7 a: -= V . Ia R i a
pna ene: eee o ee, M Nee mr a a; Å e m aMMa a aaa a S —— nN

CHAPTER V.
BRITAIN,

Caesar and NINETY-SEVEN years elapsed from the time when Roman
Taosa, troops had entered, subdued, and again abandoned the
great island in the north-western ocean, before the Roman
government resolved to repeat the voyage and permanently
to occupy Britain. Certainly Caesar’s Britannic expedition
had not been, like his campaigns against the Germans, a
mere forward movement of defence. So far as his arm
reached, he had made the individual tribes subject to the
empire, and had regulated their annual tribute to it in
this case as in Gaul. The leading tribe, too, which was
to be firmly attached to Rome by its privileged position
and thereby to become the fulcrum of Roman rule, was
found ; the Trinovantes (Essex) were to take up on the
Celtic island the same part—more advantageous than
honourable—as the Haedui and the Remi on the
Gallic continent. The bloody feud between the prince
Cassivellaunus and the princely house of Camalodunum
(Colchester) had been the immediate cause of the Roman
invasion ; to reinstate this house Caesar had landed, and
the object was for the moment attained. Beyond doubt
Caesar never deceived himself as to the fact that the
tribute, as well as the protectorate, were in the first
instance mere words; but these words were a programme
which could not but bring about, and was intended to
bring about, the permanent occupation of the island by
Roman troops.
Caesar himself did not get so far as permanently to

— Bs A

CHAP. V, BRITAIN. 17!

organise the affairs of the subject island; and for his
successors Britain was a perplexity. The Britons who
had become subject to the empire certainly did not long
pay—perhaps never paid at all—the tribute which was
due. The protectorate over the dynasty of Camalodunum
must have been still less respected, and had simply as its
effect, that princes and scions of that house again and again
appeared in Rome and invoked the intervention of the
Roman government against neighbours and rivals. Thus
king Dubnovellaunus, probably the successor of the prince
of the Trinovantes confirmed by Caesar, came as a refugee
to Rome to the emperor Augustus, and so, later, one of
the princes of the same house came to the emperor Gaius.’

In fact the expedition to Britain was a necessary part
of the heritage left by Caesar. Already during the Dual
Rule Caesar the younger had projected such an expedition,
and had only desisted from it on account of the more
urgent necessity of procuring quiet in Illyricum, or on
account of the strained relation with Antonius, which
proved useful to the Parthians in the first instance as
well as to the Britons. The courtly poets of the earlier
years of Augustus celebrated variously in anticipation the
Britannic conquest; the programme of Caesar was thus
accepted and adopted by his successor. When the
monarchy was consolidated, all Rome thereupon expected
that the close of the civil war would be followed by the

1 To all appearance the political
relations between Rome and Britain
in the time before the conquest are
to be regarded essentially as arising
out of the restoration and guarantee
(B. G. v. 22) of the principality of
the Trinovantes by Caesar. That
king Dubnovellaunus, who along with
another quiteunknown Britannic prince
sought protection with Augustus, ruled
chiefly in Essex, is shown by his coins
(my Mon. Ancyr. 2d ed., p. 138 f.).
We have to seek also mainly there
the Britannic princes who sent to
Augustusand recognised hissupremacy
(for such apparently we must take to
be the meaning of Strabo, iv. 5, 3,

p. 200; comp. Tacitus, An». ii. 24).
Cunobelinus, according to the coins
the son of king Tasciovanus, of whom
history is silent, dying as it would
seem in advanced years between 40
and 43, and thus contemporary in
his government with the later years
of Augustus and with Tiberius and
Gaius, resided in Camalodunum (Dio,
lx. 21); around him and his sons the
preliminary history of the invasion
turns. To what quarter Bericus, who
came to Claudius (Dio, Ix. 19), be-
longed we do not know, and other
British dynasts may have followed the
example of those of Colchester; but
these stand at the head.

27.
26.

Thereasons
for, and
against, the
occupation
of Britain.

172 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII,

Britannic expedition ; the complaints of the poets as to
the dreadful strife, but for which the Britons would long
since have been led in triumphal procession to the
Capitol, became transformed into the proud hope of
adding to the empire the new province of Britain. The
expedition was, moreover, repeatedly announced (727,
728), yet Augustus, without formally abandoning the
undertaking, soon desisted from carrying it out; and
Tiberius, faithful to his maxim, adhered in this question
also to the system of his father? The worthless thoughts
of the last Julian emperor roamed doubtless also over
the ocean; but serious things he was incapable of even
planning. It was the government of Claudius that first
took up the plan of the dictator afresh and carried it out.

What were the determining motives, on the one side
as on the other, may be at least partially discerned.
Augustus himself laid it down that the occupation of the
island was not necessary from a military point of view—
seeing that its inhabitants were not in a position to annoy
the Romans on the continent—and was not advantageous
for the finances ; that what could be drawn from Britain
flowed into the exchequer of the empire in the form of
import and export duties at the Gallic harbours; that
at least a legion and some cavalry would be requisite
as garrison, and after deduction of its cost from the
tribute of the island not much would be left? All this
was indisputably correct, but it was not the whole
truth. Experience showed later that a legion was far
from sufficient to hold the island. We must further take
into account, what the government certainly had no
occasion to say, that, considering the state of weakness
to which the Roman army had been brought by the
internal policy of Augustus, it could not but appear very

1 Tacitus, Agr. 13, consilium id the free traffic and therewith the
divus Augustus vocabat, Tiberius prae- produce of the customs would decline,
ceptum. must doubtless be taken as conced-

2 The exposition in Strabo, ii. 5, 8&, ing the proposition that the Roman
p. II15; iv. 5, 3, p. 200, gives rule and the Roman tribute affected
evidently the governmental version. injuriously the prosperity of the
That, after annexation of the island, subjects.

CHAP. V. BRITAIN. 173

hazardous to banish a considerable fragment of it, once
for all, to a distant island of the North Sea. There was
presumably only the choice of keeping aloof from Britain
or increasing the army on its account ; and with Augustus
considerations of internal policy always outweighed those
of an external character,

But yet the conviction of the necessity for subduing
Britain must have predominated with Roman statesmen.
Caesar’s conduct would be inconceivable if we do not pre-
suppose that conviction in his case. Augustus at first
formally recognised, and never formally disowned, the aim
proposed by Caesar, notwithstanding its inconvenience. It
was precisely the governments that were the most far-seeing
and most tenacious of purpose—those of Claudius, Nero,
and Domitian—that laid the foundation for the conquest
of Britain, or extended the work ; and, after it had taken
place, it was never regarded in any such light as, let us
say, the conquest by Trajan of Dacia and Mesopotamia. If
the maxim of government, elsewhere adhered to almost
inviolably, that the Roman empire had simply. to fill, but
not to extend, its bounds, was permanently set aside only
in respect of Britain, the cause lies in the fact that the
Celts could not be subdued in such a way as Rome's
interest demanded, on the continent alone. This nation
was to all appearance more connected than separated by
the narrow arm of the sea which parts England and
France ; the same names of peoples meet us on the one side
and on the other ; the bounds of the individual states often
reach over the Channel; the chief seat of the priestly
system, which here more than anywhere else pervaded
the whole nationality, was from of old the islands of the
North Sea. These islanders indeed were not able to
wrest the continent of Gaul from the Roman legions ; but,
if the conqueror of Gaul himself, and, later, the Roman
government in Gaul, pursued other aims than in Syria and
Egypt—if the Celts were to be annexed as members to
the Italian nation—this task remained quite impracticable,
so long as the subjugated and the free Celtic territories
touched each other over the sea, and the enemy of the

Conviction
of its neces
sity pre-
dominant,

P.

Occasion
for the war.
Cunobe-
linus.

Military
arrange-
ments for
occupying
the island.

174 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

Romans as well as the Roman deserter found an asylum
in Britain In the first instance the subjugation of the
southern coast sufficed for this purpose, although the
effect was naturally the greater, the farther the free Celtic
territory was pushed back? The special regard of Clau-

dius for his Gallic home and his knowledge of Gallic |

relations may also have played a part in the matter.
What furnished occasion for the war was the fact
that that very principality which sustained a certain
dependence on Rome under the leadership of its king
Cunobelinus — this was Shakespeare’s Cymbeline — ex-
tended widely its rule,? and emancipated itself from the
Roman protectorate. One of his sons—Adminius, who had
revolted against his father, came to the emperor Gaius de-
siring protection, and upon his successor refusing to deliver
up to the British ruler these his subjects, the war arose in
the first instance against the father and the brothers of this
Adminius. The real motive, of course, was the indis-
pensable need for completing the conquest of a nation
hitherto but half vanquished and keeping closely together.
That the occupation of Britain could not ensue without
a contemporary increase of the standing army was also
the view of those statesmen who gave occasion to it;
three of the Rhine-legions and one from the Danube were
destined thither,‘ but at the same time two newly instituted

legions were assigned to the Germanic armies. An able

1 Suetonius, Claud. 17, specifies as
cause of the war: Britanniam tunc
tumultuantem ob non redditos trans-
fugas; which O. Hirschfeld justly
brings into connection with Gaz. 44:
Adminio Cunobellint Britannorum re-
gis filio, qui pulsus a patre cum exigua
manu transfugerat, in deditionem re-
cepto. By the tumultuari are doubt-
less meant at least projected expedi-
tions for pillage to the Gallic coast.
The war was certainly not waged on
account of Bericus (Dio, 1x. 19).

2 Mona was in like manner after-
wards receptaculum perfugarum (Taci-
tus, Æna. xiv. 29).

3 Tacitus, Amn. xii. 37: pluribus
gentibus imperitantem.

4 The three legions of the Rhine
were the 2d Augusta, the 14th, and
the 2oth; from Pannonia came the
gth Spanish. The same four legions
were still stationed there at the begin-
ning of the government of Vespasian ;
the latter called away the 14th for the
war against Civilis, and it did not
return to Britain, but, in its stead,
probably the 2d Adiutrix. This was
presumably transferred under Domi-
tian to Pannonia ; under Hadrian the
Oth was broken up and replaced by
the 6th Victrix. The two other
legions, the 2d Augusta and the 2oth,
were stationed in England from the
beginning to the end of the Roman
tule.

CHAP, V. BRITAIN. 175

soldier, Aulus Plautius, was selected as leader of this
expedition, and at the same time as first governor of the
province ; it departed for the island in the year 43.
The soldiers showed themselves reluctant, more doubtless
because of the banishment to the distant island than from
fear of the foe. One of the leading men, perhaps the
soul of the undertaking, Narcissus, the emperor’s cabinet-
secretary, wished to instil into them courage; they did
not allow the slave to utter a word for their shouts of
scoffing, but did withal as he wished and embarked.

The occupation of the island was not attended by any
special difficulty. The natives stood, in a political as in
a military point of view, at the same low stage of develop-
ment which Caesar had previously found in the island.
Kings or queens reigned in the several cantons, which had
no outward bond of conjunction and were at perpetual
feud with one another. The men were doubtless possessed
of bodily strength, endurance, and bravery—despising
death ; and were in particular expert horsemen. But the
Homeric war-chariot, which was still a reality here, and
on which the princes of the land themselves wielded the
reins, as little held its ground against the compact squad-
rons of Roman cavalry as the foot soldier without coat
of mail and helmet, defended only by the small shield,
was with his short javelin and his broad sword a match in
close combat for the short Roman knife, or even for the
heavy pilum of the legionary, and sling-bullet and arrow
of the light Roman troops. To the army of about 40,000
well-trained soldiers the natives could oppose no corre-
sponding defensive force. The disembarkation did not
even encounter resistance ; the Britons had accounts as to
the reluctant temper of the troops and no longer expected
the landing. King Cunobelinus had died shortly before ;
the opposition was led by his two sons Caratacus and
Togodumnus. The invading army had its march at once
directed to Camalodunum, and in a rapid course of victory

1 The identification, based only on not be correct; these first conflicts
dubious emendations, of the Boduni must have taken place between the
and Catuellani in Dio. lx. 20, with coast and the Thames.
tribes of similar name in Ptolemy, can-

Course of
the occupa-
tion,

176 BRITAIN. BOOK VIIL.

it reached as far as the Thames; here a halt was made,
chiefly perhaps to give the emperor the opportunity of
plucking the easy laurels in person. So soon as he
arrived, the river was crossed ; the British levy was beaten,
on which occasion Togodumnus met his death ; Camalo-
dunum itself was taken. His brother Caratacus, it is
true, obstinately continued the resistance, and gained for
himself, in victory or defeat, a proud name with friend and
foe ; nevertheless, the progress of the Romans was not to
be checked. One prince after another was beaten and
deposed—the triumphal arch of Claudius names eleven
British kings as conquered by him; and what did not
succumb to’ the Roman arms yielded to the Roman
largesses. Numerous men of rank accepted the possessions
which the emperor conferred on them at the expense of
their countrymen ; various kings also submitted to the
modest position of vassals, as indeed Cogidumnus the

king of the Regni (Chichester) and Prasutagus the king of |

the Iceni (Norfolk) bore rule for a series of years as depen-
dent princes. But in most districts of the island, which
had hitherto been monarchically governed throughout, the
conquerors introduced their communal constitution, and
gave what was still left to be administered into the hands
of the local men of rank—a course which brought in its
train wretched factions and internal quarrels. Even under
the first governor the whole level country as far as the
Humber seems to have come into Roman power; the
Iceni, for example, had already submitted to him. But it
was not merely with the sword that the Romans made
way for themselves. Veterans were settled at Camalo-
dunum immediately after its capture; thus the first town
of Roman organisation and Roman burgess-rights, the
“Claudian colony of victory,’ was founded in Britain,
destined to be the capital of the country. Immediately
afterwards began also the profitable working of the British
mines, particularly of the productive lead-mines ; there are
British leaden bars from the sixth year after the invasion.
Evidently with like rapidity the stream of Roman mer-
chants and artisans poured itself over the field newly

CHAP. V. BRITAIN. 177

opened up; if Camalodunum received Roman colonists,
Roman townships, which soon obtained legally urban
organisation, were formed elsewhere in the south of the
island as a mere result of freedom of traffic and of immi-
gration, particularly at the hot springs of Sulis (Bath), in
Verulamium (St. Albans to the north-west of London),
and above all in the natural emporium of trading on a
great scale—Londinium at the mouth of the Thames.

The advance of the foreign rule asserted itself every-
where, not merely in new taxes and levies, but perhaps still
more in commerce and trade. When Plautius after four
years of administration was recalled, he entered Rome in
triumph, the last citizen who attained such honour, and
honours and orders were lavished on the officers and
soldiers of the victorious legions ; triumphal arches were
erected to the emperor in Rome, and thereafter in other
towns, on account of victory achieved “without any losses
whatever ;” the crown-prince born shortly before the
invasion received, instead of his grandfather’s name, that
of Britannicus. We may discern in these matters the
unmilitary age disused to victories with loss, and the extra-
vagance in keeping with political dotage ; but, if the
invasion of Britain has not much significance from a mili-
tary standpoint, testimony must withal be borne to the
leading men that they set about the work in an energetic
and persistent fashion, and that the painful and dangerous
time of transition from independent to foreign rule in
Britain was an unusually short one.

After the first rapid success, it is true, there were
developed difficulties and even dangers, which the occupa-
tion of the island brought not merely to the conquered
but also to the conquerors.

They were masters of the level country, but not of the
mountains or of the sea. The west above all gave trouble
to the Romans. No doubt in the extreme south-west, in
what is now Cornwall, the old nationality maintained itself,
probably more because the conquerors concerned them-
selves but little about this remote corner than because it
directly rebelled against them. But the Silures in the

VOL. I. ; I2

Resistance
in West
Britain.

Mona,

178 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.
south of the modern Wales, and their northern neighbours
the Ordovici, perseveringly defied the Roman arms ; the
island Mona (Anglesey), adjacent to the latter, was the
true focus of national and religious resistance. It was not
the character of the ground alone that hindered the ad-
vance of the Romans; what Britain had been for Gaul,
that the large island Ivernia was now for Britain, and
especially for this west coast ; the freedom on the one
side of the channel did not allow the foreign rule to take
firm root in the other. We clearly recognise in the
laying out of the legionary camps that the invasion was
here arrested. Under the successor of Plautius the camp
for the 14th legion was laid out at the confluence of the
Tern with the Severn near Viroconium (Wroxeter, not
far from Shrewsbury) ;? presumably about the same time,
to the south of it, that of Isca (Caerleon = Castra legionis)
for the 2d; to the north that of Deva (Chester = Castra)
for the 20th; these three camps shut off the region of
Wales towards the south, north, and west, and pro-
tected thus the pacified land against the mountains
that remained free. Into this region the last prince of
Camalodunum, Caratacus, threw himself, after his home
had become Roman. He was defeated by the successor
of Plautius, Publius Ostorius Scapula, in the territory of
the Ordovici, and soon afterwards delivered up by the
terrified Brigantes, with whom he had taken refuge, to the
Romans (51), and conducted with all his adherents to Italy.
In surprise he asked, when he saw the proud city, how the
masters of such palaces could covet the poor huts of his
native country. But with this the west was by no means
subdued ; the Silures above all persevered in obstinate

1 Tacitus, Ann. xii. 31 (P. Osto-
rius) cuncta castris ad . . ntonam
(MSS. read castris antonam) et Sab-
vinam fluvios cohibere parat, So the
passage is to be restored, only that
the name of the river Tern not else-
where given in tradition cannot be
supplied. The only inscriptions found
in England of soldiers of the 14th
legion, which left England under
Nero, have come to light at Wroxeter,

the so-called ‘English Pompeii.”
The epitaph of a soldier of the 20th
has also been found there. The camp
described by Tacitus was perhaps
common at first to the two legions,
and the 2oth did not go till after-
wards to Deva. That the camp at
Isca was laid out immediately after
the invasion is plain from Tacitus,
Ann. xii. 32, 38.

CHAP. V. BRITAIN. 179

resistance, and the fact that the Roman general announced
his purpose of extirpating them to the last man did not
contribute to make them more submissive. The enter-
prising governor, Gaius Suetonius Paullinus, attempted Paullinus
some years later (61) to bring into Roman power the chief
seat of resistance, the island of Mona, and in spite of the
furious opposition with which he was met, and in which
the priests and the women took the lead, the sacred trees,
beneath which many a Roman captive had bled, fell under
the axes of the legionaries. But out of the occupation of
this last asylum of the Celtic priesthood there was de-
veloped a dangerous crisis in the subject territory itself ;
and the governor was not destined to complete the con-
quest of Mona.

In Britain, too, the alien rule had to stand the test of Boudicca.
national insurrection. What was undertaken by Mithra-
dates in Asia Minor, by Vercingetorix among the Celts of
the continent, by Civilis among the subject Germans, was
attempted among the insular Celts by a woman, the wife
of one of those vassal-princes confirmed by Rome, the
Queen of the Iceni, Boudicca. Her deceased husband
had, to secure the future of his wife and his daughters,
bequeathed his sovereignty to the emperor Nero, and
divided his property between the latter and his own rela-
tives. The emperor took the legacy and, in addition, what
was not meant for him; the princely cousins were put
in chains, the widow was scourged, the daughters mal-
treated in more shameful fashion. Then came other
wrongs at the hands of the later Neronian government.
The veterans settled in Camalodunum chased the earlier
possessors from house and homestead as it pleased them,
without the authorities interfering to check them. The
presents conferred by the emperor Claudius were confis-
cated as revocable gifts. Roman ministers, who at the
same time trafficked in money, drove in this way the
Britannic communities, one after the other, to bankruptcy.
The moment was favourable. The governor Paullinus,
more brave than cautious, was just then, as we have said,
with the flower of the Roman army in the remote island of

Attack on
Camalo-
dunum.

180 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

Mona, and this attack on the most sacred seat of the national
religion exasperated men’s minds as much as it paved the
way for insurrection. The old vehement Celtic faith,
which had given the Romans so much trouble, burst forth
once more, for the last time, in a mighty flame. The
weakened and far separated camps of the legions in the
west and in the north afforded no protection to the whole
south-east of the island with its flourishing Roman towns.

Above all, the capital, Camalodunum, was utterly
defenceless ; there was no garrison. The walls were not
completed, although the temple of their imperial founder,
the new god Claudius, was so. The west of the island,
probably kept down by the legions stationed there, seems
not to have taken part in the rising, and as little the non-
subject north ; but, as frequently occurred in Celtic revolts,
in the year 61 on a concerted signal all the rest of the
subject territory rose in a moment against the foreigners,
the Trinovantes, driven out of their capital, taking the
lead. The second commander, who at the time repre-
sented the governor, the procurator Decianus Catus, had
at the last moment sent what soldiers he had to its pro-
tection ; they were 200 men. They defended themselves
with the veterans and the other Romans capable of arms
for two days in the temple; then they were overpowered,
and all that was Roman in the town perished. The like
fate befell the chief emporium of Roman trade, Londinium,
and a third flourishing Roman city, Verulamium (St.
Albans, north-west of London), as well as the foreigners.
scattered over the island ; it was a national Vesper like
that of Mithradates, and the number of victims—alleged
to be 70,000—was not less. The procurator gave up the
cause of Rome as lost, and fled to the continent. The
Roman army, too, became involved in the disaster. A
number of scattered detachments and garrisons succumbed
to the assaults of the insurgents. Quintus Petillius.
Cerialis, who held the command in the camp of Lindum,
marched on Camalodunum with the 9th legion ; he came
too late to save it, and, assailed by an enormous superiority
of force, lost in the battle all his infantry ; the camp was.

CHAP, V. BRITAIN. 181

stormed by the Brigantes. The same fate well-nigh over-
took the general-in-chief. Hastily returning from the
island of Mona, he called to him the 2d legion stationed
at Isca; but it did not obey the command, and with only
about 10,000 men Paullinus had to take up the unequal
struggle against the numberless and victorious army of the
insurgents. If ever soldiers made good the errors of their
leader it was on the day when this small band—chiefly
the thenceforth celebrated 14th legion—achieved, doubt-
less to its own surprise, a full victory, and once more
established the Roman rule in Britain. Little was want-
ing to bring the name of Paullinus into association with
that of Varus. But success decides, and here it remained
with the Romans! The guilty commandant of the legion
that remained aloof anticipated the court-martial, and
threw himself upon his sword. The queen Boudicca drank
the cup of poison. The otherwise brave general was not
indeed brought to trial, as seemed to be at first the inten-
tion of the government, but was soon under a suitable
pretext recalled.

The subjugation of the western portions of the island
was not continued at once by the successors of Paullinus.
The able general Sextus Julius Frontinus first under
Vespasian forced the Silures to recognise the Roman

1 A worse narrative than that of
Tacitus concerning this war, Azz. xiv.
31-39, is hardly to be found even in
this most unmilitary of all authors.
We are not told where the troops
were stationed, and where the battles
were fought; but we get, instead, signs
and wonders enough and empty
words only too many. The import-
ant facts, which are mentioned in the
life of Agricola, 31, are wanting in the
main narrative, especially the storm-
ing of the camp. That Paullinus
coming from Mona should think not
of saving the Romans in the south-
east, but of uniting his troops, is intel-
ligible ; but not why, if he wished to
sacrifice Londinium, he should march
thither on that account. If he really
went thither, he can only have ap-

peared there with a personal escort,
without the corps which he had with
him in Mona—which indeed has no
meaning. The bulk of the Roman
troops, as well those brought back

Subjuga-
tion of
West Bri-
tain.

from Mona as those still in existence .

elsewhere, can, after the extirpation
of the 9th legion, only have been
stationed on the line Deva—Viro-
conium—Isca ; Paullinus fought the
battle with the two legions stationed
in the first two of these camps, the
14th and the (incomplete) 2oth. That
Paullinus fought because he was ob-
liged to fight, is stated by Dio, lxii.
I-12, and although his narrative can-
not be otherwise used to correct that
of Tacitus, this much seems required
by the very state of the case.

ea the

Subjuga-
tion of
Northern
Britain.

182 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

rule ; his successor Gnaeus Julius Agricola, after obstinate
conflicts with the Ordovici, effected what Paullinus had
not achieved, and occupied in the year 78 the island of
Mona. Afterwards there is no mention of active resistance
in these regions ; the camp of Viroconium could probably
about this time be dispensed with, and the legion thereby
set free could be employed in northern Britain. But the
other two legionary camps still remained on the spot
down to the time of Diocletian, and only disappeared in
the later arrangements of the troops. If political con-
siderations may have contributed to this (p. 190), yet
the resistance of the west was probably continued even
later, perhaps supported by communications with Ivernia.
Moreover, the complete absence of Roman traces in the
interior of Wales, and the Celtic nationality maintaining
itself there up to the present day, tell in favour of this
view.

In the north the camp of the 9th Spanish legion in
Lindum (Lincoln) formed the centre of the Roman position
to the east of Viroconium. In closest contact with this
camp in north England was the most powerful principality
of the island, that of the Brigantes (Yorkshire); it had
not properly submitted, but the queen, Cartimandus,
sought to keep peace with the conquerors and showed
herself compliant to them. The party hostile to the
Romans had attempted to break loose here in the year
50, but the attempt had been quickly suppressed.
Caratacus, beaten in the west, had hoped to be able to
continue his resistance in the north, but the queen delivered
him, as already stated, to the Romans. These internal
dissensions and domestic quarrels must have partly
influenced the rising against Paullinus, in which we
find the Brigantes in a leading position, and which fell
with all its weight upon this very legion of the north.
Meanwhile the Roman party of the Brigantes, however,
was influential enough to obtain the restoration of the
government of Cartimandus after the insurrection was
defeated. But some years afterwards the patriotic party
there, supported by the tidings of revolt from Rome,

<—_ On

CHAP. V. BRITAIN. 183

which during the civil war after the downfall of Nero
filled all the west, brought about a new rising of the
Brigantes against the foreign rule, at the head of which
stood Cartimandus’s former husband, set aside and scorned
by her—the veteran warrior Venutius. It was only after
prolonged conflicts that the mighty people was subdued
by Petillius Cerialis, the same who had fought unsuccess-
fully under Paullinus against these same Britons, now one
of the most noted generals of Vespasian, and the first
governor of the island nominated by him. The gradually
slackening resistance of the west made it possible to
combine one of the three legions hitherto stationed there
with that stationed in Lindum, and to advance the
camp itself from Lindum to the chief place of the
Brigantes, Eburacum (York). But, so long as the west
offered serious resistance, nothing further was done in the
north for the extension of the Roman bounds; at the
Caledonian forest, says an author of the time of Vespasian,
the Roman arms were arrested for thirty years.

It was Agricola who first, after his work was over in
the west, energetically set himself to the subjugation also
of the north. First of all, he created for himself a fleet,
without which the provisioning of the troops in these
mountains, which afforded few supplies, would have been
impossible. Supported by this fleet he reached, under Titus
(80), as far as the estuary of the Tava (Frith of Tay), into
the region of Perth and Dundee, and employed the three
following campaigns in gaining an exact knowledge of the
wide districts between this frith and the previous Roman
boundary on the two seas, in breaking everywhere the
local resistance, and in constructing intrenchments at the
fitting places; with reference to which, in particular, the
natural line of defence which is formed by the two friths
running deeply into the land, of Clota (Clyde) near
Glasgow, and Bodotria (Forth) near Edinburgh, was
selected for a basis. This advance called the whole
Highlands under arms; but the mighty battle which the
united Caledonian tribes offered to the legions between
the two friths of Forth and Tay at the Graupian

Agricola,

Caledonia
abandoned,

Probable
grounds
for this
policy,

184 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

mountains ended with the victory of Agricola. Accord-
ing to his view the subjugation of the island, once begun,
had to be also completed, nay, even extended to Ivernia ;
and in favour of that course there might be urged, with
respect to Roman Britain, what the occupation of the
island had brought about with respect to Gaul. More-
over, with an energetic carrying out of the occupation of
the islands as a whole, the expenditure of men and money
for the future would probably be reduced.

The Roman government did not follow these counsels.
How far personal and spiteful motives may have co-operated
in the recall of the victorious general in the year 85, who
for that matter had remained longer in office than was
usually the case elsewhere, must be left undetermined.
The coincidence of the last victories of the general in
Scotland and the first defeats of the emperor in the region
of the Danube was certainly in a high degree annoying.
But for the putting a stop to the operations in Britain,
and for the calling away, which apparently then ensued,
of one of the four legions with which Agricola had
executed his campaigns to Pannonia, a quite sufficient
explanation is furnished by the military position of the
state at that time—the extension of the Roman rule to
the right bank of the Rhine in upper Germany and the
outbreak of the dangerous wars in Pannonia. This, indeed,
does not explain why, withal, an end should be put to
the pressing forward towards the north, and northern
Scotland as well as Ireland should be left to themselves.

That thenceforth the government desisted not on
account of accidents of the situation for the moment, but
once for all, from pushing forward the frontier of the empire,
and amidst all change of persons adhered to this course,
we are taught by the whole later history of the island, and
taught especially by the laborious and costly wall-structures
to be mentioned immediately. Whether the completion
of the conquest was renounced by them in the true interest
of the state, is another question. That the imperial

3 Tacitus, Asst. i. 2, sums up the result in the words serdomita Britannia
et statim missa.

ON EA E ea A kk ERE ENE AEE E ESL e a a le a a, Paan a he ee a A F Nae. | ae ee, AS. A os. be | ag ee Pe ee see ON ae: |

CHAP. V, BRITAIN 185

finances would only suffer loss by this extension of the
bounds was even now urged, quite as much as it formerly
was against the occupation of the island itself ; but could
not be decisive of the matter.’ In a military point of
view the occupation was capable of being carried out, as
Agricola had conceived it, beyond doubt. without material
difficulty. But the consideration might turn the scale, that
the Romanising of the regions still free would have to en-
counter great difficulty on account of the diversity of race.
The Celts in England proper belonged throughout to those
of the continent ; national name, faith, language, were com-
mon to both. As the Celtic nationality of the continent
had found a support in the island, on the other hand the
Romanising of Gaul necessarily carried its influence over
to England, and to this especially Rome owed the fact
that Britain became Romanised with so surprising rapidity.
But the natives of Ireland and Scotland belonged to
another stock and spoke another language; the Briton
understood their Gaelic probably as little as the German
understood the language of the Scandinavians. The
Caledonians—with the Iverni the Romans hardly came
into contact—are described throughout as barbarians of
the wildest type. On the other hand, the priest of the
oak (Derwydd, Druida) exercised his office on the Rhone
as in Anglesey, but not in the island of the west nor in
the mountains of the north. If the Romans had waged
the war chiefly to bring the domain of the Druids entirely
into their power, this aim was in some measure attained.
Beyond doubt at another time all these considerations
would not have induced the Romans to renounce the
sea-frontier on the north when brought so near to them,
and at least Caledonia would have been occupied. But
the Rome of that time was no longer able to leaven
further regions with Roman habits; the productive power
and the progressive spirit of the people had disappeared

1 The imperial finance-official under ‘yap eðpopos adrois éoriy où’ fy
Pius, Appian (fvoem. 5), remarks that čxovow. This was the answer of the
the Romans had occupied the best governmental staff to Agricola and

part (7d xpdricrov) of the British such as shared his opinion.
islands obééy rijs ENAns Seduevar, ov

> TA

p

Fortifying
of the
northern
frontier.

The wall of
Hadrian.

186 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

from it. At least that sort of conquest, which cannot be
enforced by decrees and marches, would have hardly
succeeded, had they attempted it.

Their aim therefore was to arrange the northern
frontier appropriately for defence, and to this object their
military works were thenceforth directed. Eburacum
remained the military centre. The wide territory occupied
by Agricola was retained and furnished with forts, which
served as advanced posts for the headquarters in rear ;
probably the greatest part of the non-legionary troops
were employed for this purpose. The construction of
connected lines of fortification followed later. The first
of the kind proceeded from Hadrian, and is also remark-
able, in so far as it still in a certain sense subsists to the
present day, and is more completely known than any
other of the great military structures of the Romans.
It is, strictly taken, a military road protected on both
sides by fortifications, leading from sea to sea for a length
of about seventy miles, westward to the Solway Frith, and
eastward to the mouth of the Tyne. The defence on the
north is formed by a huge wall, originally at least 16 feet
high and 8 feet thick, built on the two outer sides of
square stones, filled up between with rubble and mortar, in
front of which stretched a no less imposing fosse, 9 feet
in depth and 34 feet or more in breadth at the top.
Towards the south the road is protected by two parallel
earthen ramparts, even now 6 to 7 feet high, between
which is drawn a fosse 7 feet deep, with a margin raised
to the south, so that the structure from rampart to rampart
has a total breadth of 24 feet. Between the stone-wall
and the earthen ramparts on the road itself lie the camp-
stations and watch-houses, viz. at the distance of about
four miles from one another the cohort-camps, constructed
as forts, independently capable of defence, with gates
Opening towards all the four sides; between every two
of these a smaller structure of a similar kind with sally-
ports to the north and south; between every two of the
latter four smaller watch-houses within call of each other.
This structure of grand solidity, which must have required

CHAP. V. BRITAIN. 187

as garrison 10,000 to 12,000 men, formed thenceforth the
basis of military operations in the north of England. It
was not a frontier-wall in the proper sense; on the
contrary, not merely did the posts that had already from
Agricola’s time been pushed forward far beyond it continue
to subsist by its side, but subsequently the line, about a
half shorter, from the Frith of Forth to the Frith of Clyde,
already occupied by Agricola with a chain of posts, was
fortified in a similar but weaker way, first under Pius,
then in a more comprehensive manner under Severus—as
it were, as an advanced post for Hadrian’s wall.’ In point
of construction this line was different from that of Hadrian
only so far as it was limited to a considerable earthen
wall, with fosse in front and road behind, and so was not
adapted for defence toward the south; moreover, it too
included a number of smaller camps. At this line the
Roman imperial roads terminated,’ and, although there
were Roman posts even beyond this—the most northerly

l The opinion that the northern
wall took the place of the southern is
as widely spread as it is untenable ;
the cohort-camps on Hadrian’s wall,
as shown to us by the inscriptions of
‘the second century, still subsisted in
the main unchanged at the end of the
third (for to this epoch belongs the
relative section of the Notitia). The
two structures subsisted side by side,
after the more recent was added ; the
mass of monuments at the wall of
Severus also shows evidently that it
continued to be occupied up to the
end of the Roman rule in Britain.

The building of Severus can only
be referred to the northern structure.
In the first place, the structure of
Hadrian was of such a nature that
any sort of restoration of it could not
possibly be conceived as a new build-
ing, as is said of the wall of Severus ;
while the structure of Pius was a mere
earthen rampart (murus cespitictus,
Vita, c. 5), and such an assumption
in its case creates less difficulty.
Secondly, the length of Severus’s wall
32 miles (Victor, Æpit. 20; the im-
possible number 132 is an error of our

MSS. of Eutropius, viii. 19— where
Paulus has preserved the correct num-
ber ; which error has been then taken
over by Hieronymus, Adr. 2221;
Orosius, vii. 17, 7; and Cassiodorus
onthe year207), doesnot suit Hadrian’s
wall of 80 miles; but the structure
of Pius, which, according to the data
of inscriptions, was about 40 miles
long, may well be meant, as the ter-
minal points of the structure of Severus
on the two seas may very well have
been different and situated closer.
Lastly, if, according to Dio, Ixxvi. 12,
the Caledonians dwell to the north
and the Maeates to the south of the
wall which divides the island into
two parts, the dwelling-places of the
latter are indeed not otherwise known
(comp. Ixxv. 5), but cannot possibly,
even according to the description
which Dio gives of their district, be
placed to the south of Hadrian’s wall,
and those of the Caledonians have
extended up to the latter. Thus what
is here meant is the line from Glasgow
to Edinburgh.

2 A limite id est a vallo is the
expression in the /tinerarium, p. 464.

The wall of
Antoninus,

Wars in the
2d and 3d
centuries.

BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

188

point, at which the tombstone of a Roman soldier has
been found, is Ardoch, between Stirling and Perth—the
limit of the expeditions of Agricola, the Frith of Tay,
may be regarded as subsequently still the limit of the
Roman empire.

We know more of these imposing defensive works
than of the application that was made of them, and
generally of the later events on this distant scene of
warfare. Under Hadrian a severe disaster occurred here,
to all appearance a sudden attack on the camp of Ebura-
cum, and the annihilation of the legion stationed there,
the same oth legion which had fought so unsuccessfully
in the war with Boudicca. Probably this was occasioned,
not by a hostile inroad, but by the revolt of the northern
tribes that passed as subjects of the empire, especially of
the Brigantes. With this we shall have to connect the
fact that the wall of Hadrian presents a front towards the
south as well as towards the north; evidently it was
destined also for the purpose of keeping in check the
superficially subdued north of England. Under Hadrian’s
successor Pius also conflicts took place here, in which the
Brigantes again took part; yet more exact information
cannot be got. The first serious attack upon this
imperial boundary, and the first demonstrable crossing
of the wall—doubtless that of Pius—took place under
Marcus, and further attacks under Commodus ; as indeed
Commodus is the first emperor who assumed the surname
of victory Britannicus, after the able general Ulpius
Marcellus had routed the barbarians. But the sinking

1 The chief proof of this lies in * If Pius, according to Pausanias,

the disappearance of this legion, that

undoubtedly took place soon after the .

year 108 (C. Z Z. vii. 241), and
the substitution for it of the 6th
Victrix. The two notices which point
to this incident (Fronto, p. 217
Naber: Hadriano imperium obtinente
guantum militum a Britannis cal-
sum? Vita, 5, Britanni teneri sub
Romana dicione non poterant), as well
as the allusion in Juvenal, xiv. 196:
castella Brigantum, point to a revolt,
not to an inroad.

viii. 43, 4, dweréuero Tr év Bpirrayvla
Bpryávrwv Tw moiy, Ere erecBalvey
kal obra: ùv mhas Fptav és rv Tev-
owlay potpay (unknown ; perhaps, as
O. Hirschfeld suggests, the town of
the Brigantes, Vinovia) smryxéous
‘Pwpalwy, it follows from this, not
that there were Brigantes also in
Caledonia, but that the Brigantes in
the north of England at that time
ravaged the settled land of the
Britons, and therefore a part of their
territory was confiscated.

CHAP, V. BRITAIN. 189

of the Roman power was henceforth just as apparent here
as on the Danube and on the Euphrates. In the turbulent
early years of Severus’s reign the Caledonians had broken
their promise not to interfere with the Roman subjects,
and, resting on their support, their southern neighbours,
the Maeates, had compelled the Roman governor Lupus
to ransom captive Romans with large sums. For this
the heavy arm of Severus lighted on them not long before
his death; he penetrated into their own territory and com-
pelled them to cede considerable tracts,’ from which indeed,
after the old emperor had died in 211 at the camp of
Eburacum, his sons at once of their own accord withdrew
the garrisons, to be relieved of their burdensome defence,

From the third century hardly anything is told us of
the fate of the island. Since none of the emperors down
to Diocletian and his colleagues derived the name of con-
queror from the island, there were probably no more
serious conflicts in that quarter; and, although in the
region lying between the walls of Pius and of Hadrian
the Roman system doubtless never gained a firm footing,
yet at least the wall of Hadrian seems to have rendered
even then the service for which it was intended, and the
foreign civilisation seems to have developed in security
behind it. In the time of Diocletian we find the district
between the two walls evacuated, but the Hadrianic wall
occupied still as before, and the rest of the Roman army
in cantonments between it and the headquarters Eburacum,
to ward off the predatory expeditions, thenceforth often
mentioned, of the Caledonians, or—as they are now usually
called—the “tattooed ” (picti), and the Scots streaming
in from Ivernia. |

The Romans possessed a standing fleet in Britain ;
but, as the marine always remained the weak side of
Roman warlike organisation, the British fleet was tem-
porarily of importance only under Agricola.

If, as is probable, the government had reckoned on

1 That he had the design of bring- (/¢.) or with the building of the
ing the whole north under the Roman wall, and is doubtless as fabulous as
power (Dio, lxxvi. 13) is not very the Roman loss of 50,000 men without
compatible either with the cession the matter even coming to a battle.

Cale-
donians
and Scots.

Fleet,

Garrison
and admi-
nistration
in the 2d
and 3d
centuries.

Taxation
and levy.

190 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

being able to take back the greater part of the troops sent
to the island, after it had been occupied, this hope was
not fulfilled ; only one of the four legions sent thither was,
as we have seen, recalled under Domitian; the three others
must have been indispensable, for no attempt was ever
made to shift them. To these fall to be added the auxili-
aries, who were called out apparently in larger proportion
than the burgess-troops for the far from inviting service
in the remote island of the North Sea. In the battle at
the Graupian Mount in 84 there fought, besides the
four legions, 8000 infantry and 3000 horsemen of the
auxiliary soldiers. For the time of Trajan and Hadrian,
when of these there were stationed in Britain six a/ae and
twenty-one cohorts, together about 15,000 men, we shall
have to estimate the whole British army at about 30,000
men. Britain was from the outset a field of command of
the first rank, inferior to the two Rhenish commands and to
the Syrian perhaps in rank, but not in importance, towards
the end of the second century probably the most highly
esteemed of all the governorships. It was owing only to
the great distance that the British legions appear in
the second rank amidst the rival armies of the earlier
imperial period ; in the soldiers’ war after the extinction
of the Antonine house they fought in the first rank.
But it was one of the consequences of the victory of
Severus that the governorship was divided. Thenceforth
the two legions of Isca and Deva were placed under the
legate of the upper province, the legion of Eburacum and
the troops at the walls—consequently the main body of
the auxiliaries—under the legate of the lower province.
Probably the transference of the whole garrison to the
north, which, as was above remarked, would doubtless have
been appropriate on mere military grounds, was not
carried out—partly because it would have put three legions
into the hands of one governor.

That financially the province cost more than it brought
in (p. 172), can accordingly excite no surprise. For the
military strength of the empire, on the other hand, Britain

1 The division results from Dio, lv. 23.

CHAP. V. BRITAIN. 19I

was of considerable account; the balance of proportion
between taxation and levy must have had its application
also to the island, and the British troops were reckoned
alongside of the Illyrian as the flower of the army. At the
very beginning seven cohorts were raised from the natives
there, and these were constantly increased onward to the
time of Hadrian; after the latter had brought in the
system of recruiting the troops as far as possible from
their garrison-districts, Britain appears to have furnished
the supply, at least in great part, for its strong garrison.
There was an earnest and brave spirit in the people; they
bore willingly the taxes and the levy, but not the arro-
gance and brutality of the officials.

As a basis for the internal organisation of Britain, the
cantonal constitution existing there at the time of the
conquest offered itself, which differed, as we have already
remarked, from that of the Celts of the continent essen-
tially only in the fact that the several tribes of the island,
apparently all of them, were under princes (iv. 233). But
this organisation seems not to have been retained, and the
canton (civitas) to have become in Britain as in Spain a
geographical conception ; at least we can hardly otherwise
explain the facts that the Britannic tribes, taken in the
strict sense, disappear as soon as they fall under Roman
rule, and of the individual cantons after their subjugation
there is virtually no mention at all. Probably the several
principalities, as they were subdued and annexed, were
broken up into smaller communities ; this was facilitated
by the fact that there did not exist on the island, as there
did on the continent, a cantonal constitution organised
without a monarchic head. With this is doubtless con-
nected the circumstance that, while the Gallic cantons
possessed a common capital and in it a political and
religious collective representation, nothing similar is stated
as to Britain. The province was not without a concilium
and a common cultus of the emperor; but, if the altar of
Claudius in Camalodunum! had been even approximately

1 To it doubtless the epigram of rens): oceanusgue tuas ultra se respicit
Seneca applies (vol. iv. p. 69, Bah- aras. The temple too, which accord-

Communal
organisa-
tion.

iv. 222.

Prosperity.

Roads.

192 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

what that of Augustus was in Lugudunum, something
would doubtless have been heard of it. The free and
great political remodelling, which was given to the Gallic
country by Caesar and confirmed by his son, no longer
fits into the framework of the later imperial policy.

We have already mentioned the founding, nearly con-
temporary with the invasion of Britain, of the colony
Camalodunum (p. 176), as it has also been already noticed
that the Italian urban constitution was early introduced
into a series of British townships. Herein, too, Britain
was treated more after the model of Spain than after that
of the Celtic continent.

The internal condition of Britain must, in spite of the
general faults of the imperial government, have been, at
least in comparison with other regions, not unfavourable.
If the people in the north knew only hunting and pastur-
ing, and the inhabitants there as well as those adjoining
them were always ready for feud and rapine, the south
developed itself in an undisturbed state of peace, especially
by means of agriculture, and along with it by cattle-rear-
ing and the working of mines, to a moderate prosperity.
The Gallic orators of Diocletian’s time praise the wealth
of the fertile island, and often enough the Rhine-legions
received their corn from Britain.

The network of roads in the island, which was uncom-

‘ monly developed, and for which in particular Hadrian did

much in connection with the building of his wall, was of
course primarily subservient to military ends ; but along-
side of, and in fact taking precedence over the legionary
camps Londinium occupies in that respect a place which
brings clearly into view its leading position in traffic. Only
in Wales were these imperial roads solely in the immediate
neighbourhood of the Roman camps, from Isca to Nidum

ing to the satire of the same Seneca
(viii. 3), was erected to Claudius
during his lifetime in Britain, and the
temple certainly identical therewith of
the god Claudius in Camalodunum
(Tacitus, 422. xiv. 31), is probably to
be taken not as a sanctuary for the

town itself, but after the analogy of the
shrines of Augustus at Lugudunum and
Tarraco. The delecti sacerdotes, who
specie religionis omnes fortunas efun-
debant, are the well-known provincial
priests and purveyors of spectacles.

O -oo ae

CHAP, V. BRITAIN. 193

(Neath) and from Deva to the point of crossing to
Mona.

In respect of Romanisation, Britain seems to have been
very similar to northern and central Gaul. The national
deities, the Mars Belatucadrus or Cocidius, the goddess
Sulis treated as equivalent to Minerva, after whom the
modern city of Bath was named, still received much
worship on the island even in the Latin language. The
language and manners that penetrated thither from Italy
were yet more an exotic growth on the island than
on the continent; still towards the close of the first

Roman
manners
and culture,

century the families of note there shunned as well the

Latin language as the Latin dress. The great urban
centres, the seats proper of the new culture, were more
weakly developed in Britain; we do not precisely know
what English town served as seat for the concilium of the
province and for the common worship of the emperor, or
in which of the three legion-camps the governor of the
province resided ; if, as it seems, the civil capital of
Britain was Camalodunum, and the military capital Ebu-
racum, the latter can as little measure itself with Mentz

as the former with Lyons. The ruined sites even of

places of note, of the Claudian veteran-town Camalodunum,
and the populous mercantile town Londinium, and not
less the camps of the legions for several hundred years,
at Deva, Isca, Eburacum, present inscribed stones only in
trifling number; towns of name with Roman rights like
the colony Glevum (Gloucester), and the municipium Veru-
lamium, have hitherto yielded not a single one; the
custom of setting up memorial-stones, on the results of
which we are for such questions largely dependent,
never really prevailed in Britain. In the interior of
Wales and in other less accessible districts no Roman
monuments at all have come to light. But there exist withal

1 The command stationed here (Vita Severi, 22), The praetorium,

was, at least in later times, without
question the most important among the
Britannic ; and there is also mention
here (for it is beyond doubt Ebura-
cum that is in view) of a Palatium

VOL. I.

situated probably on the coast below
Eburacum (/éz. Ant. p. 466), may
have been the summer seat of the
governor.

I3

i
r

194 BRITAIN. BOOK VIII.

clear traces of the stirring commerce and traffic brought
into prominence by Tacitus, such as the numerous drink-
ing-cups which have come out of the ruins of London, and
the London network of roads. If Agricola exerted him-
self to transplant municipal emulation in the embellish-
ment of one’s native city by buildings and monuments
to Britain, as it had been transferred from Italy to Africa
n and Spain, and to induce the islanders of note to adorn
3 the markets of their home and to erect temples and
palaces, as this was usual elsewhere, he was but in a slight
degree successful as regards the public buildings. But it
was otherwise as regards private economics ; the stately
country-houses constructed and embellished in Roman
fashion, of which now nothing is left but the mosaic pave-
ments, are found in southern Britain—so far north as the
region of York!—as frequently as in the land of the Rhine.
The higher scholastic training of youth penetrated gradually
from Gaul into Britain. It is specified among Agricola’s
administrative successes that the Roman tutor began to
find his way into the leading houses of the island. In
Hadrian’s time Britain is described as a region conquered
by the Gallic schoolmasters, and “even Thule speaks of
hiring a professor for itself.” These schoolmasters were
in the first instance Latin, but Greeks also came ; Plutarch
tells of a conversation which he held at Delphi with a
Greek teacher of languages from Tarsus returning home
from Britain. If in modern England, apart from Wales
and its borders, the old native language has disappeared,
it has given way not to the Angles or to the Saxons, but to
the Roman idiom; and, as usually happens in border-lands,
in the later imperial period no one stood more faithfully by
Rome than the man of Britain. It was not Britain that
gave up Rome, but Rome that gave up Britain. The last
that we learn of the island is the urgent entreaty of the
population addressed to the emperor Honorius for protec-
tion against the Saxons, and his answer, that they might
_ help themselves as best they could.

1 None have been found to the (both somewhat north of York). See
north of Aldborough and Easingwold Bruce, Zhe Roman Wall, p. 61.

CHAPTER VI.

THE DANUBIAN LANDS AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE,

AS the frontier on the Rhine was the work of Caesar, so
the frontier on the Danube was the work of Augustus.
When he came to the helm, the Romans were in the
Italian peninsula hardly masters of the Alps, and in the
Greek peninsula hardly masters of the Haemus (Balkan)
and of the coast districts along the Adriatic and the Black
Sea; nowhere did their territory reach the mighty stream
which separates southern from northern Europe. As well
northern Italy as the Illyrian and Pontic commercial
towns, and still more the civilised provinces of Macedonia
and Thrace, were constantly exposed to the predatory ex-
peditions of the rude and restless neighbouring tribes.
When Augustus died there were substituted for the one
province of Illyricum, which had barely attained to inde-
pendent administration, five great Roman administrative
districts, Raetia, Noricum, Lower Illyria or Pannonia,
Upper Illyria or Dalmatia, and Moesia; and the Danube
became in its whole course, if not everywhere the military,
at any rate the political, frontier of the empire. The com-
paratively easy subjugation of these wide territories, as well
as the grave insurrection of the years 6-9, and the abandon-
ment, thereby occasioned, of the formerly cherished purpose
of shifting the boundary-line from the upper Danube to
Bohemia and to the Elbe, have been formerly described
It remains that we should set forth the development of
these provinces in the time after Augustus and the relations
of the Romans to the tribes dwelling beyond the Danube.

Arrange-
ments of
Augustus,

Late civilis-
ation in
Ractia.

196 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

The destinies of Raetia were so closely interwoven
with those of the upper German province that we might
refer for them to the earlier narrative. Roman civilisation
here, taken as a whole, underwent but little development.
The highlands of the Alps with the valleys of the upper
Inn and the upper Rhine embraced a weak and peculiar
population, probably the same as had once possessed the
eastern half of the north-Italian plain, perhaps akin to
the Etruscans. Driven back thence by the Celts, and
perhaps also by the Illyrici, it held its ground in the
northern mountains. While the valleys opening to the
south, like that of the Adige, were attached to Italy, these
offered to the southerns little room and still less incite-
ment for settlement and founding of towns. Farther
northward on the plateau between the lake of Constance
and the Inn, which was occupied by the Celtic tribes of
the Vindelici, there would doubtless have been room and
place for Roman culture; but apparently in this region,
which could not become, like the Norican, an immediate
continuation of Italy, and which, like the adjacent so-
called Decumates-land, was probably in the first instance
of value for the Romans merely as separating them from
the Germans, the policy of the earlier imperial period
had rather repressed culture. We have already indicated
(p. 18) that immediately after the conquest there were
thoughts of depopulating the district. Alongside of this
lies the fact, that in the earlier imperial period no
community with Roman organisation originated here.
It is true that the founding of Augusta Vindelicorum,
the modern Augsburg, was a necessary part of the
laying out of the great road which was carried, simul-
taneously with the conquest itself, by the elder Drusus
through the high Alps to the Danube (pp. 19, 20); but
this rapidly flourishing place was, and remained for above
a century, a market-village, till at length Hadrian in this
respect left the path prescribed by Augustus and made
the land of the Vindelici share in the Romanising of
the north. The bestowal of Roman urban rights on the
chief place of the Vindelici by Hadrian may be connected

CHAP. V. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 197

with the fact that, nearly about the same time, the mili-
tary frontier was pushed forward on the upper Rhine, and
Roman towns arose in the former Decumates -land ;
nevertheless in Raetia ever afterwards Augusta remained
the only larger centre of Roman civilisation. The mili-
tary arrangements exercised an influence in keeping it
back. The province was from the first under imperial
administration, and could not be left without a garrison ;
but special considerations, as we have formerly shown,
compelled the government to send to Raetia simply troops
of the second class, and, though these were not inconsider-
able in number, the smaller headquarters of alae and
cohortes could not have exercised a civilising and town-
forming effect like the camp of the legion. Under Marcus
certainly, in consequence of the Marcomanian war, the
Raetian headquarters, Castra Regina, the modern Ratisbon,
was occupied by a legion ; but even this place appears to
have remained in the Roman time a mere military settle-
‘ment, and hardly to have stood on a line in urban develop-
ment with the camps of second rank on the Rhine, such
as eg. Bonna.

That the frontier of Raetia was already in Trajan’s
time pushed forward from Ratisbon westward some dis-
tance beyond the Danube, has already been observed
(p. 158); and it has been there also shown that this
territory was probably annexed to the empire without
applying force of arms, similarly with the Decumates-land.
It was likewise already mentioned that the fortifying of
this territory was perhaps connected with the incursions of
the Chatti extending thus far under Marcus, as also that
these and subsequently the Alamanni in the third century
visited as well this country in front as Raetia itself, and
ultimately under Gallienus wrested it from the Romans.

The neighbouring province of Noricum was doubtless
in the provincial arrangement treated similarly to Raetia,
but in other respects had a different development. In no
direction was Italy so open for land-traffic as towards the
north-east ; the commercial relations of Aquileia, as well
through Friuli with the upper Danube and with the iron-

The Rae-
tian Limes,

The IJtalis-
ing of
Noricum.

198 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

works of Noreia, as over the Julian Alps with the valley
of the Save, here paved the way for the Augustan exten-
sion of the frontier as nowhere else in the region of the
Danube. Nauportus (Upper Laybach) beyond the pass
was a Roman trading village already in the time of the
republic ; Emona (Laybach), a Roman burgess - colony,
afterwards formally incorporated with Italy, but substan-
tially belonging to Italy from the time of its foundation
by Augustus. Hence, as has already been noticed
(p. 18), the mere proclamation was probably enough for
the conversion of this “ kingdom” into a Roman province.
The population, originally doubtless Illyrian, afterwards
in good part Celtic, shows no trace of that adherence to
the national ways and language which we perceive among
the Celts of the west. Roman language and Roman
manners must have found early entrance here; and by the
emperor Claudius the whole territory, even the northern
portion separated by the Tauern chain from the valley of
the Drave, was organised in accordance with the Italian
municipal constitution. While in the neighbouring lands
of Raetia and Pannonia the monuments of Roman lan-
guage are either wanting or appear withal only at the
larger centres, the valleys of the Drave, the Mur, and the
Salzach and their affluents are filled far up into the moun-
tains with evidences of the Romanising which here took
deep hold. Noricum adjoined, and was as it were a part
of, Italy; in the levy for the legions and for the guard,
so long as the Italians were here at all preferred, this
preference was extended to no other province so fully as
to this.

As respects military occupation what applies to
Raetia applies also to Noricum. For the reasons already
developed there were in Noricum, during the first two
centuries of the empire, only forts of alae and cohortes.
Carnuntum (Petronell, near Vienna), which in the Augustan
age belonged to Noricum, was, when the Illyrian legions
were sent thither, annexed for that very reason to Pan-
nonia. The smaller Norican encampments on the Danube,
and even the camp of Lauriacum (near Enns), instituted

S S T E

CHAP, VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 199

by Marcus for the legion sent by him to this province,
were of no importance for the urban development. The
large townships of Noricum, such as Celeia (Cilli), in the
valley of the Sann, Aguontum (Lienz), Teurnia (not far
from Spital), Virunum (Zollfeld, near Klagenfurt), in the
north Juvavum (Salzburg), originated purely out of civil
elements.

Illyricum, that is the Roman territory between Italy The Iy-
and Macedonia, was in the republican time united, as to "a? stock.
its lesser portion, with the Graeco-Macedonian governor-
ship, as to its greater, administered as a land adjacent to
Italy, and, after the institution of the governorship of
' Cisalpine Gaul, as a portion of the latter. The territory
coincides to a certain degree with the widely diffused
stock from which the Romans named it; it is the same
whose scanty remnant still at the present day, at the
southern end of its formerly far-extended possessions, has
preserved its own nationality and its old language under
the name of Skipetars, which they assign to themselves,
or, as their neighbours call them, the Arnauts or Albanians,
It is a member of the Indo-Germanic family, and within
it doubtless most closely akin to the Greek branch, as is
in keeping with its local relations; but it stands by the
side of the Greek at least as independent as the Latin and
the Celtic. This nation in its original extent filled the
coast of the Adriatic Sea from the mouth of the Po
through Istria, Dalmatia, and Epirus, as far as Acarnania —
and Aetolia, and also in the interior upper Macedonia, as
well as the modern Servia and Bosnia and the Hungarian
territory on the right bank of the Danube; it bordered
thus on the east with the Thracian tribes, on the west
with the Celtic, from which latter Tacitus expressly dis-
tinguishes them. It is a vigorous type of a southern
kind, with black hair and dark eyes, very different from
the Celts, and still more from the Germans; sober, tem-
perate, intrepid, proud people, excellent soldiers, but little
accessible to civic organisation, shepherds more than
agriculturists. They did not attain any great political
development. On the Italian coast they were confronted

` Ni w s y ;
wee a eee ee TLR Seen opin at, R a TT Oe a ee te Sag Sy te, ae tne, eq, SR S A Aae e EA, Á

Its rela-
tions with
Rome.

ii. 196.

ii. 74 f.

ti, 303.

iii. 172.

200 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

probably, in the first instance, by the Celts ; the probably
Illyrian tribes there, especially the Veneti, became, through
rivalry with the Celts, at an early date pliant subjects
of the Romans.

At the end of the sixth century of the city the

founding of Aquileia and the subjugation of the peninsula
of Istria (ii. 207 f.) farther narrowed their limits. Along
the east coast of the Adriatic Sea the more important
islands and the southern harbours of the mainland had
long been occupied by the bold Hellenic mariners. When
thereupon in Scodra (Scutari), to a certain extent in olden
time as now the central point of the Illyrian land, the
rulers began to develop a power of their own, and especially
to make war upon the Greeks at sea, Rome, even before
the Hannibalic war, struck them down with a strong
hand, and took the whole coast under its protectorate
(ii. 77 f.), which soon, after the ruler of Scodra had shared
war and defeat with king Perseus of Macedonia, brought
about the complete dissolution of this principality (ii. 321).
At the end of the sixth century of the city, and in the
first half of the seventh, after long years of conflict, the
coast between Istria and Scodra was also occupied by
the Romans (iii. 180 f.) In the interior the Illyrians
were little touched by the Romans during the republican
period ; but instead the Celts, advancing from the west,
must have brought under their power a good portion of
originally Illyrian territory, such as Noricum, afterwards
preponderantly Celtic. The Latobici also in the modern

Carniola were Celts; and in the whole territory between

the Save and Drave, just as in the Raab valley, the two
great stocks were settled promiscuously, when Caesar
Augustus subjected the southern districts of Pannonia to
the Roman rule. Probably this strong admixture of
Celtic elements contributed its part, along with the level
character of the ground, to the early decline of the
Illyrian nation in the Pannonian districts. Into the
southern half, on the other hand, of the regions in-
habited by Illyrians there penetrated of the Celts only
the Scordisci, whose establishment on the lower Save

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 201

as far as Morava, and raids as far as the vicinity of
Thessalonica, have been formerly mentioned (iii. 184 f.). iii. 176 f.
But the Greeks here gave place to them in some measure ;

the sinking of the Macedonian power, and the desolation

of Epirus and Aetolia, must have favoured the extension

of the Illyrian neighbours. Bosnia, Servia, above all
Albania, were in the imperial period Illyrian, and Albania

is so still.

It has already been mentioned that Illyricum was, The pro-
according to the design of the dictator Caesar, to be ae a
constituted as a special governorship, and this design
came into execution on the partition of the provinces
between Augustus and the senate; that this governor-
ship,. at first committed to the senate, passed to the
emperor on account of the need for waging war there;
that Augustus divided this governorship and rendered )
effective the rule, which hitherto on the whole had been
but nominal, over the interior both in Dalmatia and in
the region of the Save ; and, lastly, that he subdued, after
a severe struggle of four years, the mighty national
insurrection which broke out among the Dalmatian as
among the Pannonian Illyrians in the year 6. It remains
that we relate the further. fortunes, in the first instance,
of the southern province.

After the experience attained in the insurrection it Dalmatia
seemed requisite not merely to employ the forces raised in Sie civi
Illyricum abroad rather than as hitherto in their native lisation.
country, but also to keep in subordination the Dalmatians
as well as the Pannonians by a command of the first rank.

This rapidly fulfilled its object. The resistance, which the
Illyrici under Augustus opposed to the unwonted foreign
rule, expended its rage in the one violent storm ; after-
wards our reports record no similar movement, even of
but a partial kind. For the southern or, according to the
Roman expression, the Upper Ilyricum—the province
Dalmatia, as it was usually called from the time of the
Flavii—a new epoch began with the government of the
emperors. The Greek merchants had indeed founded on
the coast lying nearest to them the two great emporia of

Sys a Se eee ee ee ee eee eee eee eS ee meee eee A

Tem.

|

Salonae.

202 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

Apollonia (near Valona) and Dyrrachium (Durazzo);
for that very reason this portion had already under the
republic been consigned to Greek administration. But
farther northward the Hellenes had settled only on the
adjacent islands Issa (Lissa), Pharos (Lesina), Black-Cor-
cyra (Curzola), and thence maintained intercourse with
the natives particularly along the coast of Narona and in
the townships adjacent to Salonae. Under the Roman
republic the Italian traders, who here entered upon the
heritage of the Greek, had settled in the chief ports Epi-
taurum (Ragusa Vecchia), Narona, Salonae, Iader (Zara),
in such numbers that they could play a not unimportant
part in the war of Caesar and Pompeius. But it was only
through Augustus that these townships received strength-
ening by the settlement of veterans there, and—what was
the main thing—urban rights; and at the same time partly
the energetic suppression of the piratic retreats still exist-
ing in the islands, partly the subjugation of the interior
and the pushing forward of the Roman frontier towards
the Danube, tended to benefit especially these Italians
settled on the east coast of the Adriatic Sea. Above all
the capital of the country, the seat of the governor and of
the whole administration, Salonae rapidly flourished and
far outstripped the older Greek settlements Apollonia and
Dyrrachium, although to the latter town there were sent
likewise under Augustus Italian colonists, not indeed
veterans but dispossessed Italians, and the town was
erected as a Roman burgess-community. It may be con-
jectured that in the prosperity of Dalmatia and the arrested
development of the Illyro-Macedonian coast the distinction
between the imperial and the senatorial government played
an essential part——as regards better administration, as
well as a privileged position with the real holder of
power. With this, moreover, may be connected the fact,
that the Illyrian nationality held its ground better in the
sphere of the Macedonian governorship than in that of the
Dalmatian ; in the former it still lives at the present day ;
and in the imperial period—apart from the Greek Apol-
lonia and the Italian colony of Dyrrachium—while the two

en I EA

a a eee Ol eee

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 203

languages of the empire were made use of, in the interior
that of the people must have continued to be the Illyrian.
In Dalmatia, on the other hand, the coasts and the islands,
so far as they were at all adapted thereto—the inhospi-

table stretch to the north of the Iader necessarily was left

behind in the development—were communalised after the
Italian organisation, and soon the whole coast spoke Latin,
somewhat as it speaks at the present day Venetian.

The advance of civilisation into the interior had to
encounter local difficulties. The considerable streams of
Dalmatia form waterfalls more than water-ways; and
even the establishment of land-routes meets unusual diffi-
culties from the nature of its mountain-network. The
Roman government made earnest exertions to open up the
country. Under the protection of the legionary camp of
Burnum in the valley of the Kerka and in that of Cettina
under the protection of the camp of Delminium—which
camps must have been here too the channels of civilisation
and of Latinising—the cultivation of the soil developed
itself after the Italian fashion, as also the planting of the
vine and the olive, and in general Italian organisation and
habits. On the other hand, beyond the watershed be-
tween the Adriatic Sea and the Danube the valleys less
favourable for agriculture from the Kulpa to the Drin
remained during the Roman period in a primitive state,
similar to that exhibited by Bosnia at the present day.
The emperor Tiberius certainly had various roads made
by the soldiers of the Dalmatian camps from Salonae into
the valleys of Bosnia; but the later governments ap-
parently allowed the difficult task to drop. On the coast
and in the districts adjoining the coast Dalmatia soon
needed no further military protection ; Vespasian could
already withdraw the legions from the valleys of the Kerka
and the Cettina and employ them elsewhere.

Amidst the decay of the empire in the third century
Dalmatia suffered comparatively little; indeed, Salonae
probably only reached at that time its greatest prosperity.
This, it is true, was occasioned partly by the fact that the
regenerator of the Roman state, the emperor Diocletian,

Civilisation
in the in-
terior.

Prosperity
under Dio-
cletian.

Pannonia
down to
Trajan.

204 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

was by birth a Dalmatian, and allowed his efforts aimed
at the decapitalising of Rome to redound chiefly to the
benefit of the capital of his native land; he built alongside
of it the huge palace, from which the modern capital of the
province takes the name Spalato, within which it has for
the most part found a place, and the temples of which
now serve it as cathedral and as baptistery.' Diocletian,
however, did not make Salonae a great city for the first
time, but, because it was such, chose it for his private
residence ; commerce, navigation, and trade must at that
time in these waters have been concentrated chiefly at
Aquileia and at Salonae, and the city must have been
one of the most populous and opulent towns of the west.
The rich iron mines of Bosnia were largely worked at
least in the later imperial period; the forests of the pro-
vince likewise yielded abundant and excellent timber; even
of the flourishing textile industry of the land a reminis-
cence is still preserved in the priestly “ Dalmatica.” Alto-
gether the civilising and Romanising of Dalmatia form
one of the most peculiar and most significant phenomena
of the imperial period. The boundary between Dalmatia
and Macedonia was at the same time the political and
linguistic demarcation of the West and East. As the
spheres of rule of Caesar and Marcus Antonius came into
contact at Scodra, so did those of Rome and Byzantium
after the partition of the empire in the fourth century.
Here the Latin province of Dalmatia bordered with the
Greek province of Macedonia; and the younger sister
stands here alongside of the elder, vigorous in aspiration
and excelling in energy of effort.

While the southern Illyrian province and its peaceful
government soon ceased to be prominent in a historical
aspect, northern Illyricum, or as it is usually called, Pan-
nonia, forms in the imperial period one of the great mili-
tary and thereby also political centres. In the army of
the Danube the Pannonian camps have the leading posi-
tion like the Rhenish in the west, and the Dalmatian and
the Moesian attach themselves to them, and subordinate

1 The baptistery is perhaps the tomb of the emperor.

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE.

205
themselves under them, in like manner as the legions of
Spain and Britain were subordinate to those of the Rhine.
Roman civilisation stands and continues here under the
influence of the camps, which did not remain in Pannonia
as in Dalmatia only for some generations, but were per-
manent. After the subduing of the insurrection of Bato,
the regular garrison of the province amounted at first to
three, afterwards apparently only to two, legions ; and the
further development was conditioned by their standing
quarters and the shifting of these forward. When Augustus
after the first war against the Dalmatians had selected
Siscia, at the point where the Kulpa falls into the Save, '
as his chief stronghold, after Tiberius had subdued Pan-
nonia at least as far as the Drave, the camps were pushed
forward to the latter, and at Jeast one of the Pannonian
headquarters was thenceforth found at Poetovio (Pettau),
on the borders of Noricum. The reason why the Pan-
nonian army remained wholly or in part in the valley of
the Drave can only have been the same as led to the con-
struction of the Dalmatian legionary camps ; they needed
troops here to keep in obedience their subjects as well in
the neighbouring Noricum as above all in the region of
the Drave itself. On the Danube watch was kept by the
Roman fleet, which is already mentioned in the year 50,
and presumably originated on the erection of the province.
There was not yet perhaps a legionary camp on the river
itself under the Julio-Claudian dynasty, in connection

1 That there were no legions sta-
tioned on the Danube itself in the
year 50, follows from Tacitus, Ann.
xii. 29; otherwise it would not have
been necessary to send a legion thither
to receive the accession of the Suebi.
The laying out also of the Claudian
Savaria suits better, if the town was
then Norican, than if it already be-
longed to Pannonia; and, as the
assignment of this town to Pannonia
coincides certainly as to time with the
like severance of Carnuntum and with
the transference of the legion thither,
all this may probably have taken place
only in the period after Claudius. The

small number also of inscriptions of
Italici found in the camps of the
Danube (ÆA. Ep. V. p. 225) points
to their later origin. Certainly there
have been found in Carnuntum some
epitaphs of soldiers of the 15th legion
which, from their outward form and
from the absence of cognomen, ap-
pear to be older (Hirschfeld, Arch.
Epigraph. Mittheilungen, v. 217).
Such determinations of date cannot
claim full certainty, where a decade is
concerned ; nevertheless it must be
conceded that the former arguments
also furnish no full proofs, and the
translocation may have begun earlier,

Urban de-
velopment.

206 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

with which we may note that the state of the Suebi im-
mediately adjoining the province in front was at that time
immediately dependent on Rome, and sufficed in some
measure to protect the frontier. Then, as with the camps
of Dalmatia, Vespasian apparently did away also with the
camps on the Drave and transferred them to the Danube
itself ; thenceforth the great headquarters of the Pannonian
army were the formerly Norican (p. 198) Carnuntum
(Petronell, to the east of Vienna), and along with it Vin-
dobona (Vienna).

Civil development, such as we meet in Noricum and
on the coast of Dalmatia, shows itself likewise in Pannonia
only at some districts situated on the Norican frontier, and
in part belonging originally to Noricum ; Emona and the
upper valley of the Save stand on an equality with Nori-
cum, and if Savaria (Stein, on the Anger) received the
Italian municipal constitution at the same time with the
Norican towns, that place must doubtless, so long as Car-
nuntum was a Norican town, have belonged also to
Noricum. It was only after the troops were stationed on

the Danube that the government set to work to give urban

organisation to the country behind. In the western
territory originally Norican, Scarbantia (Oedenburg, on
the Neusiedler See) obtained urban rights under the
Flavii, while Vindobona and Carnuntum became of
themselves camp-towns. Between the Save and Drave
Siscia and Sirmium received urban rights under the
Flavii, as on the Drave Poetovio (Pettau) under Trajan,
Mursa (Eszeg) under Hadrian colonial rights—to mention
here only the chief places. That the population, pre-
dominantly Illyrian but in good part also Celtic, opposed
no energetic resistance to the Romanising, has already
been mentioned ; the old language and the old habits
disappeared where the Romans came, and kept their
ground only in the more remote districts. The districts—
wide, but far from inviting for settlement—to the east of

possibly under Nero. For the con- the inscription, attesting such a struc-
struction or extension of this camp by ture, of Carnuntum, dating from the
Vespasian we have the evidence of year 73 (Hirschfeld, Z ¢.).

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 207

the river Raab and to the north of the Drave as far as the
Danube were probably reckoned even from the time of
Augustus as’ belonging to the empire, but perhaps in a
way not much differing from Germany before the battle
of Varus ; urban development neither then nor later found
a true soil here, and in a military point of view this region
was for a long time occupied but little or not at all. This
state of matters changed in some measure only in conse-
quence of the incorporation of Dacia under Trajan ; the
pushing forward of the Pannonian camps towards the east
frontier of the province, to which that step gave occasion,
and the further internal development of Pannonia, will be
better described in connection with the wars of Trajan.
The last portion of the right bank of the Danube—the
mountain-land on the two sides of the Margus (Morava),
and the flat country stretching along between the Haemus
and the Danube—was inhabited by Thracian tribes ; and
it appears necessary in the first instance to cast a glance
at this great stock as such. It runs parallel in a certain
sense to the Illyrian. As the Illyrians once filled the
regions from the Adriatic Sea to the middle Danube, so
the Thracians were formerly settled to the east of them,
from the Aegean Sea as far as the mouths of the Danube,
and not less on the one hand upon the left bank of the
Danube, particularly in the modern Transylvania, on the
other hand beyond the Bosporus, at least in Bithynia
and as far as Phrygia. Herodotus is not wrong in calling
the Thracians the greatest of the peoples known to him
after the Indians. Like the Illyrian, the Thracian stock
attained to no full development, and appears more as hard-
pressed and dispossessed than as having any historically
memorable course of its own. But, while the language
and habits of the Illyrians have been preserved—though
in a form worn down in the course of centuries—to the
present day, and we with some right transfer the image
of the Palikars from more recent history to that of the
Roman imperial period, the same does not hold good
of the Thracian stock. There is manifold and sure
attestation that the tribes of the territory, which in conse-

The Thra-
cian stock.

208 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

quence of the Roman provincial division has ultimately
retained the name Thracian, as well as the Moesians be-
tween the Balkan and the Danube, and not less the Getae
or Daci on the other bank of the Danube, all spoke one
and the same language. This language had in the Roman
empire a position similar to that of the Celts and of the
Syrians. The historian and geographer of the Augustan
age, Strabo, mentions the likeness of language among the
peoples named; in botanical writings of the imperial
period the Dacian appellations of a number of plants are
specified? When his contemporary, the poet Ovid, had
opportunity given to him in the far-off Dobrudscha to
reflect on his too dissolute course of life, he used his leisure
to learn Getic, and became almost a poet of the Getae :—

Ah pudet! et Getico seripst sermone libellum....

Et placut (gratare mihi) coepique poetae

Inter inhumanos nomen habere Getas,
But while the Irish bards, the Syrian missionaries, and
the mountain valleys of Albania secured a certain con-
tinued duration for other idioms of the imperial period, the
Thracian disappeared amidst the fluctuations of peoples in
the region of the Danube and the overpowerful influence
of Constantinople, and we cannot even determine the
place which belongs to it in the pedigree of nations. The
descriptions of manners and customs of particular tribes
belonging to it, as to which various notices have been pre-
served, yield no individual traits valid for the race as a
whole, and for the most part bring into relief merely singu-
larities such as appear among all peoples at a low stage
of culture. But they were and remained a soldier-people,
not less useful as horsemen than for light infantry, from
the times of the Peloponnesian war and of Alexander
down to that of the Roman Caesars, whether they might

1 We know whole sets of Thracian,
Getic, Dacian names of places and
persons. Remarkable in a linguistic
point of view is a group of personal
names compounded with—centhus :
Bithicenthus, Zipacenthus, Disacen-
thus, Tracicenthus, Linicenthus (Bull.
de Corr. Hell. vi. 179), of which the

first two also frequently occur isolated
in their other half (Bithus, Zipa). A

' Similar group is formed by the com-

pounds with—for%s, such as Mucaporis
(as Thracian, Bull. /. c., as Dacian in
numerous cases), Cetri~oris, Rhasky-
ports, Bithoporis, Dirdipores.

wm — æ ee eee ae ee

CHAP. vi. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 209

range themselves against them or subsequently fight for
them. Their wild but grand mode of worshipping the
gods may perhaps be conceived as a trait peculiar to this
stock—the mighty outburst of the joy of spring and
youth, the nocturnal mountain-festivals of torch-swinging
maidens, the intoxicating sense-confusing music, the
flowing of wine and the flowing of blood, the giddy festal
whirl frantic with the simultaneous excitement of all
sensuous passions. Dionysos, the glorious and the ter-
rible, was a Thracian god ; and whatever of the kind was
specially prominent in the Hellenic and the Roman cultus,
was connected with Thracian or Phrygian customs.

While the Illyrian tribes in Dalmatia and Pannonia,
after the overthrow of the great insurrection in the last
years of Augustus, did not again invoke the decision of
arms against the Romans, the same did not hold true of
the Thracian stock; the often-shown spirit of independ-
ence and the wild bravery of this nation did not fail it
even in its decline. In Thrace, south of the Haemus, the
old principate remained under Roman supremacy. The
native ruling house of the Odrysae, with their residence
Bizye (Wiza), between Adrianople and the coast of the
Black Sea, was already in the earlier period the most pro-
minent among the princely families of Thrace; after the
triumviral period there is no further mention of other
Thracian kings than of those of this house, so that the other
princes appear to have been made vassals or superseded
under Augustus, and only members of this family were
thenceforth invested with the Thracian kingly office.
This was done, probably, because during the first century,
as will be shown further on, there were no Roman legions
stationed on the lower Danube; Augustus expected the
frontier at the mouth of the Danube to be protected by
the Thracian vassals. Rhoemetalces, who in the second
half of the reign of Augustus ruled all Thrace as a Roman
vassal-king,’ and his children and grandchildren therefore

1 Tacitus, Azn. ii. 64, says this Thracian mountains, and especially
expressly. Of free Thracians, viewed the Rhodope of the Bessi, maintained
from the Roman stand-point, there even in the state of peace an attitude
were at that time none; but the as regards the princes installed by

VOL. I. 14

Ne ee ee

The Thra-
cian princi-
pate.

Province of

210 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIIL

played in this country nearly the same part as Herod and
his descendants in Palestine ; unconditional devotedness
towards the lord-paramount, a decided inclination to
Roman habits, hostility to their own countrymen who
clung to the national independence, mark the attitude
of the Thracian ruling house. The great Thracian insur-
rection of the years 741-743, of which we have formerly
spoken (p. 24), was directed in the first instance against
this Rhoemetalces and his brother and co-regent Cotys
who perished in it, and, as he at that time was indebted
to the Romans for reinstatement into his dominion, so he
some years afterwards rendered to them his thanks when,
on occasion of the rising of the Dalmatians and the
Pannonians, to which his Dacian kinsmen adhered, he
kept faithfully to the Romans, and bore an essential part in
its overthrow. His son Cotys was more Roman, or rather
Greek, than Thracian ; he traced back his pedigree to
Eumolpus and FErichthonius, and gained the hand of a
kinswoman of the imperial house, the great granddaughter
of the triumvir Antonius ; and not merely did the Greek
and Latin poets of his time address him in song, but
he himself was also a poet and not a Getic poet.’ The last
of the Thracian kings, Rhoemetalces, son of the early de-
ceased Cotys, was reared in Rome, and, like the Herodian
Agrippa, a youthful playmate of the emperor Gaius.

But the Thracian nation by no means shared the Roman
leanings of the ruling house, and the government gradually
became convinced in Thrace as in Palestine that the
tottering vassal-throne, only maintained by constant inter-

ference of the protecting power, was of use neither for ©

` them nor for the country, and that the introduction of

direct administration was in every respect to be preferred.
The emperor Tiberius made use of the quarrels that arose
in the Thracian royal house to send to Thrace in the

Rome, that could hardly be designated
as subjection ; they acknowledged the
king doubtless, but obeyed him, as
Tacitus says (Ac. and iv. 46, 51),
only when it suited them.

2 We have still a Greek epigram,
dedicated to Cotys by Antipater of

Thessalonica (Anthol. Planud. iv. 75),
the same poet who celebrated also the
conqueror of the Thracians, Piso (p.
24), and a Latin epistle in verse ad-
dressed to Cotys by Ovid (ex Ponto,
ii. 9).

p

CHAP, Vi. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 211°

year 19 a Roman governor, Titus Trebellenus Rufus, under
cover of exercising guardianship over the princes that were
minors. Yet this occupation was not accomplished with-
out resistance, ineffectual doubtless, but serious on the
part of the people, who, particularly in the mountain-
valleys, troubled themselves little about the rulers ap-
pointed by Rome, and whose forces, led by their family-
chiefs, hardly felt themselves to be soldiers of the king, and
still less soldiers of Rome. The sending of Trebellenus
called forth in the year 21 a rising, in which not merely
did the most noted Thracian tribes take part, but which
threatened to assume greater proportions ; messengers of
the insurgents went over the Haemus to enkindle the
national war in Moesia, and perhaps still further. Mean-
while the Moesian legions appeared in right time to
relieve Philippopolis, which the insurgents besieged, and to
suppress the movement. But, when some years later (25)
the Roman government ordered levies in Thrace, the men
refused to serve beyond the bounds of their own country.
When no regard was paid to this refusal, the whole
mountains rose and a struggle of despair ensued, in which
the insurgents, constrained at length by hunger and thirst,
threw themselves in great part on the swords of the enemy
or on their own, and preferred to renounce life rather than
their time-honoured freedom. The direct government
continued in the form of exercising wardship in Thrace
up to the death of Tiberius ; and, if the emperor Gaius at
the commencement of his reign gave back the rule to the
Thracian friend of his youth just as to the Jewish, a few
years after, in the year 46, the government of Claudius
definitely put an end to it. This final annexation of the
kingdom, and conversion of it into a Roman province, also
encountered an equally hopeless and equally obstinate
resistance. But with the introduction of direct adminis-
tration the resistance was broken. The governor, at first
of equestrian, and from Trajan’s time of senatorial, rank,
never had a legion ; the garrison sent into the country,
though it was not stronger than 2000 men, along with
` a small squadron stationed at Perinthus, was sufficient, in

hi

Moesia.

Hellenism
and Ro-
manism in
Thrace.

212 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

connection with the precautionary measures otherwise
taken by the government, to keep down the Thracians.
The laying out of military roads was begun immediately
after the annexation ; we find that the buildings requisite
in the state of the country for the accommodation of
travellers at the posting stations were already, in the year
61, erected by the government and opened to traffic.
Thrace was thenceforth an obedient and important pro-
vince of the empire; hardly any other furnished so
numerous men for all parts of the war-forces, especially for
the cavalry and the fleet, as this old home of gladiators
and of mercenary soldiers.

The serious conflicts which the Romans had to sustain
with the same nation on the so-called “Thracian shore”
[Ripa Thraciae], in the region between the Balkan and
the Danube, and which led to the institution of the Moesian
command, form an essential constituent part of the regula-
tion of the northern frontier in the Augustan age, and
have been already described in their connection (p. 13 f.)
Of resistance similar to that offered by the Thracians to
the Romans nothing is reported from Moesia ; the tone of
feeling there may not have been different, but in the level
country and under the pressure of the legions encamped
at Viminacium the resistance did not emerge openly.

Civilisation came to the Thracian tribes, as to the
Illyrian, from two sides ; that of the Hellenes from the
coast and from the Macedonian frontier, the Latin from
the Dalmatian and Pannonian frontier. Of the former it
will be more appropriate to treat when we attempt to
describe the position of the European Greeks under the
imperial rule ; here it suffices generally to bring out the
fact that not merely did that rule protect the Greek
element, where it found it, and the whole coast, even that
subject to the governor of Moesia, always remained Greek;
but that the province of Thrace, whose civilisation was
begun in earnest only by Trajan, and was throughout a
work of the imperial period, was not guided into a Roman
path, but became Hellenised. Even the northern slopes
of the Haemus, although administratively belonging to

cuar. vi. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 213

Moesia, were comprehended in this Hellenising ; Nicopolis
on the Jantra and Marcianopolis, not far from Varna, both
foundations of Trajan, were organised after a Greek
model. :

Of the Latin civilisation of Moesia the same holds
true as of that of the adjoining Dalmatian and Pan-
nonian interior; only, as was natural, it emerges so
much the later, weaker, and more impure, the farther
remote it is from its starting-point. It followed predo-
minantly here the encampments of the legions, and with
these advanced eastward, starting from the probably
oldest camps of Moesia at Singidunum (Belgrade) and
Viminacium (Kostolatz).’ It is true that, in keeping with
the character of its armed apostles, it kept at a very low
stage in upper Moesia, and left room enough for the play
of the primitive conditions. Viminacium obtained Italian
urban rights from Hadrian. Lower Moesia, between the
Balkan and the Danube, in the earlier imperial period,
remained probably throughout in the condition which the
Romans found subsisting there ; not till the legion-camps
on the lower Danube were founded at Novae, Durostorum,
and Troesmis, which, as will be set forth further on (p.
227), probably did not take place till the beginning of
the second century, did this part of the right bank of the
Danube become a seat of so much Italian civilisation as was
compatible with camp-arrangements. Thenceforth civil
settlements arose here too—particularly on the Danube

1 It is one of the most seriously
felt blanks of the Roman imperial
history that the standing quarters of
the two legions, which formed under
the Julio-Claudian emperors the gar-
rison of Moesia, the 4th Scythica and
the sth Macedonica (at least these
were stationed there in the year 33 ;
C. I. L. iii. 1698) cannot hitherto be
pointed out with certainty. Probably
they were Viminacium and Singi-
dunum in what was afterwards upper
Moesia. Among the legion-camps of
lower Moesia, of which that of
Troesmis in particular has numerous
monuments to show, none appear to

be older than Hadrian’s time; the
remains of the upper-Moesian are

hitherto so scanty that they at least `

do not hinder our carrying back their
origin a century further. When the
king of Thrace in the year 18 takes
arms against the Bastarnae and
Scythians (Tacitus, Mam. ii. 65), this
could not have been put forward even
as a pretext, had lòwer- Moesian le-
gionary camps been alreadyat that time
in existence. This verynarrativeshows
that the warlike power of this vassal-
prince was not inconsiderable, and
that the setting aside of an uncompliant
king of Thrace demanded caution.

And in
Moesia.

aN
BE

Hermun-
duri.

Mar-
comani.,

214 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

itself, between the great standing camps, the towns con-
stituted after the Italian model, Ratiaria, not far from
Widin, and Oescus at the confluence of the Iskra with the
Danube—and gradually the region approached the level
of the Roman culture then subsisting, though of itself on
its decline. In the construction of highways in lower
Moesia the rulers displayed manifold activity after the
time of Hadrian, from whom the oldest milestones hitherto
found there date.

If we turn from the survey of the Roman rule, as it
took shape from Augustus onward in the lands on the
right bank of the Danube, to the relations and the inhabit-
ants of the left, what we should have to remark as to
the most westerly region has already in the main been said
in the description of upper Germany ; and in particular it
has been noticed (p. 158) that the Germans next adjoining
Raetia, the Hermunduri, were of all the neighbours of the
Romans the most peaceful, and, so far as is known to us,
never fell into conflict with them.

We have already stated that the people of the Mar-
comani, or, as the Romans usually term them in earlier
times, the Suebi, after it had in the Augustan age found
new settlements in the old land of the Boii, the modern
Bohemia, and had acquired through king Maroboduus a
more fixed political organisation, remained indeed an on-
looker during the Romano-German wars, but was pre-
served through the intervention of the Rhenish Germans
from the threatened Roman invasion. We have also pointed
out that, indirectly, the renewed abandonment of the Roman
offensive on the Rhine overthrew this too neutral state.
The position of paramount power, which the Marcomani
under Maroboduus had gained over the more remote
peoples in the region of the Elbe, was thereby lost; and
the king himself died as an exile on Roman soil (p. 61).
The Marcomani and their eastern neighbours of kindred
stock, the Quadi in Moravia, fell under Roman clientship,
in so far as in their case, nearly as in that of Armenia,
the pretenders contending for the mastery leaned in
part for support on the Romans, and these claimed,

cHap. vi. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 215

and according to circumstances also exercised, the
right of investiture. The prince of the Cotones, Catu-
alda, who had in the first instance overthrown Maro-
boduus, could not maintain himself long as his successor,
especially as Vibilius king of the neighbouring Hermun-
duri took part against him ; he too had to pass over into
Roman territory, and like Maroboduus to invoke the
imperial favour. Tiberius then induced a Quadian of rank
Vannius to take his place; for the numerous train of the
two banished kings, which was not allowed to remain on
the right bank of the Danube, Tiberius procured settle-
ments on the left in the March valley,’ and procured for
Vannius recognition on the part of the Hermunduri friendly
with Rome. After a thirty years’ rule the latter was over-
thrown in the year 50 by his two nephews Vangio and
Sido, who revolted against him, and gained for themselves

the neighbouring peoples, the Hermunduri in Franconia,
The Roman government, which

the Lugii in Silesia.
Vannius solicited for support, remained true to the policy

1 That the regnum Vannianum
(Plin. Æ. N. iv. 12, 81), the Suebian
state (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 29; Hist.
iii. §, 21), must be referred, not merely,
as might appear from Tacitus, Anz.
ii. 63, to the dwellings of the people
that went over with Maroboduus and
Catualda, but to the whole territory
of the Marcomani and Quadi, is shown
clearly by the second report, Ann.
xii. 29, 30, since here, as opponents
of Vannius alongside of his own insur-
gent subjects, there appear the peoples
bordering on Bohemia to the west and
north, the Hermunduri and Lugii.
As boundary towards the east Pliny
Jc. designates the region of Carnun-
tum (Germanorum ibi confinium)
more exactly the river Marus or
Duria, which separates the Suebi
and the regnum Vannianum from
their eastern neighbours, whether we
may refer the dirimens eos with Mül-
lenhoff (Sitzungsberichte der Berliner
Akademie 1883, p. 871) to the Jazy-
ges, or, as is more natural, to the
Bastarnae. In reality both doubtless

bordered, the Jazyges on the south,
the Bastarnae on the north, with
the Quadi of the March valley. Ac-
cordingly the Marus is the March,
and the demarcation is formed by the
small Carpathians that stretch be-
tween the March and the Waag. If
thus those retainers were settled inter
flumen Marum et Cusum, then the
Cusus not elsewhere mentioned is,
provided the statement is correct, not
the Waag, or even, as Miillenhoff
supposed, the Eipel falling into the
Danube below Gran, but an affluent
of the Danube westward of the March,
perhaps the Gusen near Linz. The
narrative in Tacitus xii. 29, 30, also
requires the territory of Vannius to
have reached to the west even beyond
the March. The subscription to the
first book of the Meditations of the
emperor Marcus év Kovddos apis 7
T'pavotg, proves doubtless that then
the state of the Quadi stretched as
far as the river Gran; but this state
is not coincident with the regnum
Vannianum.

Vannius.

Br

Jazyges.

216 ' THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

of Tiberius ; it granted to the overthrown king the right
of asylum, but did not interfere, especially as the successors,
who shared the territory between them, readily acknow-
ledged the Roman supremacy. The new prince of the
Suebi, Sido, and his co-ruler Italicus, perhaps the successor
of Vangio, fought in the battle, which decided between
Vitellius and Vespasian, with the Roman army of the
Danube on the side of the Flavians. In the great crises
of the Roman rule on the Danube under Domitian and
Marcus we shall again meet their successors. The Suebi
of the Danube did not belong to the Roman empire ;
coins probably struck by them show doubtless Latin in-
scriptions, but not the Roman standard, to say nothing of
the image of the emperor; taxes proper and levies for
Rome did not here take place. But, in the first century
particularly, the Suebian state in Bohemia and Moravia
was included within the sphere of Roman power ; and, as
was already observed, this was not without its influence
on the stationing of the Roman frontier-guard.

In the plain between the Danube and Theiss eastward
from the Roman Pannonia, and between this and the
Thracian Daci, there was inserted a section of the people
—-probably belonging to the Medo-Persian stock—the Sar-
matae, who living nomadically as a nation of shepherds
and horsemen filled in great part the wide east-European
plain ; these were the Jazyges, named the “emigrants”
(ueravacrat) in distinction from the chief stock which
remained behind on the Black Sea. The designation
shows that they only advanced at a comparatively late
period into these regions ; perhaps their immigration falls
to be included among the assaults, under which about the
time of the battle of Actium the Dacian kingdom of Bure-
bista broke down (p. 11). They meet us here at first under
the emperor Claudius; the Jazyges supplied the Suebian
king Vannius with the cavalry for his wars. The Roman
government was on its guard against the alert and pre-
datory bands of horsemen, but did not otherwise sustain
hostile relations to them. When the legions of the Danube
marched to Italy in the year 70 to place Vespasian on the

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 217

throne, they declined the contingent of cavalry offered by
the Jazyges, and in fitter fashion carried with them only a
number of the men of chief rank, in order that these should
meanwhile be pledges for quiet on the denuded frontier.
More serious and continuous watch was needed farther
down on the lower Danube. There, beyond the mighty
stream, which was now the boundary of the empire,
were settled in the plains of Wallachia and the modern
Transylvania the Daci; in the eastern flat country, in
Moldavia, Bessarabia, and onward, in the first instance, the

Germanic Bastarnae, and then Sarmatian tribes, such as.

the Roxolani, a people of horsemen like the Jazyges, at
first between the Dnieper and Don (iii. 295), then advanc-
ing along the sea-shore. In the first years of Tiberius the
vassal prince of Thrace strengthened his troops to ward off
the Bastarnae and Scythians; in the latter years of Tiberius
it was urged among other proofs of his government more
and more neglecting everything, that he suffered the in-
roads of the Dacians and the Sarmatae to pass unpunished.
How matters went on in the last years of Nero on either
side of the mouths of the Danube is approximately shown
by the accidentally preserved report of the governor of
Moesia at that time, Tiberius Plautius Silvanus Aelianus.
The latter “brought upwards of 100,000 men dwelling
beyond the Danube, with their wives and children, and their
princes or kings over the river, so that they became liable
to pay tribute. He suppressed a movement of the Sar-
matae before it came to an outbreak, although he had given
away a great part of his troops for the carrying on of war
in Armenia (to Corbulo). A number of kings hitherto un-
known or at feud with the Romans he brought over to the
Roman bank, and compelled them to prostrate themselves
before the Roman standards. To the kings of the Bas-
tarnae and Roxolani he sent back their sons, who had been
made captive or recovered from the enemy, to those of the
Dacians their captive brothers, and took hostages from
several of them. Thereby the state of peace for the province

1 Regibus Bastarnarum et Roxo- tos aut hostibus ereptos remisit (Orelli,
lanorum filios, Dacorum fratrum cap- 750) is miswritten ; it must run fratres,

Daci.

iii, 281.

Inade-
quacy of
Roman
forces,

218 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII,

was confirmed as well as further extended. He induced
also the king of the Scythians to desist from the siege
of the town Chersonesus (Sebastopol) beyond the Borys-
thenes. He was the first who, by great consignments of
corn from this province, made bread cheaper in Rome.”
We perceive here clearly as well the agitated vortex of
peoples on the left bank of the Danube under the Julio-
Claudian dynasty, as also the strong arm of the imperial
power, which even beyond the stream sought to protect
the Greek towns on the Dnieper and in the Crimea, and
was able also in some measure to do so, as will be further
set forth when we describe the state of Greek affairs.

The forces, however, which Rome had here at her dis-
posal, were more than inadequate. The insignificant gar-
rison of Asia Minor, and the fleet, likewise small on the
Black Sea, were of account at most for the Greek inhabit-

ants of its northern and western coasts. A very difficult.

task was assigned to the governor of Moesia, who with his
two legions had to protect the bank of the Danube from
Belgrade to the mouth; and the aid of the far from
obedient Thracians was under the circumstances an addi-
tional danger. Especially towards the mouth of the
Danube there was wanting a sufficient bulwark against
the barbarians now pressing on with increasing weight.
The withdrawal on two occasions of the Danubian legions to
Italy in the troubles after Nero’s death provoked still more
at the mouth of the Danube, than on the lower Rhine,
incursions of the neighbouring peoples, at first of the
Roxolani, then of the Dacians, then of the Sarmatae, that
is, probably the Jazyges. There were severe conflicts ; in
one of these engagements, apparently with the Jazyges,
the brave governor of Moesia, Gaius Fonteius Agrippa,
fell. Nevertheless, Vespasian did not proceed to increase
the army of the Danube ;! the necessity of strengthening
the Asiatic garrisons must have appeared still more urgent,
or at anyrate fratrum filios. In like about the year 70 two legions, the
manner afterwards ger guae is to be 13th Gemina and the 15th Apollinaris,
read for per quem and rege instead of in room of which latter during its

regem. participation in the Armenian war for
1 In Pannonia there were stationed some time the 7th Gemina came in

r a eg OÁ oM

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE.

219

and the economy specially enjoined at that time forbade
any increase of the army as a whole. He contented him-
self with pushing forward the great camps of the army of
the Danube to the frontier of the empire, as the pacifica-
tion of the interior allowed, and the relations subsisting at
the frontier, as well as the breaking up of the Thracian
troops brought about by the annexation of Thrace, impera-
tively required. Thus the Pannonian camps were brought
away from the Drave, opposite to the Suebian kingdom, to
Carnuntum and Vindobona (p. 206), and the Dalmatian
from the Kerka and the Cettina to the Moesian bank of

the Danube,' so that the governor of Moesia thenceforth

disposed of double the number of legions.

A shifting of the proportions of power to the disad-
vantage of Rome set in under Domitian? or rather the
consequences of the insufficient frontier-defence were then
reaped. According to the little we know of the matter,

(C. 7. LZ. iii. p. 482). Of the two legions
added later, rst Adiutrix and 2d Adiu-
trix, the first still at the beginning of
the reign of Trajan lay in upper Ger-
many (p. 159, note 1), and can only
have come to Pannonia under Trajan ;
the second stationed under Vespasian
in Britain can only have come to Pan-
nonia under Domitian (p. 174, note 4).
The Moesian army numbered after
the union with the Dalmatian under
Vespasian probably but four legions,
consequently as many as the two
armies together previously—the later
upper-Moesian, 4th Flavia and 7th
Claudia, and the later lower-Moesian,
ist Italica and 5th Macedonica. The
positions shifted by the marching to
and fro of the year of the four em-
perors (Marquardt, Staatsverw. ii. 435),
which temporarily brought these le-
gions to Moesia, need not deceive us.
The subsequent third lower- Moesian
legion, the Eleventh, was still under
Trajan stationed in upper Germany.

1 Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 4, 3:
wrelooe kal pelfoor pudAaxais tov rémov
dédaBev, ws elvat rots BapBdpos Thv
didBacw rteddws ddtvarov. By this
seems meant the transference of the
two Dalmatian legions to Moesia.

Whither they were transferred we do
not know. According to the Roman
custom elsewhere it is more probable
that they were stationed in the en-
virons of the previous headquarters
Viminacium than in the remote region
of the mouths of the Danube. The
camp there probably originated only

at the division of the Moesian com-

mand and at the erection of the inde-
pendent province of lower Moesia
under Domitian.

2 The chronology of the Dacian
war is involved in much uncertainty.
That it had begun already before the
war with the Chatti (83), we learn
from the Carthaginian inscription
(C. J7. Z. viii. 1082) of a soldier
decorated three times by Domitian,
in the Dacian, in the German, and
again in the Dacian war. Eusebius
puts the outbreak of the war, or
rather the first great conflict, in the
year Abr. 2IOI or 2102=A.D. 85
(more exactly 1 Oct. 84—30 Sept.
85) or 86, the triumph in the year
2106 =90; these numbers indeed
have no claim to complete trust-
worthiness. With some probability
the triumph is placed in the year 89
(Henzen, Acta Arval. p. 116).

Decebalus.

220 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

the change of affairs hinged, quite like the similar one in
Caesars time, upon a single Dacian man; what king
Burebista had planned, king Decebalus seemed destined
to execute. How much the real moving-spring lay in
his personality, is shown by the story that the Dacian
king Duras, in order to bring the right man into the
right place, retired from his office in favour of Decebalus.
That Decebalus first of all organised in order to strike,
is shown by the reports as to his introduction of Roman
discipline into the Dacian army, and his enlisting people
of capacity among the Romans themselves, and even by
the condition proposed by him to the Romans after the
victory, that they should send him the necessary work-
men to instruct his people in the arts of peace as of war.
On what a great scale he set to work is shown by the
connections which he formed, westward and eastward, with
the Suebi and the Jazyges, and even with the Parthians.
The assailants were the Dacians. The governor of the
province of Moesia, who first went to oppose them, Oppius
Sabinus, lost his life on the field of battle. A number of
smaller camps were conquered ; the larger were threatened,
the possession of the province itself was at stake. Domi-
tian in person resorted to the army, and his representa-
tive—he himself was no general and remained in the
background—the commandant of the guard, Cornelius
Fuscus, led the army over the Danube; but he paid for
the incautious proceeding by a severe defeat, and he too,
the second in supreme command, fell before the enemy.
His successor, Julianus, a capable officer, defeated the
Dacians in their own territory in a great battle near
Tapae, and was on the way to achieve lasting results.
But, while the struggle with the Dacians was in suspense,
Domitian had threatened the Suebi and Jazyges with
war, because they had omitted to send to him a contingent
against the former; the messengers, who came to excuse
this, he caused to be executed.’ Here too misfortune

1 The fragment, Dio, lxvii. 7, 1, order of events to a time before the
Dind., stands in the sequence of the negotiation with the Lugii. Comp.
Ursinian excerpts before lxvii. 5, Hermes, iii. 115.

I, 2, 3, and belongs also in the

CHAP. VI, AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 221

pursued the Roman arms. The Marcomani achieved a
victory over the emperor himself; a whole legion was
surrounded by the Jazyges and cut down. Shaken by
this defeat, Domitian, in spite of the advantages gained
by Julianus over the Dacians, hastily concluded with these
a peace, which did not indeed prevent him from confer-
ring the crown upon the representative of Decebalus in
Rome, Diegis, just as if the latter were a vassal of the
Romans, or from marching as victor to the Capitol, but
which in reality was equivalent to a capitulation. What
Decebalus, on the advance of the Roman army into Dacia,
had scoffingly offered—to dismiss to his home uninjured
every man for whom a yearly payment of two asses was
promised to him—became almost true: in the peace the
incursions into Moesia were bought off with a fixed sum
to be paid yearly.

Here a change had to be effected. Domitian, who
was doubtless a good administrator of the empire, but
obtuse to the demands of military honour, was followed
after the short reign of Nerva by the emperor Trajan,
who, first and above all a soldier, not merely tore in
pieces that agreement, but also took measures that similar
things should not recur. The war against the Suebi and
Sarmatae, which was still being continued at Domitian’s
death (96), was happily ended, as it would seem, under
Nerva in the year 97. The new emperor went, even
before he held his entrance into the capital of the empire,
from the Rhine to the Danube, where he stayed in the
winter 98-99, but not to attack the Dacians at once, but
to prepare for the war: to this time belongs the con-
Struction—joining itself on to the roads formed in upper
Germany—of the road completed on the right bank of
the Danube in the region of Orsova in the year 100
(p. 153). For the war against the Dacians, in which, as
in all his campaigns, he commanded in person, he did not
set out till the spring of 101. He crossed the Danube
below Viminacium, and advanced against the not far
distant capital of the king, Sarmizegetusa. Decebalus
with his allies—the Buri and other tribes dwelling to the

Dacian war
of Trajan.

=o

222 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII,

northward took part in this struggle—offered resolute
resistance, and it was only by vehement and bloody con-
flicts that the Romans cleared their way ; the number of
the wounded was so great that the emperor put his own
wardrobe at the disposal of the physicians. But victory
did not waver; one stronghold after another fell; the
sisters of the king, the captives from the former war, the
standards taken from the armies of Domitian, fell into
the hands of the Romans; for the king, intercepted by
Trajan himself and by the brave Lusius Quietus, nothing
was left but complete surrender (102). Trajan demanded
nothing less than the renunciation of the sovereign power
and the entrance of the Dacian kingdom into the client-
ship of Rome. The deserters, the arms, the engines of
war, the workmen once supplied for these by Rome, had to
be delivered up, and the king personally to kneel before
the victor ; he divested himself of the right to make war
and peace, and promised military service; the fortresses
were either razed or delivered to the Romans, and in
these, above all in the capital, there remained a Roman
garrison. The strong bridge of stone, which Trajan
caused to be thrown over the Danube at Drobetae
(opposite Turnu Severinului), secured the communication
even in the bad season of the year, and gave to the
Dacian garrisons a reserve-support in the near legions of
upper-Moesia.

But the Dacian nation, and above all the king him-
self, did not know the art of accommodating themselves
to dependence, as the kings of Cappadocia and Mauretania
had understood it; or rather they had merely taken upon
them the yoke in the hope of ridding themselves of it
again on the first opportunity. The signs of this were
soon apparent. A portion of the arms to be delivered
up was kept back; the fortresses were not given over
as had been stipulated; an asylum was still granted,
moreover, to Roman deserters; portions of territory
were wrested from the Jazyges at enmity with the Daci-
ans, or perhaps the occurrence of violations of the frontier
on their part was not taken patiently; a lively and

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 223

suspicious intercourse was maintained with the more re-
mote natives still free. Trajan could not but be con-
vinced that his work was but half done; and, rapid in
resolution as he was, he, without entering upon further
negotiations, declared war once more against the king
three years after the conclusion of peace (105). Gladly
would the latter have avoided it; but the demand that
he should give himself a captive spoke too clearly. No-
thing was left but a struggle of despair, and all were not
ready for this; a great part of the Dacians submitted
without resistance. The appeal to the neighbouring
peoples to enter jointly into measures for warding off
the danger that threatened even their freedom and their
national existence sounded without effect; Decebalus
and the Dacians that remained faithful to him stood alone
in this war. The attempts to make away with the
imperial general by means of deserters, or to purchase
tolerable terms by the release of a high officer taken
prisoner, likewise broke down. The emperor marched
once more as victor into the enemy’s capital, and Dece-
balus, who up to the last moment had struggled with fate,
put himself to death when all was lost (107). This time
Trajan made an end; the war concerned no longer the
freedom of the people, but its very existence. The native
population were driven out from the best part of the land,
and these districts were reoccupied with a non-national
population brought in from the mountains of Dalmatia,
for the mines, and otherwise preponderantly, as it would
appear, from Asia Minor. In several regions, no doubt,
the old population yet remained, and even the language
of the country maintained its ground.’ These Dacians,
as well as the sections dwelling beyond the bounds, still
gave trouble to the Romans—subsequently, for example,
under Commodus and Maximinus; but they stood
isolated, and dwindled away. The danger with which
the vigorous Thracian race had several times threatened

1 Arrian, Tact. 44, mentions among battle-cries: KeArixods pèv rots Ked-
the changes which Hadrian introduced ots lrrefow, Tercxots òè rots Térais,
into the cavalry, that he allowed to ‘Pacrexovds dé Scot éx ‘Palrwr.
the several divisions their national

S m M

Trajan's
column.

224 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

the Roman rule could not. be allowed to recur, and this
end Trajan attained. The Rome of Trajan was no longer
that of the age of Hannibal; but it was still dangerous
to have conquered the Romans.

The stately column which six years afterwards was
erected to the emperor by the imperial senate in the new
Forum Trajanum of the capital, and which still adorns it
at the present day, is an evidence, to which we possess
nothing parallel, of the extent to which the traditional
history of the Roman imperial period has suffered havoc.
Throughout its height of exactly one hundred Roman feet
it is covered with separate representations to the number
of one hundred and twenty-four—a chiselled picture-book
of the Dacian wars, to which almost everywhere we lack
the text. We see the watch-towers of the Romans with
their pointed roofs, their palisaded court, their upper
gallery, their fire-signals ; the town on the bank of the
Danube-stream, whose river-god looks on at the Roman
warriors, as they march under their standards along the
bridge of boats; the emperor himself in his council of
war, and then sacrificing at the altar before the walls of
the camp. It is narrated that the Buri allied with the
Dacians dissuaded Trajan from the war in a Latin sentence
written on a huge mushroom ; we fancy that we recognise
this mushroom placed as a load on a sumpter-animal,
jumping from which a barbarian, lying on the ground
with his club, points out the mushroom with his finger to
the advancing emperor. We see the pitching of the
camp, the felling of trees, the fetching of water, the laying
of the bridge. The first captive Dacians, easily recognisable
by their long-sleeved frocks and their wide trousers, with
their hands bound behind their back, and with their long
bushy hair grasped by the soldiers, are brought before the
emperor. We see the combats, the men hurling spears,
the slingers, the sickle-bearers, the archers on foot, the
heavy-mailed horsemen also bearing the bow, the dragon-
banners of the Dacians, the officers of the enemy adorned
with the round cap as the token of their rank, the pine-
wood, into which the Dacians carry their wounded, the

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 225

cut-off heads of the barbarians deposited before the
emperor, We see the Dacian village on piles in the
middle of the lake, against the round huts of which, with
their pointed roof, the burning torches are flying. Women
and children sue the emperor for mercy. The wounded

' are cared for and bound up; badges of honour are distri-

buted to officers and soldiers. Then the conflict proceeds ;
the hostile entrenchments, partly of wood, partly stone
walls, are assailed; the besieging-train advances, the
ladders are brought up, the storming-column makes
its assault under cover of the zestudo. Lastly, the king
with his train lies at the feet of Trajan; the dragon-
banners are in the hands of the Romans; the troops in
exultation salute the emperor; Victoria stands before the
piled-up arms of the enemy and inscribes the slab record-
ing the victory. Then follow the pictures of the second
war, of similar character on the whole to those of the first
series. Worthy of notice is one great representation, which,
after the king’s stronghold has been burnt, appears to
show the princes of the Dacians sitting round a kettle
and, one after the other, emptying the poison-cup;
another, where the head of the brave Dacian king is
brought on a tray to the emperor; and lastly, the closing
picture, the long series of the conquered with their
women, children, and flocks marching away from their
home. The emperor himself wrote the history of this
war—as Frederick the Great wrote that of the Seven
Years’ War—and many others after him; all this is
lost to us, and as nobody would venture to invent the
history of the Seven Years’ War from Menzel’s pictures,
there is left to us only, along with a glimpse into half
intelligible details, the painful feeling of a stirring and
great historical catastrophe faded for ever and lost even
to remembrance.

The defence of the frontier in the region of the
Danube was not shifted to such a degree, as might well
be expected, in consequence of the conversion of Dacia
into a Roman province; a change, in the strict sense, of
the line of defence did not take place, but the new province

VOL. I. 15

Military
position on
the Danube
after
Trajan,

Commands
increased to
five,

226 THE DANUBIAN LANDS

BOOK VIII

was treated on the whole as an eccentric position, which
was only connected directly with the Roman territory
towards the south along the Danube itself, on the other three
sides projected into the barbarian land. The plain of the
Theiss, stretching between Pannonia and Dacia continued
in the hands of the Jazyges; there have been found
remains of old walls, which led from the Danube over the
Theiss away to the Dacian mountains, and bounded the
region of the Jazyges to the north, but of the time and
the authors of these entrenchments nothing certain is
known. Bessarabia also is intersected by a double
barrier-line which, running from the Pruth to the Dniester,
ends at Tyra,.and—according to the inadequate reports
hitherto before us on the subject—appears to proceed from
the Romans.’ If this was the case, then Moldavia and
the south half of Bessarabia as well as the whole of
Wallachia were incorporated in the Roman empire. But,
though this may have been done nominally, the Roman
rule hardly extended effectively to these lands; at least
there is, up to the present time, an utter absence of sure
proofs of Roman settlement either in eastern Wallachia
or in Moldavia and Bessarabia. At any rate, the Danube
here remained, much more than the Rhine in Germany,
the limit of Roman civilisation and the proper basis of
frontier-defence. The positions on it were considerably
reinforced. It was a fortunate circumstance for Rome
that, while the surge of peoples rose on the Danube, it
sank on the Rhine, and the troops that could be there
dispensed with were disposable elsewhere.

Although under Vespasian probably not more than
six legions were stationed on the Danube, their number
was subsequently raised by Domitian and Trajan to ten ;
the two chief commands of Moesia and Pannonia hitherto

1 The walls, which, three mètres
in height and two mètres in thickness,
with broad outer fosse and many
remains of forts, stretch in two almost
parallel lines, partly—to the length of
ninety-four miles—from the left bank
of the Pruth by way of Tabak and
Tatarbunar to Dniester-Liman, be-

tween Akerman and the Black Sea;
partly—to the length of sixty-two
miles—from Leowa on the Pruth to
the Dniester below Bendery (Peter-
mann, Geograph. Mittheilungen, 1857,
p. 129), may perhaps be also Roman ;
but there has not been as yet any
exact settlement of this point.

tae Pe â SGT

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 227

subsisting were withal divided, the first under Domitian,
the second under Trajan, and, as the Dacian was super-
added, the whole number of the commanderships on the
lower Danube was fixed at five. At the outset, indeed,
they seem to have cut off the corner which this stream forms
below Durostorum (Silistria)—the modern Dobrudscha—
and from the place now called Rassowa, where the river
approaches within thirty miles of the sea, in order then
to bend almost at a right angle to the north, to have
substituted for the river-line a fortified road after the
manner of the British (p. 187), which reached the coast
at Tomis. This corner, however, was, at least from the
time of Hadrian, embraced within the Roman frontier-
fortification ; for from that time we find lower Moesia,
which before Trajan had probably possessed no larger
standing garrisons at all, furnished with the three legionary
camps of Novae (near Svischtova), Durostorum (Silistria),
and Troesmis (Iglitza, near Galatz), of which the last lies
in front of that very angle of the Danube. Against the
Jazyges the position was strengthened by adding to the

1 According to von Vincke’s
estimate (Monatsberichte uber die
Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft für
Erdkunde in Berlin in the years
1839-40, p. 197 f.; comp. in von
Moltke’s Briefe über Zustände in der
Turkei, the letter of 2d Nov. 1837),
as well as according to the delinea-
tions and plans of Dr. C. Schuchhardt
communicated to me, three barriers
were here constructed. The south-
most and probably oldest is a simple
earthen wall with (singularly) a fosse
in front of it towards the south;
whether of Roman origin may be
doubtful. The two other lines are
an earthen wall, even now at many
places as high as three métres, and a
lower wall, once lined with stones,
which often run close beside each
other and elsewhere again are miles
apart. We might hold them as the
two lines of defence of a fortified
road, though in the eastern half the
earthen wall, in the more southern
half the stone-wall, is the more

northerly, and they cross in the
middle. At one spot the earthen
wall (here more southerly) forms the
rear of a fort constructed behind the
stone - wall. The earthen wall is
covered on the north side by a deep,
on the south side by a shallow, fosse ;
each fosse is closed off by a bank. A
fosse lies also in front of the stone-
wall to the north. Behind the earthen
wall, and mostly resting on it, are
found forts distant from each other
seven hundred and fifty métres ; others
at irregular distances of the like kind
behind the stone-wall. All the lines
keep behind the Karasu-lakes as the
natural basis of defence; from the
point where this ceases, they are
carried as far as the sea with slight
regard to the character of the ground.
The town Tomis lies outside of the
wall and to the north of it; but its
fortress- walls are put in connection
with the barrier-fortification by a
special wall.

Dacia an
advanced
position,

228 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

upper Moesian camps at Singidunum and Viminacium
the lower Pannonian at the confluence of the Theiss with
the Danube near Acumincum. Dacia itself was then but
weakly garrisoned. The capital, now a colony of Trajan,
Sarmizegetusa, lay not far from the chief crossings over
the Danube in upper Moesia; here and on the middle
Marisus, as well as beyond it in the districts of the gold
mines, the Romans chiefly settled ; the one legion serving
as garrison since Trajan’s time in Dacia obtained its
headquarters, at least soon afterwards, in this region at
Apulum (Karlsburg). Farther to the north Potaissa
(Thorda) and Napoca (Klausenburg) were probably also
at once taken possession of by the Romans, but it was
only gradually that the great Pannono-Dacian military
centres pushed farther towards the north. The transfer-
ence of the lower Pannonian legion from Acumincum to
Aquincum, the modern Buda, and the occupation of this
commanding military position, fall not later than Hadrian,
and probably under him ; probably at the same time one
of the upper Pannonian legions came to Brigetio (opposite
to Comorn), Under Commodus all settlement was
prohibited along the northern frontier of Dacia for a
breadth of nearly five miles, which must stand con-
nected with the frontier regulations to be subsequently
mentioned after the Marcomanian war. At that time also
the fortified lines may have originated, which barred this
frontier similarly to the upper Germanic. Under Severus
one of the legions previously in lower Moesia was brought
to Potaissa (Thorda) on the Dacian north frontier.

But even after these transferences Dacia remained an
advanced position on the left bank, covered by mountains
and defences, with reference to which it might well be
doubtful whether it did more to promote or to impede
the general defensive attitude of the Romans. Hadrian, —
in fact, had thought of giving up this territory, and so
regarded its incorporation as a mistake; after the step
had once been taken, there certainly preponderated the
consideration, if not of the lucrative gold mines of the
country, at any rate of the Roman civilisation rapidly

ma

kaba AS TT N ere ee een tee ~~ —_ Co E>- =

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 229

developing itself in the region of the Marisus. But he
caused at least the superstructure of the stone bridge of
the Danube to be removed, as his apprehension of its
being used by the enemy outweighed his consideration
for the Dacian garrison. The later period released itself
from this anxiety ; but the eccentric position of Dacia in
relation to the rest of the frontier-defence remained.

The sixty years after the Dacian wars of Trajan were
for the Danube lands a time of peace and of peaceful
development. No doubt there was never entire quiet,
particularly at the mouths of the Danube, and even the
hazardous expedient of purchasing the security of the
frontier from the adjoining restless neighbours, just as
was done with Decebalus, by the bestowal of yearly
gratuities was further employed ;* yet the remains of
antiquity show at this very time everywhere the flourish-
ing of urban life, and not a few communities, particularly
of Pannonia, name as their founder Hadrian or Pius. But
upon this stillness followed a storm such as the empire
had not yet sustained, and which, although properly but
a frontier-war, by its extension over a series of provinces
and by its duration for thirteen years shook the empire
itself.

The war named after the Marcomani was not kindled
by any single personage of the type of Hannibal or
Decebalus. As little did aggressions on the part of the
Romans provoke this war; the emperor Pius injured no
neighbour, either powerful or humble, and set on peace
almost more than its just value. The realm of Maro-
boduus and of Vannius had thereafter, perhaps in
consequence of the partition under Vangio and Sido
(p. 216), become divided into the kingdom of the Mar-
comani in what is now Bohemia and that of the Quadi
in Moravia and upper Hungary. Conflicts with the
Romans do not appear to have occurred here ; the vassal-
relation of the princes of the Quadi was even formally
recognised under the reign of Pius by the confirmation

1 Vita Hadriani 6: cum rege Roxo- querebatur cognito negotio pacem com-
lanorum qui de imminutis stipendiis posuit.

Marcom-
anian war.

Its begin-

ning.

230 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.
asked for. Shiftings of peoples, which lay beyond the
Roman horizon, were the proximate cause of the great
war. Soon after the death of Pius (t 161) masses of
Germans, especially Langobardi from the Elbe, but also
Marcomani and other bodies of men, appeared in Pan-
nonia, apparently to gain new abodes on the right bank.
Pressed hard by the Roman troops who were despatched
against them, they sent the prince of the Marcomani,
Ballomarius, and with him a representative of each of
the ten tribes taking part, to renew their request for
assignation of land. But the governor abode by his
decision and compelled them to go back over the Danube.

This was the beginning of the great Danubian war.!
The governor of upper Germany, Gaius Aufidius Victor-
inus, the father-in-law of Fronto known in literature, had
already, about the year 162, to repel an assault of the
Chatti, which likewise may have been occasioned by tribes
from the Elbe pressing on their rear. Had equally
energetic steps been taken, greater mischief might have
been averted. But just then the Armenian war had
begun, into which the Parthians soon entered; though
the troops were not actually sent away from the threatened
frontier to the east, for which there is at least no evidence,”
there was at any rate a want of men to take up the
second war at once with energy. This temporising
severely avenged itself. Just when people were triumph-
ing in Rome over the kings of the east, on the Danube
the Chatti, the Marcomani, the Quadi, the Jazyges burst

1 Vita Marci 14: gentibus quae
pulsae a superioribus barbaris fugerant
nisi reciperentur bellum inferentibus.
Dio, in Petrus Patricius, fr. 6, says:
Aayy:Bdpduv xal 'OBlwy (otherwise
unknown) éfaxroxiAlwy “Iorpov meparw-
Oévrwy tav wept Blydixa (perhaps
already then praef. praetorio, in which
case the guard would be marched out
on account of this occurrence), larréwy
eEedacdyrwy kal ray dudl Kdvddov
metûv émipbacdyrow els wayrehh ouyhy
ol BdpBapo: érpdrovro* 颒 ols otrw
wpaxdeiow èv ée Karacrdyres èr
wpwrns erixeaphoews ol Bápßapoa mpés-

Bas wapa AlMov Báosov rh» Ilaiovlayv
ĉémovra oré\dovet Baddopdpidy re rò»
Pacıàéa Mapropávwv xai érépous déxa,
kar Ovos émi\efduevoe Eva’ xal Spros
Thy elpivny ol wpécBas morwoduevot
ofkade xwpofow. That this incident
falls before the outbreak of the war,
is shown by its position; fr. 7 of
Patricius is an excerpt from Dio,
lxxi. II, 2.

2 The Moesian army gave away
soldiers to the Armenian war (Hirsch-
feld, Arch. epig. Mitth. vi. 41);
but here the frontier was not en-
dangered.

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 231

as with a thunderclap into the Roman territory. Raetia,
Noricum, the two Pannonias, Dacia, were inundated at
the same moment; in the Dacian mine-district we can
still follow the traces of this irruption. What devastations
they then wrought in those regions, which for long had
seen no enemy, is shown by the fact that several years
afterwards the Quadi gave back first 13,000, then 50,000,
and the Jazyges even 100,000 Roman captives. Nor
did the matter end with the injury done to the provinces.
There happened what had not occurred for three hundred
years and begun to be accounted as impossible—the
barbarians broke through the wall of the Alps and in-
vaded Italy itself ; from Raetia they destroyed Opitergium
(Oderzo) ; bands from the Julian Alps invested Aquileia.’
Defeats of individual Roman divisions must have taken
place in various cases; we learn only that one of the
commandants of the guard, Victorinus, fell before the
enemy, and the ranks of the Roman armies were sorely
thinned.

This grave attack befell the state at a most unhappy
moment. No doubt the Oriental war was ended; but in
its train a pestilence had spread throughout Italy and the
west, which swept men away more continuously than the
war, and in more fearful measure. When the troops were
concentrated, as was necessary, the victims of the pesti-
lence were all the more numerous. As dearth always
accompanies pestilence, so on this occasion there appeared
with it failure of crops and famine, and severe financial
distress ; the taxes did not come in, and in the course
of the war the emperor saw himself under the necessity
of alienating by public auction the jewels of his palace.

There was lack of a fitting leader. A military and
political task so extensive and so complicated could, as
things stood in Rome, be undertaken by no commissioned
general, but only by the ruler himself. Marcus had, with
a correct and modest knowledge of his shortcomings, on

1 The participation of the Germans Marcus adopted for Raetia and Nori-
on the right of the Rhine is attested cum. The position of Oderzo also
by Dio, lxxi. 3, and only thereby speaks for the view that these
are the measures explained which assailants came over the Brenner.

Invasion of
Italy.

Pestilence.

Verus and
Marcus.

232 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

ascending the throne, placed by his side with equal rights
his younger adopted brother Lucius Verus, on the benevo-
lent assumption that the jovial young man—as he was |
a vigorous fencer and hunter—would also grow into an |
able general. But the worthy emperor did not possess
the sharp glance of one who knows men ; the choice had
proved as unfortunate as possible ; the Parthian war just
ended had shown the nominal general to be personally
dissolute, and as an officer incapable. The joint regency.of
Verus was nothing but an additional calamity, which indeed |
was obviated by his death, that ensued not long after the
outbreak of the Marcomanian war (169). Marcus, by his
leanings more reflective than inclined to practical life, i
and not at all a soldier, nor in general a strong person-
ality, undertook the exclusive and personal conduct of
- the requisite operations. He may, in doing so, have made

mistakes enough in detail, and perhaps the long duration
of the struggle is partly traceable to this; but the unity
of supreme command, his clear insight into the object for
which the war was waged, the tenacity of his statesmanly
action, above all the rectitude and firmness of the man
administering his difficult office with self-forgetful faith-
fulness, ultimately broke the dangerous assault. This
was a merit all the higher, as the success was due more
to character than to talent.

Progress of The character of the task set before the Romans is

the war. Shown by the fact that the government, despite the want
of men and money in the first year of this war, had the
walls of the capital of Dalmatia, Salonae, and of the
capital of Thrace, Philippopolis, restored by its soldiers
and at its expense; certainly these were not isolated
arrangements. They had to prepare themselves to see the |
men of the north everywhere investing the great towns
of the empire ; the terrors of the Gothic expeditions were
already knocking at the gates, and were perhaps for this
time averted only by the fact that government saw them
coming. The immediate superintendence of the military
operations, and the regulation, demanded by the state of the
case, of the relations to the frontier-peoples and reformation

cuap. vi. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 233

of the existing arrangements on the spot, might neither
be omitted nor left to his unprincipled brother or in-
dividual leaders. In fact, the position of matters was
changed as soon as the two emperors arrived at Aquileia,
in order to set out thence with the army to the scene of
war. The Germans and Sarmatians, far from united in
themselves, and without common leading, felt themselves
unequal to such a counter-blow. The masses of invaders
everywhere retreated ; the Quadi sent in their submission
to the imperial generals, and in many cases the leaders of
the movement directed against the Romans paid for this
reaction with their lives. Lucius thought that the war
had demanded victims enough, and advised a return to
Rome ; but the Marcomani persevered in haughty resist-
ance, and the calamity which had come upon Rome, the
hundred thousands of captives dragged away, the successes
achieved by the barbarians, imperatively demanded a more
vigorous policy and the offensive continuance of the war.
The son-in-law of Marcus, Tiberius Claudius Pompeianus,
as an extraordinary measure took the command in Raetia
and Noricum ; his able lieutenant, the subsequent emperor,
Publius Helvius Pertinax, cleared the Roman territory
without difficulty with the first auxiliary legion called up
from Pannonia. In spite of the financial distress two new
legions were formed, particularly from Illyrian soldiers, in
the raising of which no doubt many a previous highway-
robber was made a defender of his country ; and, as was
already stated (pp. 161, 198), the hitherto slight frontier-
guard of these two provinces was reinforced by the new
legion-camps of Ratisbon and Enns. The emperors them-
selves went to the upper Pannonian camps. It was above
all of consequence to restrict the area within which the
fire of war was raging. The barbarians coming from
the north, who offered their aid, were not repelled, and
fought in Roman pay, so far as they did not—as also
occurred—break their word and make common cause with
the enemy. The Quadi, who sued for peace and for the
confirmation of the new king Furtius, had the latter readily
granted to them, and nothing demanded of them but the

234 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIIL

giving back of the deserters and the captives. Success in
some measure attended the attempt to restrict the war to

` the two chief opponents, the Marcomani and the Jazyges

Its issue ;
and second

war.

from of old allied with them. Against these two peoples
it was carried on in the following years with severe con-
flicts and not without defeat. We know only isolated
details, which do not admit of being brought into set
connection. Marcus Claudius Fronto, to whom had been
entrusted the commands of upper Moesia and Dacia
united as an extraordinary measure, fell about the year
171 in conflict against Germans and Jazyges. The com-
mandant of the guard, Marcus Macrinius Vindex, likewise
fell before the enemy. They and other officers of high
rank obtained in these years honorary monuments in Rome
at the column of Trajan, because they had met death in
defence of their fatherland. The barbaric tribes, who had
declared for Rome, again partially fell away—such as the
Cotini and above all the Quadi, who granted an asylum
to the fugitive Marcomani and drove out their vassal-
king Furtius, whereupon the emperor Marcus set a price
of 1000 gold pieces on the head of his successor Ario-
gaesus.

Not till the sixth year of the war (172) does the
complete conquest of the Marcomani seem to have been
achieved, and Marcus to have thereupon. assumed the
well-deserved title of victory, Germanicus. Then followed
the overthrow of the Quadi; lastly in 175 that of the
Jazyges, in consequence of which the emperor received
the further surname of Conqueror of the Sarmatae.
The terms which were laid down for the conquered
tribes show that Marcus designed not to punish but to
subdue. The Marcomani and the Jazyges, probably also
the Quadi, were required to evacuate a border-strip along
the river to the breadth of ten, subsequently modified to
five, miles. In the strongholds on the right bank of
the Danube were placed Roman garrisons, which, among
the Marcomani and Quadi alone, amounted together to
not less than 20,000 men. All the subdued had to
furnish contingents to the Roman army ; the Jazyges, for

CHAP, VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 235

example, 8000 horsemen. Had the emperor not been
recalled by the insurrection of Syria, he would have
driven the latter entirely from their country, as Trajan
drove the Dacians. That Marcus intended to treat the
revolted Transdanubians after this model, was confirmed
by the further course of events. Hardly was that hind-
rance removed, when the emperor went back to the
Danube and began, just like Trajan, in 178 the second
definitive war. The ground put forward for thus declaring
war is not known; the aim is doubtless correctly specified
to the effect that he purposed to erect two new provinces,
Marcomania and Sarmatia. To the Jazyges, who must have
shown themselves submissive to the designs of the em-
peror, their burdensome imposts were for the most part
remitted, and, in fact, for intercourse with their kinsmen
dwelling to the east of Dacia the Roxolani, right of
passage through Dacia was granted to them under fitting
supervision—probably just because they were already
regarded as Roman subjects. The Marcomani were
almost extirpated by sword and famine. The Quadi in
despair wished to migrate to the north, and to seek set-
tlements among the Semnones; but even this was not
allowed to them, as they had to cultivate the fields in
order to provide for the Roman garrisons. After fourteen
years of almost uninterrupted warfare, he who was a
warrior-prince against his will reached his goal, and the
Romans were a second time face to face with the acquisi-
tion of the upper Elbe; now, in fact, all that was want-
ing was the announcement of the wish to retain what was
won. Thereupon he died—not yet sixty years of age—
in the camp of Vindobona on 17th March 180. |

We must not merely acknowledge the resoluteness
and tenacity of the ruler, but must also admit that he did
what right policy enjoined. The conquest of Dacia by
Trajan was a doubtful gain, although in this very Mar-
comanian war the possession of Dacia not only removed
a dangerous element from the ranks of the antagonists of
Rome, but probably also had the effect of preventing the
host of peoples on the lower Danube, the Bastarnae, Roxo-

Results of
the Mar-
comanian
war.

Conclusion
of peace by
Com-
modus.

236 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

lani, and others, from interfering in the war. But after
the mighty onset of the Transdanubians to the west of
Dacia had made their subjugation a necessity, this could
only be accomplished in a definitive way by embracing
Bohemia, Moravia, and the plain of the Theiss within the
Roman line of defence, although these regions were pro-
bably accounted, like Dacia, as having only the position
of advanced posts, and the strategical frontier-line was
certainly meant to remain the Danube.

The successor of Marcus, the emperor Commodus, was
present in the camp when his father died, and as he had
already for several years nominally shared the throne with
his father, he entered with the latter’s death at once into pos-
session of unlimited power. Only for a brief time did the
nineteen years’ old successor allow the men who had en-
joyed his father’s confidence—his brother-in-law Pompei-
anus, and others who had borne with Marcus the heavy
burden of the war—to rule in his spirit. (Commodus was
in every respect the opposite of his father ; not a scholar,
but a fencing-master ; as cowardly and weak in character,
as his father was resolute and tenacious of purpose; as in-
dolent and forgetful of duty, as his father was active and
conscientious. He not merely gave up the idea of incor-
porating the territory won, but voluntarily granted even to
the Marcomani conditions such as they had not ventured
to hope for. The regulation of the frontier-trafic under
Roman control, and the obligation not to injure their
neighbours friendly to the Romans, were matters of course;
but the garrisons were withdrawn from their ‘country, and
there was retained only the prohibition of settlement on
the border-strip. The payment of taxes and the furnish-
ing of recruits were doubtless stipulated for, but the former
were soon remitted, and the latter were certainly not fur-
nished. A similar settlement was made with the Quadi ;
and the other Transdanubians must have been similarly
dealt with. Thereby the conquests made were given up,
and the work of many years of warfare was in vain; if
no more was wished for, a similar arrangement of things
might have been reached much earlier. Nevertheless the

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 237

Marcomanian war secured in these regions the supremacy
of Rome for the sequel, in spite of the fact that Rome let
slip the prize of victory. It was not by the tribes that
had taken part in it that the blow was dealt, to which
the Roman world-power succumbed.

Another permanent consequence of this war was con-
nected with the removals, to which it gave occasion, of the
Transdanubians over into the Roman empire. Of them-
selves such changes of settlement had occurred at all
times ; the Sugambri, transplanted under Augustus to
Gaul, the Dacians sent to Thrace, were nothing but new
subjects or communities of subjects added to those for-
merly existing, and probably not much different were the
3000 Naristae, whom Marcus allowed to exchange their
settlements westward of Bohemia for such settlements
within the empire, while the like request was refused to the
otherwise unknown Astingi on the Dacian north frontier.
But the Germans settled by him not merely in the land
of the Danube, but in Italy itself at Ravenna, were neither
free subjects nor strictly non-free persons ; these were the
beginnings of the Roman villanage, the colonate, the in-
fluence of which on the agricultural economy of the whole
state is to be set forth in another connection. That
Ravennate settlement, however, had no permanence; the
men rose in revolt and had to be conveyed away, so that
the new colonate remained restricted primarily to the
provinces, particularly to the lands of the Danube.

The great war on the middle Danube was once more
followed by sixty years’ time of peace, the blessings of
which could not be completely neutralised by the internal
misgovernment that was constantly increasing during its
course. No doubt various isolated accounts show that the
frontier, especially the Dacian, which was most exposed,
remained not without trouble; but above all, the stern
military government of Severus did its duty here, and at
least Marcomani and Quadi appear even under his im-
mediate successors in unconditional dependence, so that
the son of Severus could cite a prince of the Quadi before
him and lay his head at his feet. The conflicts occurring

The
colonate.

The ad-
vancing
Northmen.

Goths,

238 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII,

at this epoch on the lower Danube were of subordinate
importance. But probably at this period a comprehensive
shifting of peoples from the north-east towards the Black
Sea took place, and the Roman frontier-guard on the
lower Danube had to confront new and more dangerous
opponents. Up to this time the antagonists of the
Romans there had been chiefly Sarmatian tribes, among
whom the Roxolani came into closest contact with them ;

of Germans there were settled here at that time only the

Bastarnae, who had been long at home in this region.
Now the Roxolani disappear, merged possibly among the
Carpi apparently akin to them, who thenceforth were the
nearest neighbours of the Romans on the lower Danube,
perhaps in the valleys of the Seret and Pruth.

By the side of the Carpi came, likewise as immediate
neighbours of the Romans at the mouth of the Danube,
the people of the Goths. This Germanic stock migrated,
according to the tradition which has been preserved to us,
from Scandinavia over the Baltic towards the region of the
Vistula, and from this to the Black Sea; in accordance
with this the Roman geographers of the second century
know them at the Vistula, and Roman history from the
first quarter of the third at the north-west coast of the
Black Sea. Thenceforth they appear here constantly on
the increase ; the remains of the Bastarnae retired before
them to the right bank of the Danube under the emperor
Probus, the remains of the Carpi under the emperor Dio-
cletian, while beyond doubt a great part of the former as
of the latter mingled among the Goths and joined them.
On the whole this catastrophe may be designated as that
of the Gothic war only in the sense in which that which
set in under Marcus is called the war of the Marcomani ;
the whole mass of peoples set in movement by the stream
of migration from the north-east to the Black Sea took
part in it; and took part all the more, seeing that these
attacks took place just as much by land over the lower
Danube as by water from the north coasts of the Black
Sea, in an inextricable complication of landward and
maritime piracy. Not unsuitably, therefore, the learned

cuar, V. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 239

Athenian who fought in this war and has narrated it,
prefers to term it the Scythian, as he includes under this
name—which, like the Pelasgian, forms the despair of the
historian—all Germanic and non-Germanic enemies of
the empire. What is to be told of these expeditions will
here be brought together, so far as the confusion of tradi-
tion, which is only too much in keeping with the confusion
of these fearful times, allows.

The year 238—a year also of civil war, when there
were four emperors—is designated as that in which the
war against those here first named Goths began.’ As the
coins of Tyra and Olbia cease with Alexander (+ 235),
these Roman possessions situated beyond the boundary
of the empire had doubtless become some years earlier a
prey to the new enemy. In that year they first crossed
the Danube, and the most northerly of the Moesian coast
towns, Istros, was the first victim. Gordianus, who emerged
out of the confusions of this time as ruler, is designated
as conqueror of the Goths; it is more certain that the
Roman government at any rate under him, if not already
earlier, agreed to buy off the Gothic incursions.? As was
natural, the Carpi demanded the same as the emperor
had granted to the inferior Goths; when the demand
was not granted, they invaded the Roman territory in the

1 The alleged first mention of the
Goths in the biography of Caracalla,
c. 10, rests on a misunderstanding,
If really a senator allowed himself
the malicious jest of assigning to the
murderer of Geta the name Geticus,
because he on his march from the
Danube to the east had conquered
some Getic hordes (tumultuariis proe-
fis), he meant Dacians, not ‘the
Goths, scarcely at that time dwelling
there and hardly known to the
Roman public, whose identification
with the Getae was certainly only a
later invention.— We may add that
the statement that the emperor

Maximinus (235-238) was the son of
a Goth settled in the neighbouring
Thrace, carries us still further back ;
yet not much weight is to be attached
to it.

2 Petrus Patricius 7». 8. The ad-
ministration of the legate of lower
Moesia here mentioned, Tullius
Menophilus, is fixed by coins cer-
tainly to the time of Gordian, and
with probability to 238-240 (Bor-
ghesi, Opp. ii. 227). As the begin-
ning of the Gothic war and the
destruction of Istros are fixed by
Dexippus (vita Max. et Balb. 16)
at 238, it is natural to bring into
connection with these events the un-
dertaking of tribute; at any rate it
was then renewed. The vain sieges
of Marcianopolis and Philippopolis by
the Goths (Dexippus, Jr. 18, 19)
may have followed on the capture of
Istros. Jordanes, Get. 16, 92, puts
the former under Philippus, but is in
chronological questions not a valid
witness.

Gothic
wars,

Decius.

240 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

year 245. The emperor Philippus—Gordianus was at that
time already dead—repulsed them, and energetic action
with the combined strength of the great empire would
probably here have checked the barbarians.

But in these years the murderer of an emperor reached
the throne as surely as he found in turn his own murderer
and successor ; it was just in the imperilled regions of the
Danube that the army proclaimed against the emperor
Philippus first Marinus Pacatianus, and, after he was set
aside, Traianus Decius, which latter in fact vanquished his
antagonist in Italy, and was acknowledged as ruler. He
was an able and brave man, not unworthy of the two names
which he bore, and entered, so soon as he could, resolutely
into the conflicts on the Danube ; but what the civil war
waged in the meanwhile had destroyed, could no longer be
retrieved. While the Romans were fighting with one another
the Goths and the Carpi had united, and had under the
Gothic prince Cniva invaded Moesia denuded of troops.
The governor of the province, Trebonianus Gallus, threw
himself with his force into Nicopolis on the Haemus, and
was here besieged by the Goths ; these at the same time
pillaged Thrace and besieged its capital, the great and
strong Philippopolis ; indeed they reached as far as Mace-
donia, and invested Thessalonica, where the governor
Priscus found this just a fitting moment to have himself
proclaimed as emperor. When Decius arrived to combat
at once his rival and the public foe, the former was doubt-
less without difficulty set aside, and success also attended
the relief of Nicopolis, where 30,000 Goths are said to
have fallen. But the Goths, retreating to Thrace, con-
quered in turn at Beroé (Alt-Zagora), threw the Romans
back on Moesia, and reduced Nicopolis there as well
as Anchialus in Thrace and even Philippopolis, where
100,000 men are said to have come into their power.
Thereupon they marched northwards to bring into safety
their enormous booty. Decius projected the plan of in-
flicting a blow on the enemy at the crossing of the Danube.
He stationed a division under Gallus on the bank, and
hoped to be able to throw the Goths upon this, and to

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 241
cut off their retreat. But at Abrittus, a place on the
Moesian frontier, the fortune of war, or else the treachery
of Gallus, decided against them. Decius perished with
his son, and Gallus, who was proclaimed as his successor,
began his reign by once more assuring to the Goths the
annual payments of money (251)! This utter defeat of
Roman arms as of Roman policy, the fall of the emperor,
the first who lost his life in conflict with the barbarians—
a piece of news which deeply moved men’s minds even in
this age demoralised by its familiarity with misfortune—
the disgraceful capitulation following thereon, placed in
fact the integrity of the empire at stake. Serious crises
on the middle Danube, threatening probably the loss of
Dacia, must have been the immediate consequence. Once
more this was averted ; the governor of Pannonia, Marcus
Aemilius Aemilianus, a good soldier, achieved an im-
portant success of arms, and drove the enemy over the
frontier. But Nemesis bore sway. The consequence of
this victory, achieved in the name of Gallus, was, that the
army renounced allegiance to the betrayer of Decius and
chose their general as his successor. Once more there-
fore civil war took precedence of frontier-defence ; and,
while Aemilianus no doubt vanquished Gallus in Italy
but soon afterwards succumbed to his general Valeri-
anus (254), Dacia was lost for the empire—how, and
to whom, we know not? The last coin struck by this
province, and the latest inscription found there, are of
the year 255, the last coin of the neighbouring Vimi-
nacium in upper Moesia of the following year; in the
first years of Valerianus and Gallienus therefore the bar-
barians occupied the Roman territory on the left bank

1 The reports of these occurrences
in Zosimus, i. 21-24, Zonaras, xii.
20, Ammianus, xxxi. 5, 16, 17
(which accounts, down to that con-
cerning Philippopolis, are fixed as
belonging to this time by the fact
that the latter recurs in Zosimus),
although all fragmentary or in dis-
order, may have flowed from the
report of Dexippus, of which fr. 16,
19, are preserved, and may be in

VOL. I.

some measure combined. The same
source lies at the bottom of the im-
perial biographies and Jordanes ; but
both have disfigured and falsified
it to such a degree that use can be
made of their statements only with
great caution. Victor, Caes. 29, is
independent.

2 Perhaps the irruption of the
Marcomani in Zosimus, i. 29, refers
to this.

16

His death.

Loss of
Dacia.

Piracy on
the Black
Sea.

242 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII

of the Danube, and certainly also pressed across to
the right.

Before we pursue further the development of affairs
on the lower Danube, it appears necessary to cast a glance
at piracy, as it was then in vogue in the eastern half of
the Mediterranean, and the maritime expeditions of the
Goths and their allies originating from it.

That the Roman fleet could at no time be dispensed
with on the Black Sea, and piracy there was probably
never extirpated, was implied in the very nature of the
Roman rule as it had taken shape on its coasts. The
Romans were in firm possession only from about the
mouths of the Danube as far as Trapezus. It is true
that on the one hand Tyra at the mouth of the Dniester
and Olbia on the bay at the mouth of the Dnieper, on the
other side the Caucasian harbours in the regions of the
modern Suchum-Kaleh, Dioscurias and Pityus, were Roman.
The intervening Bosporan kingdom in the Crimea also
stood under Roman protection, and had a Roman garrison
subject to the governor of Moesia. But on these shores,
for the most part far from inviting, there were only those
posts formerly held either as old Greek settlements or as
Roman fortresses ; the coast itself was desolate or in the
hands of the natives filling the interior, who, compre-
hended under the general name of Scythians, mostly of
Sarmatian descent, never were, or were to become, subject
to the Romans ; it was enough if they did not directly
lay hands on the Romans or their clients. Accordingly, it
is not to be wondered at, that even in the time of Tiberius
the pirates of the east coast not merely made the Black
Sea insecure, but also landed and levied contributions on
the villages and towns of the coast. If, under Pius or
Marcus, a band of the Costoboci dwelling on the north-
western shore fell upon the inland town Elateia situated
in the heart of Phocis, and came to blows under its walls
with the citizens, this event, which certainly only by
accident stands forth for us as isolated, shows that the
same phenomena which preceded the downfall of the
government of the senate were now renewed, and even

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 243

with the imperial power maintaining itself outwardly
unshaken not merely individual piratical ships, but squad-
rons of pirates cruised in the Black and even in the
Mediterranean seas. The decline of the government,
clearly discernible after the death of Severus, and above
all after the end of the last dynasty, manifested itself
then, as was natural, especially in the further decay of
marine police. The accounts, in detail far from trust-
worthy, mention already in the time before Decius the
appearance of a great fleet of pirates in the Aegean Sea ;
then under Decius the plundering of the Pamphylian
coast and of the Graeco- Asiatic islands; under Gallus
maraudings ot pirates in Asia Minor as far as Pessinus
and Ephesus! These were predatory expeditions. These
comrades plundered the coasts far and wide, and made
even, as we see, bold raids into the interior; but nothing
is mentioned of the destruction of towns, and the pirates
shunned coming into collision with Roman troops; the
attack was chiefly directed against such regions as had
no troops stationed in them.

Under Valerian these expeditions assume a different
character. The nature of the raids varies so much from
the earlier, that the raid, in itself not specially important,
of the Borani against Pityus under Valerian could be
designated by intelligent reporters precisely as the
beginning of this movement, and that the pirates were

1 Ammianus, xxxi. 5, 153 duobus
navium milibus perrupto Bosporo et
litoribus Propontidis Scythicarum gen-
tium catervae transgressae ediderunt
guidem acerbas terra marique strages:
sed amissa suorum parte maxima
reverterunt; whereupon the cata-
strophe of the Decii is narrated, and
into this is inwoven the further notice :
obsessae Pamphyliae civitates (to which
must belong the siege of Side in
Dexippus himself, fr. 23), insule
populate complures, as also the siege
of Cyzicus. If in this retrospect all
is not confused—which cannot well
be assumed to be the case with Am-
mianus—this falls before those naval
expeditions which begin with the

siege of Pityus, and are more a part
of the migration of peoples than pir-
atical raids. The number of the ships
might indeed be transferred hither by
error of memory from the expedition
of the year 269. To the same con-
nection belongs the notice in Zosimus,
i. 28, as to the Scythian expeditions
into Asia and Cappadocia as far as
Ephesus and Pessinus. The account
as to Ephesus in the biography of
Gallienus, c. 6, is the same, but
transposed as to time.

2 In the case of Zosimus himself
we should not expect complete under-
standing of the matter ; but his voucher
Dexippus, who was a contemporary
and took part in the matter, knew

Maritime
expeditions
of theGoths
and allies.

THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

244

for a long time called in Asia by the name of this tribe
not otherwise known to us. These expeditions proceed
no longer from the old native dwellers beside the Black
Sea, but from the hordes pressing behind them. What
had hitherto been piracy begins to form a portion of that
migratory movement of peoples to which the advance of
the Goths on the lower Danube belongs. The peoples
taking part in it are very varied and in part little known ;
in the later expeditions the Germanic Heruli, then dwelling
beside the Maeotis, appear to have played a leading part.
The Goths also took part, but, so far as sea-voyages are
concerned—and tolerably exact reports of these are before.
us—not in a prominent manner; strictly speaking, these
expeditions are more correctly termed Scythian than
Gothic. The maritime centre of these aggressions was
the mouth of the Dniester, the port of Tyra! The
Greek towns of the Bosporus, abandoned through the
bankruptcy of the imperial power, without protection to
the hordes pressing onward, and expecting to be besieged
by them, consented, half under compulsion, half voluntarily,
to convey in their vessels, and by their mariners, the in-
convenient new neighbours over to the nearest Roman
possessions on the north coast of Pontus—for which
these neighbours themselves lacked the needful means and
the needful skill, It was thus that the expedition against
Pityus was brought about. The Borani were landed and.
confident of success, sent back the ships. But the
resolute commander of Pityus, Successianus, repelled the
attack ; and the assailants, fearing the arrival of the other
Roman garrisons, hastily withdrew, for which they had
difficulty in procuring the necessary transports. But the

well why he termed the Bithynian
expedition the devrépa Epodos (Zos.
i, 35); and even in Zosimus we
discern clearly the contrast, intended
by Dexippus, between the expe-
dition of the Borani against Pityus
and Trapezus and the traditional
piratic voyages. In the biography of
Gallienus the Scythian expedition to
Cappadocia, narrated at c. I1, under

the year 264, must be that to Trapezus,
just as the Bithynian therewith con-
nected must be that which Zosimus
terms the second ; here indeed every-
thing is confused.

1 This is said by Zosimus, i. 42,
and follows also from the relation of
the Bosporans to the first (i. 32), and
that of the first to the second expedi-
tion (i. 34).

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 245

plan was not given up; in the next year they came back,
and, as the commandant had meanwhile been changed,
the fortress surrendered. The Borani, who this time had
retained the Bosporan vessels and had them manned by
pressed mariners and Roman captives, possessed them-
selves of the coast far and wide, and reached as far as
Trapezus. Into this well fortified and strongly garrisoned
town all had fled, and the barbarians were not in a
position for a real siege. But the leadership of the
Romans was bad, and the military discipline so on the
decline that not even the walls were occupied; so the
barbarians scaled them by night, without encountering
resistance, and in the great and rich city enormous booty,
including a number of ships, fell into their hands.
They returned successful from the far distant land to
the Maeotis.

Excited by this success, a second expedition of other
but neighbouring Scythian bands was in the following
winter directed against Bithynia. It is significant of the
unsettled state of things that the instigator of this move-
ment was Chrysogonus, a Greek of Nicomedia, and that
he was highly honoured by the barbarians for its successful
result. This expedition was undertaken—as the necessary
number of ships was not to be procured—partly by land
partly by water; it was only in the neighbourhood of
Byzantium that the pirates succeeded in possessing them-
selves of a considerable number of fishing-boats, and so
they arrived along the Asiatic coast at Chalcedon, whose
strong garrison on this news ran off. Not merely this
town fell into their hands, but also along the coast
Nicomedia, Chios, Apamea; in the interior Nicaea and
Prusa; Nicomedia and Nicaea they burnt down, and
reached the river Rhyndacus, Thence they sailed home,
laden with the treasures of the rich land and of its con-
siderable cities.

The expedition against Bithynia had already been
undertaken in part by land; all the more were the attacks
that were directed against European Greece composed of
piratical expeditions by land and sea. If Moesia and

To Tra-

To Bithy-

To Greece.

246 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK. VIII.
Thrace were not permanently occupied by the Goths,
they yet came and went there as if they were at home,
and roved from thence far into Macedonia. Even
Achaia expected under Valerian invasion from this side ;
Thermopylae and the Isthmus were barricaded, and the
Athenians set to work to restore their walls that had lain
in ruins since the siege by Sulla. The barbarians did
not come then, nor by this route. But under Gallienus
a fleet of five hundred sail, this time chiefly Heruli,
appeared before the port of Byzantium, which, however,
had not yet lost its capacity of defence; the ships of
the Byzantines successfully repulsed the robbers. These
sailed onward, showed themselves on the Asiatic coast
before Cyzicus not formerly attacked, and arrived from
thence by way of Lemnos and Imbros at Greece proper.
Athens, Corinth, Argos, Sparta, were pillaged and destroyed.
It was always something that, as in the times of the
Persian wars, the citizens of the destroyed Athens, two
thousand in number, laid an ambush for the retiring
barbarians, and, under the leadership of their equally
learned and brave captain, Publius Herennius Dexippus,
of the old and noble family of the Kerykes, with support
of the Roman fleet, inflicted a notable loss on the pirates.
On the return home, which took place in part by the
land route, the emperor Gallienus attacked them in
Thrace at the river Nestus and put to death a consider-
able number of their men.'

In order completely to survey the measure of mis-
fortune, we must take into account that in this empire
going to shreds, and above all in the provinces overrun
by the enemy, one officer after another grasped at the

The im-
perial gov-
ernment of
the Gothic
period.

PO a LD me YAP LOE at gd Ft gan

crown, which hardly any longer existed.

the trouble to record the

1 The report of Dexippus as to this
expedition is given in extract by
Syncellus, p. 717 (where dveddvros
must be read for dvedyres), Zosimus,
i. 39, and the biographer of Gallienus,
c. 13. Žr. 22 is a portion of his
own narrative. In the continuator
of Dio, on whom Zonaras depends,

TT a e Ee nn a ee e

It is not worth
names of these ephemeral

the event is placed under Claudius,
through error or through falsification,
which grudged this victory to Gallienus.
The biography of Gallienus narrates
the incident apparently twice, first
shortly in c. 6 under the year 262;
then better, under or after 265, in
C. 13.

pot pt ag eee JF? SRT eo ”

CHAP. VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 247

wearers of the purple; it marks the situation that, after
the devastation of Bithynia by the pirates, the emperor
Valerian omitted to send thither an extraordinary com-
mandant, because every general was, not without reason,
regarded by him as a rival. This co-operated to pragduce
the almost thoroughly passive attitude of the government
in presence of this sore emergency. Yet, on the other
hand, undoubtedly a good part of this irresponsible
passiveness is to be traced to the personality of the
rulers: Valerian was weak and aged, Gallienus vehement
and dissolute, and neither the one nor the other was
equal to the guidance of the vessel of the state in a storm.
Marcianus, to whom Gallienus after the invasion of Achaia
had committed the command in these regions, operated
not without success; but the matter did not gain any
real turn for the better so long as Gallienus occupied the
throne.

After the murder of Gallienus (268), perhaps on the
news of it, the barbarians, again led by the Heruli, but
this time with united forces, undertook an assault on the
imperial frontier, such as there had not been hitherto, with
a powerful fleet, and probably at the same time by land
from the Danube.’ The fleet had much to suffer from
storms in the Propontis; then it divided, and the Goths
advanced partly against Thessaly and Greece, partly
against Crete and Rhodes; the chief mass resorted to
Macedonia and thence penetrated into the interior, beyond
doubt in combination with the bands that had marched
into Thrace. But the emperor Claudius, who marched

1 In our traditional accounts this
expedition appears as a pure sea-
voyage, undertaken with (probably)
2000 ships (so the biography of
Claudius; the numbers 6000 and
goo, between which the tradition in
Zosimus, i. 42, wavers, are probably
both corrupt) and 320,000 men. It

is, however, far from credible that
Dexippus, to whom these statements
must be traced back, can have put
the latter figure in this way. On the
other hand, considering the direction

of the expedition, in the first instance
against Tomis and Marcianopolis, it
is more than probable that in it the
procedure described by Zos. i. 34 was
followed, and a portion marched by
land ; and under this supposition even
a contemporary might well estimate
the number of assailants at that figure.
The course of the campaign, parti-
cularly the place of the decisive battle,
shows that they had by no means to
do merely with a fleet.

Gothic vic.
tories of
Claudius,

Renewed
fortifying of
the Dan-
ube-fron-
tier.

Character
of the
Gothic
wars.

248 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIIL

up in person with a strong force, brought relief at length
to the Thessalonians oft besieged but now reduced to
extremity ; he drove the Goths before him up the valley
of the Axius (Vardar) and onward over the mountains
to upper Moesia; after various conflicts, with changing
fortune of war, he achieved here in the Morava valley
near Naissus a brilliant victory, in which 50,000 of the
enemy are said to have fallen, The Goths retired broken
up, first in the direction towards Macedonia, then through
Thrace to the Haemus, in order to put the Danube
between themselves and the enemy. A quarrel in the
Roman camp, this time between infantry and cavalry,
had almost given them once more a respite ; but, when it
came to fighting, the cavalry could not bear to leave their
comrades in the lurch, and so the united army was once
more victorious. A severe pestilence, which raged in all
the years of distress, but especially then in those regions,
and above all in the armies, did great injury doubtless to
the Romans—the emperor Claudius himself succumbed
to it—but the great army of the Northmen was utterly
extirpated, and the numerous captives were incorporated
in the Roman armies or made serfs. The hydra of
military revolutions, too, was in some measure subdued ;
Claudius, and after him Aurelian, were masters in the
empire after another fashion than could be said of
Gallienus. The renewal of the fleet, towards which a
beginning had been made under Gallienus, would not be
wanting. The Dacia of Trajan was, and remained, lost ;
Aurelian withdrew the posts still holding out there, and
gave to the possessors dislodged or inclined for emigration
new dwellings on the Moesian bank. But Thrace and
Moesia, which for a time had belonged more to the Goths
than to the Romans, returned under Roman rule, and at
least the frontier of the Danube was once more fortified.
We may not assign to these Gothic and Scythian
expeditions by land and by sea, which fill up the twenty
years 250-269, such significance, as if the hordes moving
forth had been minded to take permanent possession of
the countries which they traversed. Such a plan cannot

FO a a a arama E, pd ET a a a

CHAP. VI AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 249

be shown to have existed even for Moesia and Thrace, to
say nothing of the more remote coasts ; hardly, moreover,
were the assailants numerous enough to undertake invasions
proper. As the bad government of the last rulers, and above
all the untrustworthiness of the troops, far more than the
superior power of the barbarians, called forth the flooding
of the territory by land and sea robbers, so the re-establish-
ment of internal order and the energetic demeanour of the
government of themselves brought its deliverance. The
Roman state could not yet be broken if it did not break
itself. But still it was a great work to rally the govern-
ment again as Claudius had done it. We know somewhat
less even of him than of most regents of this time, as the
probably fictitious carrying back of the Constantinian
pedigree to him has repainted his portrait after the tame
pattern of perfection ; but this very association, as well as
the numberless coins struck in his honour after his death,
show that he was regarded by the next generation as the
deliverer of the state, and in this it cannot have been
mistaken. These Scythian expeditions were at all events
a prelude of the later migration of peoples; and the
destruction of cities, which distinguishes them from the
ordinary piratic voyages, took place at that time to such
an extent that the prosperity as well as the culture of
Greece and Asia Minor never recovered from it.

On the re-established frontier of the Danube Aurelian The Danu.
consolidated the victory achieved, inasmuch as he con- Dia} wars
ducted the defensive once more offensively, and, crossing the of the 3d
Danube at its mouth, defeated beyond it not only the Carpi, "Y
who thenceforth stood in client-relation to the Romans, but
also the Goths under king Canabaudes. His successor
Probus took, as was already stated, the remains of the
Bastarnae, hard pressed by the Goths, over to the Roman
bank, just as Diocletian in the year 295 took the remnant
of the Carpi. This points to the fact that beyond the -
river the empire of the Goths was consolidating; but they
came no further. The border-fortresses were reinforced ;
counter-Aquincum (contra Aquincum, Pesth) was con-
structed in the year 294. The piratic expeditions did not

‘ .
ee .
e M et tty a C ya aT, a, a oa p

Illyrising of
the military
force and of
the govern-
ment.

250 THE DANUBIAN LANDS BOOK VIII.

entirely disappear. Under Tacitus hordes from the
Maeotis appeared in Cilicia) The Franks, whom Probus
had settled on the Black Sea, procured for themselves
vessels, and sailed home to their North Sea, after plunder-
ing by the way on the Sicilian and African coasts. By
land, too, there was no cessation of arms, as indeed all the
numerous Sarmatian victories of Diocletian, and a part of
his Germanic, would fall to the regions of the Danube;
but it was only under Constantine that matters again came
to a serious war with the Goths, which had a successful
issue. The preponderance of Rome was re-established
after the Gothic victory of Claudius as firmly as before.
The war-history which we have just unfolded did not
fail to react with general and lasting effect upon the inter-
nal organisation of the Roman political and military
system. It has already been pointed out that the corps
of the Rhine, holding in the early imperial period the
leading position in the army, yielded their primacy already
under Trajan to the legions of the Danube, While under
Augustus six legions were stationed in the region of the
Danube and eight in that of the Rhine, after the Dacian
wars of Domitian and Trajan in the second century the
Rhine-camps numbered only four, the camps of the Danube
ten, and after the Marcomanian war even twelve, legions.
Inasmuch as since Hadrian’s time the Italian element,
apart from the officers, had disappeared from the army,
and, taken on the whole, every regiment was recruited in
the district in which it was quartered, the most of the
soldiers of the Danubian army, and not less the centurions
who rose from the ranks, were natives of Pannonia, Dacia,
Moesia, Thrace. The new legions formed under Marcus
proceeded from Illyricum, and the extraordinary supple-
mental levies which the troops then needed were probably
likewise taken chiefly from the districts in which the
armies were stationed. Thus the primacy of the Danu-
bian armies, which the war of the three emperors in the
time of Severus established and increased, was at the same
time a primacy of Illyrian soldiers; and this reached a
very emphatic expression in the reform of the guard under

CHAP, VI. AND THE WARS ON THE DANUBE. 251

Severus. This primacy did not, properly speaking, affect
the higher spheres of government, so long as the position
of officer still coincided with that of imperial official,
although the equestrian career was accessible to the com-
mon soldier through the intervening link of the centurion-
ate at all times, and thus the Illyrians early found their
way into that career ; as indeed, already, in the year 235,
a native Thracian, Gaius Julius Varus Maximinus, in the
year 248 a native Pannonian, Trajanus Decius, had in this
way attained even to the purple. But when Gallienus, in a
distrust certainly but too well justified, excluded the class
of senators from serving as officers, what had hitherto held
good as to the soldiers became necessarily extended to
the officers also. It was thus simply a matter of course
that the soldiers belonging to the army of the Danube,
and mostly springing from Illyrian districts, played thence-
forth the first part also in government, and, so far as the
army made the emperors, these were likewise as to the
majority Illyrians. Thus Gallienus was followed by
Claudius the Dardanian, Aurelianus from Moesia, Probus
from Pannonia, Diocletianus from Dalmatia, Maximianus
from Pannonia, Constantius from Dardania, Galerius from
Serdica ; as to the last named, an author writing under
the Constantinian dynasty brings into prominence their
descent from Illyricum, and adds that they, with little
culture but good preliminary training by labour in the
field and service in war, had been excellent rulers. Such
service as the Albanians for a long time rendered to the
Turkish empire, their predecessors likewise rendered to
the Roman imperial state, when this had arrived at simi-
lar disorder and similar barbarism. Only, the Illyrian
regeneration of the Roman imperial order may not be
conceived of as a national reorganisation ; it was simply
the propping up, by soldiers, of an empire utterly reduced
through the misgovernment of rulers of gentler birth,
Italy had wholly ceased to be military; and history
does not acknowledge the rulers right without the
warriors power.

mate

i

Hellenism
and Pan-
hellenism.

CHAPTER VII.
GREEK EUROPE.

WITH the general intellectual development of the Hellenes
the political development of their republics had not kept
equal pace, or rather the luxuriant growth of the former
had—just as too full a bloom bursts the calyx that con-
tains it—not allowed any individual commonwealth to
acquire the extent and stability which are preliminary
conditions for the thorough formation of a state. The
petty-state-system of individual cities or city-leagues could
not but be stunted in itself or fall a prey to the barbarians.
Panhellenism alone guaranteed alike the continued exist-
ence of the nation and its further development in presence
of the alien races dwelling around it. It was realised by
the treaty which king Philip of Macedonia, the father of
Alexander, concluded in Corinth with the states of Hellas.
This was, in name, a federal agreement, in fact, the sub-
jection of the republics to the monarchy, but a subjection,
which took effect only as regards external] relations, seeing
that the absolute generalship in opposition to the national
foe was transferred by almost all towns of the Greek main-
land to the Macedonian general, while in other respects
freedom and autonomy were left to them ; and this was, as
circumstances stood, the only possible realisation of Pan-
hellenism and the form regulating in substance the future
of Greece. It subsisted in presence of Philip and Alex-
ander, though the Hellenic idealists were reluctant, as they
always were, to acknowledge the realised ideal as such.
Then, when the kingdom of Alexander fell to pieces, all

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 253

was over, as with Panhellenism itself, so also with the
union of the Greek towns under the monarchic supremacy ;
and these wore out their last mental and material power
in centuries of aimless striving, distracted between the
alternating rule of the too powerful monarchies, and vain
attempts, under cover of their quarrels, to restore the old
particularism.

When at length the mighty republic of the west
entered into the conflict, hitherto in some measure balanced,
of the monarchies of the east, and soon showed itself more
powerful than each of the Greek states there striving with
one another, the Panhellenic policy became renewed as the
position of supremacy became fixed. Neither the Mace-
donians nor the Romans were Hellenes in the full sense
of the word ; it is indeed the sad feature of Greek develop-
ment that the Attic naval empire was more a hope than
a reality, and the work of union could not emanate from
the bosom of the nation itself. While in a national
respect the Macedonians stood nearer to the Greeks than
the Romans did, the commonwealth of Rome had politi-
cally far more of elective affinity to the Hellenic than the
Macedonian hereditary kingdom. But—what is the chief
matter —the attractive power of the Greek spirit was
probably felt more permanently and deeply by the Roman
burgesses than by the statesmen of Macedonia, just because
the former stood at a greater distance from it than the
latter. The desire to become at least internally Hellen-
ised, to become partakers of the manners and the culture,
of the art and the science of Hellas, to be—in the footsteps
of the great Macedonian—shield and sword of the Greeks
of the East, and to be allowed further to civilise this East
not after an Italian but after a Hellenic fashion—this
desire pervades the later centuries of the Roman republic
and the better times of the empire with a power and an
ideality which are almost no less tragic than that political
toil of the Hellenes failing to attain its goal. For both
sides strove after the impossible: to Hellenic Pan-hellenism
there was refused duration, and to Roman Hellenism solid
intrinsic worth. Nevertheless it has essentially influenced

The Am-
phictiony of
Augustus.

GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

254

the policy of the Roman republic as well as that of the
emperors. However much the Greeks, particularly in the
last century of the republic, showed the Romans that their
labour of love was a forlorn one, this made no change
either in the labour or in the love.

The Greeks of Europe had been comprehended by the
Roman republic under a single governorship named after
the chief country Macedonia. When this was adminis-
tratively dissolved at the beginning of the imperial period,
there was at the same time conferred on the whole Greek
name a religious bond of union, which attached itself to
the old Delphic Amphictiony introduced for the sake of
“a peace of God” and then misused for political ends.
Under the Roman republic it had been in the main
brought back to the original foundations ; Macedonia as
well as Aetolia, both of which had intruded as usurpers,
were again eliminated, and the Amphictiony once more
embraced not all, but most, of the tribes of Thessaly and
of Greece proper. Augustus caused the league to be
extended to Epirus and Macedonia, and thereby made
it in substance the representative of the Hellenic land in
the wider sense alone suited to this epoch. A privileged
position in this union alongside of the time-honoured
Delphi was occupied by the two cities of Athens and
Nicopolis, the former the capital of the old, the latter,
according to Augustus’s design, that of the new imperial,

Hellenic body. This new

1 The organisation of the Delphic
Amphictiony under the Roman re-
public is especially clear from the
Delphic inscription, C. Z. Z. iii. p.
987 (comp. Buli. de Corr, Hell. vii.
427 ff.). The union was formed at
that time of seventeen tribes with—
together—twenty-four votes, all of
them belonging to Greece proper or
Thessaly ; Aetolia, Epirus, Macedonia
were wanting. After the remodelling
by Augustus (Pausanias, x. 8) this or-
ganisation continued to subsist in
other respects, except only that by
restriction of the disproportionately
numerous Thessalian votes those of

Amphictiony has a certain

the tribes hitherto represented were
reduced to eighteen; to these were
now added Nicopolis in Epirus with
six, and Macedonia likewise with six
votes. Moreover the six votes of
Nicopolis were to be given on each
occasion, just as this continued to be
the case, for the two of Delphi and
the one of Athens; whereas the other
votes were given by the groups, so
that, eg. the one vote of the Pelo-
ponnesian Dorians alternated between
Argos, Sicyon, Corinth, and Megara.
The Amphictionies were even now
not a collective representation of the
European Hellenes, in so far as the

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 255

resemblance to the diet of the three Gauls (p. 93); just
like the altar of the emperor at Lyons for this diet, the
temple of the Pythian Apollo was the religious centre of
the Greek provinces. But, while to the former withal a
directly political activity was conceded, the Amphictions
of this epoch, in addition to the religious festivals proper,
simply attended to the administration of the Delphic
sanctuary and of its still considerable revenues. If its
president in later times ascribed to himself “ Helladarchy,”
this rule over Greece was simply an ideal conception.”
But the official conserving of the Greek nationality re-
mained always a token of the attitude which the new
imperialism occupied towards it, and of its Philhellenism,
far surpassing that of the republic.

Hand in hand with the ritual union of the European
Greeks went the administrative breaking up of the
Graeco-Macedonian governorship of the republic. It
did not depend on the partition of the imperial adminis-
tration between emperor and senate, as this whole territory
and not less the adjacent Danubian regions were assigned
in the original partition to the senate ; as little did mili-
tary considerations here intervene, seeing that the whole
peninsula up to the frontier of Thrace was—as protected
partly by this region, partly by the garrisons on the
Danube—always reckoned to belong to the pacified
interior. If the Peloponnesus and the Attico-Boeotian

tribes earlier excluded in Greece
proper, a portion of the Peloponne-

library (Lebas, ii. 845) or puts up
statues there.

sians, and the Aetolians not attached
to Nicopolis, were not represented in
it.

1 The stated meetings in Delphi
and at Thermopylae continued (Pau-
sanias, vii. 24, 3; Philostratus, Vita
Apoll. iv. 23), and of course also the
carrying out of the Pythian games,
along with the conferring of the
prizes by the collegium of the Amphic-
tiones (Philostratus, Vitae Soph. ii.
27); the same body has the adminis-
tration of the ‘‘ interest and revenues ”
of the temple (inscription of Delphi,
khan. Mus. N. F. ii. 111), and fits
up from it, for example at Delphi, a

2 The members of the college of
the ’Auducrtoves, or, as they were
called at this epoch, ‘Apd¢ixrdoves,
were appointed by the several towns
in the way previously described, some-
times from time to time (iteration:
C. I, Gr. 1058), sometimes for life
(Plutarch, 42 seni, 10), which pro-
bably depended on whether the vote
was constant or alternating (Wila-
mowitz). Its president was termed
in earlier times émrcueAnris Tod Kowod
réiv ‘Auduréovwy (Delphic inscrip-
tions, Rhen. Mus. N. F. ii. 1113 C. Z.
Gr. 1713), subsequently ‘EAAaddpyns
ray ’Audixruivev (C. J. Gr. 1124).

Province o!
Achaia,

The Greek
towns
under the
Roman
republic.

iii. 45-

jii. 297-

256 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

mainland obtained at that time its own proconsul and was
separated from Macedonia—which perhaps Caesar may
have already designed—it may be presumed that in that
course, along with the general tendency not to magnify
the senatorial governorships the dominant consideration
was that of separating the purely Hellenic domain from
what was half-Hellenic. The boundary of the province
of Achaia was at first Oeta, and, even after the Aetolians
were subsequently attached to it,’ it did not go beyond
the Achelous and Thermopylae.

These arrangements concerned the country as a whole.
We turn now to the position which was given to the several
urban communities under the Roman rule.

The original design of the Romans—to attach the
whole of the Greek urban communities to their own com-
monwealth, in a way similar to what had been done with
the Italian—had undergone essential restrictions, in con-
sequence of the resistance which these arrangements met
with, especially in consequence of the insurrection of the
Achaean league in the year 608 (iii. 47), and of the
falling away of most of the Greek towns to king Mithra-
dates in the year 666 (iii. 313). The city-leagues, the
foundation of all development of power in Hellas as in
Italy, and at first accepted by the Romans, were all of
them—-particularly the most important, the Pelopon-
nesian, or, as it called itself, the Achaean—broken up, and

1 The original bounds of the pro-
vince are indicated by Strabo, xvii. 3,
25, p. 840, in the enumeration of the
senatorial provinces: ‘Axala méxpe
OerraNlas xal 'Acrwrdp ral ’Axapydver
kal rwov 'Hrepwrixdy vay boa ri
Maxedovle wrpoowpioro, in which case
the remaining part of Epirus appears
to be assigned to the province of
Illyricum (reckoned here by Strabo
—erroneously as regards his time
—among the senatorial). To take
péxp inclusively is—apart from con-
siderations of fact—unsuitable for this
very reason, because according to the
closing words the regions previously
named ‘are assigned to Macedonia.”

Subsequently we find the Aetolians
annexed to Achaia (Ptolem. iii. 14).
That Epirus also for a time belonged
to it, is possible, not so much on
account of the statement in Dio, liü.
12, which cannot be defended either
for Augustus’s time or for that of Dio,
but because Tacitus on the year 17
(Ann. ii. 53) reckons Nicopolis to
Achaia. But at least from the time
of Trajan Epirus with Acarnania
forms a procuratorial province of its
own (Ptolem, iii. 13; C. Z Z. iii.
536 ; Marquardt, Staatsalth. v. 1, 331).
Thessaly and all the country north-
ward of Oeta constantly remained
with Macedonia.

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 257

the several cities were admonished to regulate their own
public affairs. Moreover certain general rules were laid
down by the leading power for the several communal
constitutions, and according to this scheme these were
reorganised in an anti-democratic sense. It was only
within these limits that the individual community retained
autonomy and a magistracy of its own. It retained also
its own courts; but the Greek stood at the same time de
jure under the rods and axes of the praetor, and at least
could be sentenced—on account of any offence which
admitted of being regarded as rebellion against the lead-
ing power—by the Roman officials to a money-fine or
banishment, or even capital punishment.. The communi-
ties taxed themselves; but they had throughout to pay
to Rome a definite sum, on the whole, apparently, not on
a high scale. Garrisons were not assigned, as formerly
in the Macedonian period, to the towns, for the troops
stationed in Macedonia were in a position, should need
arise, to move also into Greece. But a graver blame
than that falling on the memory of Alexander through
the destruction of Thebes rests on the Roman aristocracy
for the razing of Corinth. The other measures, odious and
exasperating as in part they were, particularly as imposed
by foreign rule, might, taken as a whole, be unavoidable
and have in various respects a salutary operation ; they
were the inevitable palinode of the original Roman policy—
in part truly impolitic—of forgiving and forgetting towards
the Hellenes. But in the treatment of Corinth mercantile
selfishness had after an ill-omened fashion shown itself
more powerful than all Philhellenism.

Amidst all this, the fundamental idea of Roman

1 Nothing gives a clearer idea of the
position of the Greeks in the last cen-
tury of the Roman republic than the
letter of one of these governors to
the Achaean community of Dyme (C.
T. Gr. 1543). Because this com-
munity had given to itself laws that
ran counter to the freedom granted in
general to the Greeks (ù dwrodedopévy
Kara, xowdv rots ENA\yow édevbepia)

VOL. I.

and to the organisation given by the
Romans to the Achaeans (h drrodobetca
tots ’Axatots tard ‘Puxyalwy rodkrela ;
probably with the co-operation of
Polybius, Pausan. viii. 30, 9), where-
upon atall events tumults had arisen,
the governor informs the community
that he had caused the two ringleaders
to be executed, and that a less guilty
third person was exiled to Rome.

I7

258 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

Freedcom- policy——to confederate the Greek towns with the Italian—

munities

iii. 297,
300.

was never forgotten ; just as Alexander never wished to rule
Greece like Illyria and Egypt, so his Roman successors
never completely applied the subject-relation to Greece,
and even in the republican period essentially fell short
of urging the strict rights of the war forced upon the
Romans. Especially was this the case in dealing with
Athens. No Greek city from the standpoint of Roman
policy erred so gravely against Rome as this; its de-
meanour in the Mithradatic war would, had its case been
that of any other commonwealth, have inevitably led to
its being razed. But from the Philhellenic standpoint,
doubtless, Athens was the masterpiece of the world, and
for the genteel world of other lands similar leanings and
memories were associated with it, as for our cultivated
circles are connected with Pforta and Bonn. This con-
sideration then, as formerly, prevailed. Athens was never
placed under the fasces of the Roman governor, and never
paid tribute to Rome; it always had a sworn alliance
with Rome, and granted aid to the Romans only in an extra-
ordinary and, at least as to form, voluntary fashion. The
capitulation after the Sullan siege brought about doubtless
a change in the constitution of the community, but the
alliance was renewed,—in fact, even all extraneous posses-
sions were given back, including the island of Delos itself,
which, when Athens passed over to Mithradates, had
broken off and constituted itself an independent common-
wealth, and had been, by way of punishment for its fidelity
towards Rome, pillaged and destroyed by the Pontic
fleet.

Sparta was treated with similar consideration, and that
doubtless in good part on account of its great name.
Some other towns of the freed communities to be after-
wards named had this position already under the repub-

1 Comp. iii. 312, 316. The Delian of the Athenians from Rome, as a

excavations of recent years have fur-
nished the proofs that the island, after
the Romans had once given it to
Athens (ii. 329), remained constantly
Athenian, and constituted itself, doubt-
less in consequence of the defection

community of the ‘ Delians ” (£24.
epig. v. p. 604), but already six
years after the capitulation of Athens
was again Athenian (Zph. epig. Vv.
184 f; Homolle, Bull. de corr. Hell.
viii. p. 142).

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE.

259

lic. Probably such exceptions occurred in every Raman
province ; but this was from the outset peculiar to the
Greek territory, that precisely its two most noted cities
were beyond the range of the subject-relation, which
accordingly affected only the smaller commonwealths.
Even for the subject Greek cities alleviations were
introduced already under the republic. The city-leagues, at
first prohibited, gradually and very soon revived, especially
the smaller and powerless ones, like the Boeotian ;! with
the becoming familiarised to foreign rule the oppositional
tendencies disappeared which had brought about their
abolition, and their close connection with the time-hallowed
cultus carefully spared must have further told in. their
favour, as indeed it has already been observed that the
Roman republic restored and protected the Amphictiony
in its original non-political functions. Towards the end
of the republican period the government seems even to
have allowed the Boeotians to enter into a collective
union with the small regions adjacent to the north and

the island of Euboea.?

1 Whether the xowdv rév ’Axadr,
which naturally does not occur in the
republican period proper, was recon-
stituted already at the end of it or not
till after the introduction of the im-
perial provincial organisation, is
doubtful. Inscriptions like the
Olympian one of the proquaestor Q.
Ancharius Q. f. (Arch. Zeitung, 1878,
p. 38, n. 114) speak rather in favour
of the former supposition; yet it
cannot with certainty be designated
as pre-Augustan. The oldest sure
evidence for the existence of this
union is the inscription set up by it to
Augustus in Olympia (drch. Zeitung,
1877, p. 36, n. 33). Perhaps these
were arrangements of the dictator
Caesar, and in connection with the
governor of ‘‘ Greece,” —probably the
Achaia of the imperial period—to be
met with under him (Cicero, 4d fam.
vi. 6, 10).—We may add that cer-
tainly also under the republic, accord-
ing to the discretion of each governor
for the time being, several communi-

ties might meet for a definite object by
deputies and adopt resolutions ; as
the xowdv of the Sicéliots thus decreed
a statue to Verres (Cicero, Verr, i. 2,
46, 114), similar things must have
occurred in Greece also under the
republic. But the regular provincial
diets with their fixed officers and
priests were an institution of the im-
perial period.

2 This is the xowdy Bowrév Evpoéwy
Aoxp&v Pwxéwy Awpréwy of the remark-
able inscription probably set up
shortly before the battle of Actium
(C. Z Att. ii. 568). We cannot
possibly with Dittenberger (Arch.
Zeitung, 1876, p. 220) refer to this
league the notice of Pausanias (vii.
16, 10), that the Romans ‘‘ not many
years ” after the destruction of Corinth
had compassion on the Hellenes, and
had again allowed them the provin-
cial unions (cuvédpia xarà 8Ovos éxdo-
Tos Ta dpxaia); this applies to the
minor individual leagues.

City-
leagues
under the
republic,

iv. 544.

Achaia
under the
emperors,

Freed
towns and
Roman
colonies.

260 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIIL

The copestone of the republican epoch was the
atonement for the sack of Corinth made by the greatest
of all Romans and of all Philhellenes, the dictator Caesar
(iv. 574), and the renewal of the star of Hellas in the
form of an independent community of Roman citizens,
the new “Julian Honour.”

These were the relations which the imperial govern-
ment at its outset found existing in Greece, and in these
paths it went forward. The communities freed from the
immediate interference of the provincial government and
from the payment of tribute to the empire, with which the
colonies of Roman burgesses in many respects stood on a
level, comprehended far the largest and best part of the
province of Achaia: in the Peloponnesus, Sparta, with its
territory diminished no doubt, but yet once more em-
bracing the northern half of Laconia, still the counterpart
of Athens as well in its petrified, old-fashioned institutions
as in its at least outwardly preserved organisation and
bearing ; further, the eighteen communities of the free
Laconians, the southern half of the Laconian region, once
Spartan subjects, organised by the Romans as an inde-
pendent cities-league after the war against Nabis, and,
like Sparta, invested with freedom by Augustus ;? lastly,
in the region of the Achaeans not only Dyme, which had
been already furnished by Pompeius with pirate-colonists,
and then had received new Roman settlers from Caesar,
but above all Patrae, which Augustus, on account of its

1 To it belonged not merely the
neighbouring Amyclae, but also Car-
damyle (by gift of Augustus, Pausan.
iii. 26, 7), Pherae (Pausan. iv. 30,
2), Thuria (23. iv. 31, 1), and for a
time also Corone (C. Z. Gr. 1258;
comp. Lebas-Foucart, ii. 305) on the
Messenian gulf; and further the
island of Cythera (Dio, liv. 7).

3 In the republican period this dis-
trict appears as 7d xowdy rdv Aake-
daimovlwy ( Foucart on Lebas, ii.
p. 110); Pausanias (iii. 21, 6) is
therefore wrong when he makes it
only released from Sparta by Augus-
tus. But they term themselves 'Bħev-

Gepoddxwves only from the time of
Augustus, and the bestowal of their
freedom is therefore justly traced to
him.

3 There are coins of this city with
the legend colonia] [ula] D[ume]
and the head of Caesar, others with
the legend c[o/onia] J[ulia] Augusta]
Dumf[e] and the head of Augustus
along with that of Tiberius (Imhoof-
Blumer, Monnaies grecques, p. 165).
That Augustus assigned Dyme to the
colony of Patrae, is probably an error
of Pausanias (vii. 17, 5) ; it remains
indeed possible that Augustus in his
later years ordained this union.

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 261

position favourable for commerce, transformed from a declin-
ing hamlet,—partly by drawing together the small surround-
ing townships, partly by settlement of numerous Italian
veterans—into the most populous and most flourishing
city of the peninsula, and constituted as a Roman burgess-
colony, under which was also placed Naupactus (the
Italian Lepanto) on the opposite Locrian coast. On the
Isthmus Corinth, as it had formerly become a victim to
the advantages of its site, had now after its restoration
rapidly risen, similarly to Carthage, ‘and had- become the
richest in industry and in population of the cities of _
Greece, as well as the regular seat of government. As
the Corinthians were the first Greeks who had recognised
the Romans as countrymen by admission to the ‘Isthmian =
games (ii. 79), so this town now, although a Roman bur- i 75..
gess-community, took charge of this high Greek national.
festival. -On the mainland there belonged to the freed
districts not merely Athens, with its territory embracing
all Attica and numerous islands of the Aegean Sea, but
~., also Tanagra and Thespiae, at that time the two most con-
siderable towns of the Boeotian country, as also Plataeae } }
\in Phocis Delphi, Abae, Elateia, as well as the most con-
siterable—of the Locrian towns, Amphissa. — ‘What the |
ı republic had begun Augustus completed in the arrange-
‘ment just-set forth, which-was at least in its main outlines
settled by him and was afterwards in substance main-
tained. Although the communities of the province sub-
ject to the proconsul preponderated, certainly as to number, —
and perhaps also as to the aggregate population, yet in
a genuinely Philhellenic spirit the towns of Greece most
distinguished by material importance or by great memories
were set free.”

1 This is shown, at least for the Achaeans, and even subsequently
time of Pius, by the African inscrip- dated still by Olympiads, not by the
tion C. Z. Z. viii. 7059 (comp. Plu- era of the province ; besides, it is
tarch, Arist. 21). The accounts of incredible that the townof the Olympic
authors as to the freed communities festival should not have had the best
give no guarantee at all for the com- of legal rights.
pleteness of the list. Probably Elis 3 This is pointedly expressed by
also belonged to them, which was not Aristides in the panegyric on Rome
affected by the catastrophe of the p. 224 Jebb: dtavedecire roy pèv

Nero’s lib-
eration of
Greece,

fi. 247.

Rights of
the freed
towns,

D o si

262 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK. VIII.

The last emperor of the Claudian house, one of the
race of spoiled poets and so far at all events a born
Philhellene, went further than Augustus had gone in this
direction. In gratitude for the recognition which his artistic
contributions had met with in the native land of the
Muses Nero, like Titus Flamininus formerly (ii. 262)—
and that once more in Corinth at the Isthmian games—
declared the Greeks collectively to be rid of Roman
government, free from tribute, and, like the Italians, sub-
ject to no governor. At once there arose throughout
Greece movements, which would have been civil wars, if
these people could have achieved anything more than
brawling ; and after a few months Vespasian re-established
the provincial constitution,’ so far as it went, with the dry
remark that the Greeks had unlearned the art of being
free.

_ The legal position of the communities set free re-
mained in substance the same as under the republic. They
retained, so far as Roman burgesses were not in question,
the full control of justice; only, the general enactments
as to appeals to the emperor on the one hand and to the
senatorial authorities on the other seem to have also in-
cluded the free towns? Above all, they retained full
self-determination and self-administration. Athens, for
example, exercised in the imperial period the right of

'EAM\hvwv orep rpopéwy èmıperbpevot
.» e « Tovds pev àplorovs kal wddar
tryeuévas (Athens and Sparta) éAev-
bépous kal avrovbpous ddecxéres abrav,
trav © &dd\wv perplus ... edyyovpuevor,
rovs è BapBdpous apis riv éxdorors
abray oray picw madevortes.

1 But the Hellenic literati remained
grateful to their colleague and patron.
In the Apollonius-romance (v. 41)
the great sage from Cappadocia re-
fuses Vespasian the honour of his
company, because he had made the
Hellenes slaves, just as they were on
the point of again speaking Ionic or
Doric, and writes to him various
billets of delectable coarseness. A
man of Soloi, who broke his neck
and then became alive again, and on

this occasion saw all that Dante be-
held, reported that he had met with
Nero’s soul, into which the agents of
the world-judgment had driven flaming
nails, and were employed in turning
it into a viper; but a heavenly voice
had interposed, and ordered them to
transform the man—on account of his
Philhellenism when on earth—into a
less repulsive animal (Plutarch, De
sera num. vind., at the end).

2 At least in the ordinance of
Hadrian regarding the deliveries of
oil to the community incumbent on
the Athenian landowners (C. J, A.
iii, 18), the decision was indeed given
to the Boule and the Ekklesia, but
appeal to the emperor or the pro-
consul was allowed.

Ui

~ E ā O Aa se

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 263

coinage, without even putting the emperors head on its
coins, and even on Spartan coins of the first imperial
period it is frequently wanting. In Athens even the old
reckoning by drachmae and obol: continued ; only that, it is
true, the local Attic dvachma of this period was nothing but
small money current on the spot, and as to value circulated
as obolus of the Attic imperial drachma or of the Roman
denarius. Even the formal exercise of the right of war
and peace was in individual treaties granted to such
states? Numerous institutions quite at variance with
the Italian municipal organisation remained in existence,
such as the annual change of the members of council and
the daily allowance-moneys of these and the jurymen,
which, at least at Rhodes, were still paid in the imperial
period. Asa matter of course, the Roman government
nevertheless exercised continuously a regulative influence
over the constitution even of the freed communities. Thus,
for example, the Athenian constitution was, whether at
the end of the republic or by Caesar or Augustus, modi-
fied in such a way that the right of bringing a proposal
before the burgesses belonged no longer to every burgess,
but, as according to the Roman arrangement, only to
definite officials ; and among the great number of officials,
who were mere figures, the conduct of business was placed
in the hands of a single one—the Strategos. Certainly
in this way various further reforms were carried out, the
presence of which, in dependent as in independent Greece,
we everywhere discern, without being able to determine
the time and occasion of the reform. Thus the right, or
rather the wrong, of asylums, which, as survivals of a
lawless period, had now become pious retreats for bad
debtors and criminals, was certainly, if not set aside, at
least restricted in this province also. The institution
of proxenta—originally an appropriate arrangement, that
may be compared to our foreign consulates, but politically
dangerous through the bestowal of full civil rights and

1 What Strabo reports (xiv. 3, 3, of alliance, except when the Romans
p. 665) of the Lycian cities-league, in allowed it or it operated for their ad-
his time autonomous—that it had not vantage—may probably be, without
the right of war and peace and that ceremony, held to relate also to Athens.

Diets of the
Greek
cities.

264 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.
often also of the privilege of exemption from taxes on
the friendly foreigner, especially considering the extent
to which it was granted—was set aside by the Roman
government, apparently only at the beginning of the im-
perial period ; in room of which thereupon came, after
the Italian fashion, the empty city-patronate, which did
not come into contact with the system of taxation. Lastly,
the Roman government, as wielding supreme sovereignty
over these dependent republics just as over the client-
princes, always regarded it as its right, and exercised the
power, to cancel the free constitution in case of misuse,
and to take the town into its own administration. But
partly the sworn agreement, partly the powerlessness of
these nominally allied states, gave to these treaties a
greater stability than is discernible in the relation to the
client-princes.

While the freed communities of Achaia retained their
previous legal position under the empire, Augustus con-
ferred on those communities of the province, in which free-
dom was not granted or possessed, a new and better legal
position. As he had given to the Greeks of Europe a
common centre in the reorganised Delphic Amphictiony,
he allowed also all the towns of the province of Achaia, so
far as they were placed under Roman administration, to
constitute themselves as a collective union, and to meet
annually in Argos, the most considerable town of non-free
Greece, as a national assembly! Thereby not merely

1 At all events the hitherto known
presidents of the rowdy rdv "Ayxadr,
whose home is made out, are from
Argos, Messene, Corone in Messenia
(Foucart-Lebas, ii. 305), and there
have been hitherto found among them
not merely no citizens of the freed
communities, such as Athens and
Sparta, but also none of those belong-
ing to the confederation of the Boeo-
tians and allies (p. 259). Perhaps

this xowéy was legally restricted to
the territory, which the Romans called
the republic of Achaia—that is, that
of the Achaean league at its over-
throw-—and the Boeotians and allies

were united with the xowóy proper of
the Achaeans into that wider league,
whose existence and diets in Argos
are vouched for by the inscriptions of
Acraephia mentioned in the next note.
We may add that alongside of this
xowéy of the Achaeans there subsisted
a still narrower one of the district of
Achaia in the proper sense, whose
representatives met in Aegium (Paus-
anias, vii. 24, 4), just as the xowdy
tiv ’Apxdiwy (Arch. Zeit. 1879, p.
139, n. 274), and numerous others.
If, according to Pausanias, v. 12, 6,
ol awdyres ‘‘EAAqes set up statues in
Olympia to Trajan, and al és rd’Axatxdy

CHAP. VII GREEK EUROPE. 265

was the Achaean league, dissolved after the Achaean war,
reconstituted, but also the enlarged Boeotian union for-
merly mentioned (p. 259) was engrafted on it. Probably
it was just by the laying together of these two domains
that the demarcation of the province of Achaia was
brought about. The new union of the Achaeans, Boeo-
tians, Locrians, Phocians, Dorians, and Euboeans,! or, as
it is usually designated like the province, the union of the
Achaeans, presumably had rights neither more nor less
than the other provincial diets of the empire. A certain
control of the Roman officials must have been intended
in the case, and for that reason the towns not placed
under the proconsul, like Athens and Sparta, must have
been excluded from it. This diet withal, like all similar
ones, must have found the centre of its activity chiefly
in the common cultus embracing the whole land. But,
while in the other provinces this cultus of the land pre-
ponderantly attached itself to Rome, the diet of Achaia
was rather a focus of Hellenism, and was perhaps meant
to be so. Already under the Julian emperors it regarded
itself as the true representative of the Greek nation, and
assigned to its president the name of Helladarch, to itself
even that of “the Panhellenes.”? The assembly thus

Terovoa, mées to Hadrian, and no
misunderstanding has here crept in,
the latter dedication must have taken
place at the diet of Aegium.

1 So (only that the Dorians are
wanting ; comp. p. 259, note 2) the
union is termed on the inscription
of Acraephia (Keil, Sy. Inscr. Bocot.
D. 31). But this very document,
along with the contemporary one,
C. J. Gr. 1625, furnishes a proof
that the union under the emperor
Gaius, instead of this doubtless strictly
official appellation, designated itself
also on the one hand as union of the
Achaeans, on the other as rò xowdy
tv ITavedrAjvwv, OF ù otvodos rév
‘E\Xjvurv, also rò rôv ’Axady kal
Tlavedrjvev guvéðpov. This gran-
diloquence is nowhere so glaringly
prominent as in those Boeotian petty
country-towns ; but even in Olympia,

where the union especially set up its
memorials, it names itself for the
most part no doubt rò xowdy rap
‘Axa:déy, but shows often enough the
same tendency ; e.g. when rò xowdy
Trav "Axaey I. Alnor ’Aplorwva . . .
otvravres ol E\Anves avéorycay (Arch,
Zeit. 1880, p. 86, n. 344). So too
in Sparta, of “EAAnves set up a statue
to Caesar Marcus dd rol kowo? Trav
i xaudy (C. Z. Gr. 1318).

In Asia, Bithynia, lower Moesia,
the president of the Greek towns be-
longing to the province is also called
‘Edaddpyns, without more being
thereby expressed than the contrast
with the non-Greeks. But, as the
name of Hellenes is employed in
Greece in a certain contrast to the
strictly correct one of Achaeans, this
is certainly suggested by the same
tendency which was most clearly

°
we no eee er TRL ee er e Tee we n T I a nee as ly T. ey n S a ~ a hi = i ee _f

Ey es —_—— —

The Pan-
hellenion
of Hadrian
in Athens.

266 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

deviated from its provincial basis, and its modest ad-
ministrative functions fell into the background.

These Panhellenes therefore took to themselves this
name by an abuse of language, and were simply tolerated
by the government. But as Hadrian created a new
Athens, so he created also a new Hellas. Under him
the representatives of all the autonomous or non-autono-
mous towns of the province of Achaia were allowed
to constitute themselves in Athens as united Greece,
as the Panhellenes.t The national union, often dreamed
of and never attained in better times, was thereby created,
and what youth had wished for old age possessed in
imperial fulness. It is true that the new Panhellenion did
not obtain political prerogatives ; but there was no lack
of what imperial favour and imperial gold could give.
There arose in Athens the temple of the new Zeus
Panhellenios, and brilliant popular festivals and games
were connected with this foundation, the carrying out
of which pertained to the collegium of the Panhellenes, and
primarily to the priest of Hadrian as the living god who
founded them. One of the acts, which these performed
every year, was the offering of sacrifice to Zeus the Deliverer
at Plataeae, in memory of the Hellenes that fell there in

marked in the Panhellenes of Argos.
Thus we find orparzyés rob Kowol vbr
*Axatiy kal mpoordrys dca Plov rv
‘Edjvww (Arch. Zeit. 1877, p. 192,
n. 98), or on another document of
the same man wrpoordrys dd Blov rod
xowod Trav *Ayacéy (Lebas-Foucart,
n. 305); an ptas rots “EAAjow obv-
wacw (Arch. Zeit. p. 195, n. 106)
orpariyyds dovvxplrws Aptas ris ‘EX-
Addos (25. 1877, p. 40, n. 42) erpa-
tyyds kat ‘Eddaddpyys (26. 1876, n. 8,
p. 226), all likewise on inscriptions
of the xowdy rv 'Axyarðyv. That in
this xowéy, though it may perhaps be
deemed to refer merely to the Pelo-
ponnesus (p. 264, note), the Panhel-
lenic tendency none the less asserted
itself, may well be conceived.

1 The Hadrianic Panhellenes name
themselves 7d Kowdy cuvédpioy tiv
“EAjvev rõv els IDaryàs cuvidvrov

(Thebes: Keil, Sy. Jnscr. Boeot. n.
31, comp. Plutarch, Arist. 19, 21);
xowdy TiS ‘EAAddos (C. Z. Gr. 5852);
7d Ilaveddijrcov (2b,). Its president is
termed 6 Epxwy rv TTavedrfvwr
(C. J. A. iti. 681, 682; C. Z. Gr.
3832, comp. C. Z. A. iii. 10: d[pr]-
dpxav rol lepwrárov a[ydvos rod
IT}ax{eA]Anvlov), the individual deputy
Tlavédany (eg. C. Z A. iii, 534;
C. J. Gr. 1124). Alongside of these
in the period subsequent to Hadrian
the xovdy rv ‘Ayady and its
orparnyos or ‘E\Naddpxys still occur,
who are probably to be distinguished
from those just mentioned, although
the latter now sets up his honorary
decrees not merely in Olympia, but
also in Athens (C. Z. A. 18; second
example in Olympia, Asch. Zeit.
1879, p. 52).

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 267
battle against the Persians, on the anniversary of the
battle, the 4th Boedromion: this marks its tendency.
Still more clearly was this shown in the fact that the
Greek towns outside of Hellas, which appeared worthy of
the national fellowship, had ideal certificates of Hellenism
issued to them by the assembly in Athens.”

While the imperial rule in its whole wide range
encountered the devastations of a “twenty years’ civil
war, and in many places its consequences were never
entirely healed, probably no domain was so severely
affected by them as the Greek peninsula. Fate had so
arranged, that the three great decisive battles of this
epoch—Pharsalus, Philippi, Actium—were fought on its
soil or on its coast; and the military operations, which
with both parties led up to these battles, had here above
all demanded their sacrifices of human life and human
happiness. Even Plutarch was told by his great-grand-
father how the officers of Antonius had compelled the
citizens of Chaeronea, when they no longer possessed
slaves or beasts of burden, to drag their last grain on
their own shoulders to the nearest port to be shipped for
the army ; and how thereupon, just as the second convoy
was about to depart, the accounts of the battle of Actium
arrived as glad news of relief. The first thing that
Caesar did after the victory was to distribute the enemy’s
stores of grain that had fallen into his power among the
famishing population of Greece. This heaviest measure

The decay
of Hellas.

1 That the remark of Dio of Prusa,
Or. xxxviii. p. 148 R., as to the
dispute of the Athenians and the
Lacedaemonians ùrèp ris mpo-
moprelas, refers to the festival at
Plataeae, is evident from (Lucian)
Epwres 18, ws wept wporoprelas
&ywvioúpevot TNaradow. The sophist
Irenaeus also wrote wept rijs "A@yvalwy
mporoprelas (Suidas, s. v.), and Her-
mogenes, de ideis, ii. p. 373. Walz
gives as the topic spoken of “A@yvator
cal Aaxedacudvoe rept rijs mporoprelas
xara 74 Mydixd (communication from
Wilamowitz).

2 Two of these are preserved, for

Cibyra in Phrygia (C. Z7. Gr. 5882),
issued from the xowdy ris ‘EMddos
by a déyua ro TavedAnviov ; and for
Magnesia on the Maeander (C. 7. Att.
ili. 16). In both the good Hellenic
descent of the corporations concerned
is brought out along with their other
services to the Hellenes. Charac-
teristic are also the letters of recom-
mendation, with which these Pan-
hellenes furnish a man who had
merited well of their commonwealth
to the community of his home Aezani
in Phrygia, to the emperor Pius, and
to the Hellenes in Asia generally (C.
I. Gr. 3832, 3833, 3834).

al ee on So g

Decrease of
the popula-
tion.

268 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

of suffering fell upon a specially weak power of resist-
ance. Already, more than a century before the battle
of Actium, Polybius had stated that unfruitfulness in
marriage and diminution of the population had in his
time come over all Greece, without any diseases or severe
wars befalling the land. Now these scourges had emerged
in fearful fashion ; and Greece remained desolate for all
time to come. Plutarch thinks that throughout the
Roman empire the population had fallen off in con-
sequence of the devastating wars, but most of all in
Greece, which was not now in a position to furnish from
the better circles of the citizens the 3000 hoplites, with
which once the smallest of the Greek districts, Megara, had
fought at Plataeae! Caesar and Augustus had attempted
to remedy this depopulation, which alarmed even the
government, by the despatch of Italian colonists, and, in
fact, the two most flourishing towns of Greece were these
very colonies; the later governments did not repeat
such consignments. The background to the charming
Euboean peasant-idyll of Dio of Prusa is formed by
a depopulated town, in which numerous houses stand
empty, flocks are fed at the council-hall and at the city
register-house, two-thirds of the territory lie untilled for
want of hands; and when the narrator reports this as
falling within his own experience, he therewith assuredly
describes not unaptly the circumstances of numerous small
Greek country towns in the time of Trajan. “Thebes
in Boeotia,” says Strabo in the Augustan age, “is now
hardly to be termed even a goodly village, and the same
holds true of all the Boeotian towns, with the exception
of Tanagra and Thespiae.” But not merely did men
dwindle away as regards number; the type also de-
clined. “There are doubtless still beautiful women,”
says one of the finest observers about the end of the first

1 Beyond doubt Plutarch in these foot 3000 “‘hoplites.” In this sense

words (de defectu orac. 8) does not
mean to say that Greece was not able
at all to furnish 3000 men capable of
arms, but that, if burgess-armies of
the old sort were to be formed, they
would not be in a position to set on

the expression may well be correct,
so far as correctness can be expected
at all in the case of general complaints
of this sort. The number of com-
munities of the province amounted
nearly to a hundred.

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 269

century, “but beautiful men one sees no longer ; the Olym-
pian victors of more recent times appear, compared with
the older, inferior and common, partly no doubt owing to
the fault of the artists, but chiefly because they are just
what they are.” The bodily training of the youth had
been carried in this promised land of ephebi and athletes
to such an extent, as if the very ajm of the communal
constitution were to rear the boys as gymnasts and the men
as boxers; but, if no province possessed so many artists
for the ring, none supplied so few soldiers to the imperial
army. Even from the instruction of the Athenian youth—
which in the olden time embraced spear-throwing, shooting
with the bow, the use of missiles, the marching out and
pitching of the camp—this playing at soldiers on the part
of the boys now disappears. The Greek towns of the
empire were virtually not taken account of in the levy,
whether because their recruits appeared physically in-
capable, or because this element appeared dangerous in
the army; it was an imperial pleasantry that the carica-
ture of Alexander, Severus Antoninus, reinforced the
Roman army for the conflict with the Persians by some
companies of Spartiates.? Whatever was done for internal
order and security must have emanated from the in-
dividual communities, as Roman troops were not stationed
in the province ; Athens, for example, maintained a garri-
son in the island of Delos, and probably a division of
militia lay also in the citadel.’ In the crises of the third
century the general levy of Elateia (p. 242) and that of
Athens (p. 246) valiantly repulsed the Costoboci and the
Goths ; and, after a worthier fashion than the grandchildren
of the combatants of Thermopylae in Caracalla’s Persian
war, in the Gothic the grandchildren of the victors of
Marathon inscribed their names for the last time in the

annals of ancient history.

1 [Dio, Orat. xxi. Sor R.]

2 This is told to us by Herodian,
iv. 8, 3, © 9, 4, and we have the
inscriptions of two of these Spartiates,
Nicocles, éorparevzévos dis xara
TlepoaGv (C. Z. Gr. 1253), and Dios-

But, though such incidents

coras, dwre\Oaw els rhv evruxecrdrny
cunpaxlay (= expeditio) rì» xarà
Iepody (C. I. Gr. 1495).

3 The ġpóvpiov (C. 7. A. iii. 826)
cannot well be understood otherwise.

Greek tone
of feeling.

GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII,

270
must preclude us from treating the Greeks of this epoch
absolutely as a decayed rabble, yet the decline of the
population as regards number and vigour steadily con-
tinued even during the better imperial period, until, from
the end of the second century, the diseases which severely
visited these lands, likewise the inroads of land and sea
pirates who particularly affected the east coast, and
lastly, the collapse of the imperial power in the time
of Gallienus, raised the chronic suffering into an acute
catastrophe.

The decay ot Hellas, and the feelings which it
called forth among the best men, come before us after
a striking manner in the appeal which one of these, the
Bithynian Dio, addressed about the time of Vespasian
to the Rhodians. These were not unjustly regarded as
the most excellent of the Hellenes. In no city were the
lower population better cared for, and nowhere did that
care bear more the stamp of giving not alms but work.
When, after the great civil war, Augustus made all private
debts irrecoverable at law in the East, the Rhodians alone
rejected the dangerous favour. Although the great epoch
of Rhodian commerce was over, there were still in
Rhodes numerous flourishing branches of business and
wealthy houses.’ But many evils had invaded the place,
and the philosopher demands that they be done away,
not so much, as he says, for the sake of the Rhodians, as
for the sake of the Hellenes in common. “Once upon
a time the honour of Hellas rested on many, and many
increased its renown—you, the Athenians, the Lacedae-
monians, Thebes, Corinth for a time, at a remote period
Argos. But now the others are as nothing; for some
are totally decayed and destroyed, others conduct them-

1 « You have no want of means,”
says Dio (Or. xxxi. p. 566), ‘‘ and
there are thousands upon thousands
here, for whom it would be advantage-
ous to be less rich ;”’ and further on
(p. 620), ‘you are richer than any
one else in Hellas. Your ancestors
possessed not more than youdo. The
island has not become worse; you
draw the profit of Caria and a part

of Lycia; a number of towns are
tributary to you; the city is always
receiving rich gifts from numerous
citizens.” He further states that new
expenses had not been added, but
the earlier outlays for army and fleet
had almost fallen into abeyance ; they
had to supply annually at Corinth
(and so to the Roman fleet) but one
or two small vessels. o

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 271

selves as you know, and are dishonoured and destroyers of
their old renown. You are surviving; you alone are still
‘somewhat and are not utterly despised ; for, after the way
in which those go to work, all Hellenes would long ago
have sunken more deeply than the Phrygians and the
Thracians. As when a great and noble family is reduced
to a single survivor, and the sin which this last of the
house commits brings all his ancestors into dishonour, so
you stand in Hellas. Believe not that you are the first
of the Greeks ; you are the only ones. If we look at
those pitiful scoundrels, the great destinies of the past
become themselves inconceivable; the stones and ruins
of cities show more clearly the pride and the greatness
of Hellas than these descendants not even worthy of
Mysian ancestors ; and better than with towns inhabited
by such as these has it fared with those cities which
lie in ruins, for their memory remains in honour and
their well-acquired renown unstained—better ouen the
carcase than allow it to lie rotting.” 1

We shall not disparage this noble spirit of a scholar
who measured the petty present by the great past, and,
as could not fail to be the case, looked at the oné with
indignant eyes and at the other in the transfigured glory
of what had been, if we point out the fact that the good
old Hellenic habits were at that time and even long
afterwards not merely to be found in Rhodes, but were in
many respects still everywhere alive. The inward inde-
pendence, the well warranted self-esteem of the nation
that was still standing at the head of civilisation had not
disappeared in the Hellenes even of this age, amidst all
the pliancy of subjection and all the humility of parasitism.
The Romans borrowed the gods from the old Hellenes
and the form of administration from the Alexandrines ;
they sought to master the Greek language and to Hellenise
their own in measure and style. The Hellenes even of
the imperial period did not pursue a like course; the
national deities of Italy, like Silvanus and the Lares, were
not adored in Greece, and it never entered into the mind

1 [Dio, Orat. xxxi. 649, 650.]

The good
old
manners.

a8 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIL.

of any Greek urban community to introduce at home the
political organisation which their Polybius celebrates as
the best. So far as the knowledge of Latin was a
condition for the career of the higher as of the lower
magistracies, the Greeks who entered upon this career
acquired it; for, though practically it. only occurred to
the emperor Claudius to withdraw the Roman franchise
from the Greeks who did not understand Latin, certainly
the real execution of the rights and duties connected with
it was possible only for one who was master of the im-
perial language. But, apart from public life, Latin was
never so learned in Greece as Greek in Rome. Plutarch,
who, as an author, joined as it were in marriage the two
halves of the empire, and whose parallel biographies of
famous Greeks and Romans recommended themselves
and were effective above all by this juxtaposition, under-
stood not very much more of Latin than Diderot of
Russian, and at least, as he himself says, did not master
the language ; the Greek literati having a real command
of Latin were either officials, like eee and Dio Cassius,
or neutrals, like king Juba.

Really Greece was far less danedd in itself than in its
external position. The government of Athens was truly
bad, but even in the time of Athenian greatness it had not
been at all exemplary. “There is,’ says Plutarch, “the
same national type, the same disorders, earnest and jest,
charm and malice, as among their ancestors.” This epoch,
too, still exhibits in the life of the Greek people individual
features which are worthy of its civilising leadership. The
gladiatorial games, which spread from Italy everywhere,
especially to Asia Minor and to Syria, found admission to
Greece latest of all lands; for a considerable period they
were confined to the half-Italian Corinth, and when the
Athenians, in order not to be behind that city, introduced
them also among themselves without listening to the
voice of one of their best men, who asked them whether
they would not first set up an altar to the God of com-
passion, several of the noblest turned indignantly away
from the city of their fathers that so dishonoured itself. In

ON a ae

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE.

273
no country of the ancient world were slaves treated with
such humanity as in Hellas; it was not the law, but custom
that forbade the Greek to sell his slaves to a non-Greek
master, and so banished from this region the slave-trade
proper. Only here in the imperial period do we find the
non-free people provided for in the burgess-feasts and in
largesses of oil to the burgesses! Only here could one
who was not free, like Epictetus under Trajan, in his more
than modest outward existence in the Epirot Nicopolis,
hold intercourse with respected men of senatorial rank,
after the manner of Socrates with Critias and Alcibiades,
so that they listened to his oral instructions as disciples
to the master, and took notes of, and published, his con-
versations. The alleviations of slavery by the imperial
law are essentially traceable to the influence of Greek
views, eg. with the emperor Marcus, who looked up tc
that Nicopolitan slave as his master and model.

The author of a dialogue preserved among those of
Lucian gives an unsurpassed description of the demeanour
of the polished Athenian citizen, amidst his narrow circum-
stances, overagainst the genteel and rich travelling public
of doubtful culture or else undoubted coarseness; how
the rich foreigner has been weaned from appearing in the
public bath with a host of attendants, as if he were not
otherwise certain of his life in Athens and there were no
peace in the land; and how he was weaned from showing
himself on the street with his purple dress by people making
the friendly inquiry whether it was not that of his mamma.
He draws a parallel between Roman and Athenian
existence ; in the former the burdensome banquets and
the still more burdensome brothels, the inconvenient
convenience of the swarms of menials and the domestic
luxury, the troubles of a dissolute life, the torments of
ambition, all the superfluity, the multifariousness, the

1 At the popular festivals, which
in Tiberius’s time a rich man gave at
Acraephia in Boeotia, he invited the
grown-up slaves, and his wife the
female slaves, as guests along with the
free (C. Z. Gr. 1625). In an endow-
ment for the distribution of oil at

VOL. I.

the fencing -institute (yupydovov) of
Gytheion in Laconia it is ordained
that on six days in the year the
slaves should also partake in it
(Lebas-Foucart n. 243a). Similar
largesses occur in Argos (C. Z Gr.
1122, 1123).
18

Parallel be-
tween Ro-
man and
Athenian
life.

Plutarch.

274 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII,

unrest of the doings of the capital; in the latter the charm
of poverty, the free talk in the friendly circle, the leisure
for intellectual enjoyment, the possibility of peace and of
joy in life—“ How couldest thou,” one Greek in Rome
asks another, “leave the light of the sun, Hellas, and its
happiness and its freedom for the sake of this crowd?”
In this fundamental keynote all the more finely and purely
organised natures of this epoch are agreed ; the very best
Hellenes would rather not exchange with the Romans.
There is hardly anything equally pleasing in the literature
of the imperial period with the already mentioned Euboean
idyll of Dio; it depicts the existence of two families
of hunters in the lonely forest, whose property consists
of eight goats, a cow without a horn, and a fine calf, four
sickles and three hunting-spears, who know nothing either
of gold or of taxes, and who, when placed before the
raging burgess-assembly of the city, are by the latter dis-
missed at length unmolested to joy and to freedom.

The real embodiment of this poetically transfigured
conception of life is Plutarch of Chaeronea, one of the
most charming, most fully informed, and withal most
effective writers of antiquity. Sprung from a family of
means in that small Boeotian country-town, and intro-
duced to the full Hellenic culture, first at home and then
at Athens and at Alexandria; familiar, moreover, with
Roman affairs through his studies and manifold personal
relations, as well as by his travels in Italy, he disdained to
enter into the service of the state or to adopt the pro-
fessional career after the usual manner of gifted Greeks ;
he remained faithful to his home, enjoying domestic life,
in the finest sense of the word, with his excellent wife and
his children, and with his friends, male and female; con-
tenting himself with the offices and honours which his own
Boeotia was able to offer to him, and with the moderate
property which he had inherited. In this Chaeronean
the contrast between the Hellenes and the Hellenised
finds expression; such a type of Greek life was not
possible in Smyrna or in Antioch; it belonged to the
soil like the honey of Hymettus. There are men enough

Se te.

a ee ee, SS n a aa

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 275

of more powerful talents and of deeper natures, but hardly
any second author has known in so happy a measure
how to reconcile himself serenely to necessity, and how to
impress upon his writings the stamp of his tranquillity of
spirit and his blessedness of life. |

The self-mastery of Hellenism cannot manifest itself
in the field of public life with the purity and beauty which
it presents in the quiet homestead, after which history
happily does not inquire any more than it inquires after
history. When we turn to public affairs, there is more to
be told of misrule than of rule, both as regards the Roman
government and the Greek autonomy. There was no
want of goodwill on the part of the former, in so far as
Roman Philhellenism dominated the imperial period even
much more decidedly than the republican. It expresses
itself everywhere in great matters as in small, in the pro-
secution of the Hellenising of the Eastern provinces and
the recognition of a double official language for the em-
pire, as well as in the courteous forms in which the govern-
ment dealt, and enjoined its officials to deal, even with the
pettiest Greek community.’ Nor did the emperors fail to
favour this province with gifts and buildings ; and, though
most things of this sort came to Athens, Hadrian at any
rate constructed a great aqueduct for the benefit of
Corinth, and Pius the hospital at Epidaurus. But the
considerate treatment of the Greeks in general, and the
special kindness which was shown by the imperial govern-
ment to Hellas proper, because it was accounted in a
certain sense as, like Italy, “motherland,” did not redound

1 In answer to one of the numer-
ous complaints, with which the towns
of Asia Minor plagued the govern-
ment on account of their disputes as
to titles and rank, Pius tells the
Ephesians (Waddington, Aristide, p.
51), that he was glad to hear that the
Pergamenes had given to them the
new title ; that the Smyrnaeans had
doubtless merely by accident omitted
it, and would certainly in future be
ready to do what was correct, if they
—the Ephesians—would accord to
them their right titles. To a small

Lycian town, which applied to the
proconsul for the confirmation of a
resolution adopted by it, the latter re-
plied (Benndorf, Zykische Reise, i. 71),
that excellent ordinances require only
praise, not confirmation ; the latter is
implied in the case. The rhetorical
schools of this epoch furnished also the
draughtsmen for theimperial chancery;
but this alone mattered little. It be-
longed to the essence of the principate
not to accentuate outwardly the sub-
ject - relation, and especially not
against the Greeks.

Misgovern.-
ment of the
provincial
administra-
tion,

276 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.
to the true benefit either of the government or of the
country. The annual changes of the chief magistrates,
and the remiss control of the central position, made all the
senatorial provinces, so far as rule by governors went,
feel rather the oppression than the blessing of unity of ad-
ministration, and doubly so in proportion to their smallness
and their poverty. Even under Augustus himself these
evils prevailed to such a degree that it was one of the first
acts of the reign of his successor to take Greece as well as
Macedonia into his own power, as it was alleged, tem-
porarily, but in fact for the whole duration of his reign.
It was very constitutional, but perhaps not quite so wise on
the part of the emperor Claudius, when he came to power,

that he re-established the old arrangement. Thencefor-

Misgovern-
ment of the
free towns.

Adminis-
tration of
Athens.

ward the matter remained on this footing, and Achaia was
administered by magistrates not nominated, but chosen by
lot, till this form of administration fell altogether into
abeyance.

But the case was far worse with the communities of
Greece exempted from the rule of the governor. The
design of favouring these commonwealths—by freeing
them from tribute and levy, and not less by the slightest
possible restriction of the rights of the sovereign state—
led at least in many cases to the opposite result. The
intrinsic falseness of the institutions avenged itself. No
doubt among the less privileged or better administered
communities the communal autonomy may have fulfilled
its aim; at least we do not learn that Sparta, Corinth,
Patrae fared specially ill in this respect. But Athens was
not made for self-administration, and affords the dis-

heartening picture of a commonwealth pampered by the

supreme power, and financially as well as morally ruined.
By rights it ought to have found itself in a flourishing

1 A formal alteration of the tax-
organisation does not follow of itself
from this change, and is not hinted at
in Tacitus, Ann. i. 76; if the ar-
rangement was made because the pro-
vincials complained of the pressure of
taxation (onera deprecantes), better
governors might help the provinces

by suitable redistribution, and event-
ually by procuring remission. That
the furtherance of the imperial postal
service was felt specially in this pro-
vince as an oppressive burden is
shown by the edict of Claudius from
Tegea (Ephem. ep. v. p. 69).

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 277

condition. If the Athenians were unsuccessful in uniting
the nation under their hegemony, this s city was the only one

in Greece, asin Italy, which carried out. completely the ©

“union of its territory: no city of antiquity elsewhere pos-
sessed a domain of its own, such as was Attica, of about 700

“ Square miles, double the size of the island of Rügen. But :

even beyond Attica they retained what they possessed, as
well after the Mithradatic war by favour of Sulla, as after
the Pharsalian battle, in which they had taken the side of
Pompeius, by the favour of Caesar—he asked them only
how often they would still ruin themselves and trust to be
saved by the renown of their ancestors. To the city
there still belonged not merely the territory, formerly
' possessed: by Haliartus, in Boeotia (ii. 329), but also on
their own coast Salamis, the old starting-point of their
dominion of the sea, and in the Thracian Sea the lucrative
islands Scyros, Lemnos, and Imbros, as well as Delos in
the Aegean; it is true this island, after the end of the
republic, was no longer the central emporium of trade with
the East, now that the traffic had been drawn away from

ii, 309

it to the ports of the west coast of Italy, and this was an

irreparable loss for the Athenians. Of the further grants,
which they had the skill to draw by flattery from Antonius,
Augustus, against whom they had taken part, took from
them certainly Aegina and Eretria in Euboea, but they

weré alfowed to retain the smaller islands of the Thracian ~

Sea, Icus, Peparethus, Sciathus, and further Ceos confront-
ing the promontory of Sunium ; and Hadrian, moreover,
gave to them the best part of the great island Cephallenia
in the Ionian Sea. It was only by the emperor Severus,
who bore them no good will, that a portion of these ex-
traneous possessions was withdrawn from them. Hadrian
further granted t to the 1e Athenia ans the delivery of a certain
quantity-of grain at the expense of the empire, and by
_ the extension of this privilege, hitherto reserved for the
capital, „acknowledged Athens, as it were, as another im-

perial_metropolîs: Not tëss was the blissful institute of _

alimentary endowments, which Italy had enjoyed since
Trajan’s time, extended by Hadrian to Athens, and the

278 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK. VIII,

capital requisite for this purpose certainly presented to
the Athenians from his purse. An aqueduct, which he
likewise dedicated to his Athens, was only completed
after his death by Pius. To this falls to be added the
conflux of travellers and of students, and the endowments
bestowed on the city in ever increasing number by Roman
grandees and by foreign princes.

Its diffi- Yet the community was in constant distress. The

culties. right of citizenship was dealt with not merely in the way
everywhere usual of giving and taking, but was made
formally and openly a matter of traffic, so that Augustus
interfered to prohibit the evil. Once and again the
council of Athens resolved to sell this or that one of its
islands; and not always was there found a rich man ready
to make sacrifices like Julius Nicanor, who, under
Augustus, bought back for the bankrupt Athenians the
island of Salamis, thereby earning from its senate the
honorary title of the “new Themistocles,” as well as,
seeing that he also made verses, that of the “ new Homer,”
and—together with the noble councillors—from the public
well-merited derision. The magnificent buildings with
which Athens continued to embellish herself were obtained
without exception from foreigners, among others from the
rich kings Antiochus of Commagene and Herod of
Judaea, but above all from the emperor Hadrian, who laid
out a complete “ new town” (novae Athenae) on the Ilisus,
and—besides numberless other buildings, including the
already mentioned Panhellenion—worthily brought to
completion the wonder of the world, seven centuries after
it had been begun, the gigantic building, commenced by
Pisistratus, of the Olympieion, with its 120 columns partly
still standing, the largest of all that are erect at the present
day. This city itself was without money, not merely for
its harbour-walls, which now certainly might be dispensed
with, but even for its harbour. In Augustus’s time the
Piraeus was a small village of a few houses, only visited
for the sake of the masterpieces of painting in the halls of
the temples. There was hardly any longer commerce or
industry in Athens; or rather for the citizens as a body

CHAP. VIL GREEK EUROPE. 279

as well as individually there was but a single flourishing
trade—begging.

Nor did the matter end with financial distress. The Street-riots,
world doubtless had peace, but not the streets and squares
of Athens. Even under Augustus an insurrection in
Athens assumed such proportions that the Roman govern-
ment had to take steps against the free city ;4 and though
this event stands isolated, riots on the street on account
of the price of bread and on other trifling occasions be-
longed in Athens to the order of the day.. The prospect
must not have been much better in numerous other free
towns, of which there is less mention. To give criminal
justice absolutely into the hands of such a burgess-body
could hardly be justified ; and yet it belonged de jure to
the communities admitted to international federation, like
Athens and Rhodes. When the Athenian Areopagus in
the time of Augustus refused to release from punishment
on the intercession of a Roman of rank a Greek con-
demned for forgery, it must have been within its right ;
but when the Cyzicenes under Tiberius imprisoned Roman
burgesses, and under Claudius the Rhodians even nailed
a Roman burgess to the cross, these were formal viola-
tions of law, and a similar occurrence under Augustus
cost the Thessalians their autonomy. Arrogance and
aggression are not excluded by absence of power—are
not seldom even ventured on by weak clients. With all
respect for great memories and sworn treaties, these free
states could not but appear to every conscientious govern-
ment not much less than an infringement ot the general
order of the empire, like the still more time-hallowed
right of asylum in the temples.

Ultimately the government acted with decision, and Cor-
placed the free towns, as regards their economy, under the ‘tres
superintendence of officials of imperial nomination, who,
at all events in the first instance, are described as extra-

1 The Athenian insurrection under the s¢rategoi are often mentioned ;
Augustus is certainly attested by the Plutarch, Q. symfos. viii. 3, tnt. ;
notice derived from Africanus in (Lucian), Demonax, 11, 64; Philo-

Eusebius, ad ann. Abr. 2025 (whence stratus, Vit. soph. i. 23, ìi. 8, II.
Orosius, vi. 22, 2). The riots against

ig 4 et I ee ee, -E Nr eT Tg tar Ry M = es - as A LÈ f.
ee i a Rg, ce AO ty aE A re ae te, he neni + Se sw + Re | Se ™ a a. Aa

280 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII. ,

ordinary commissioners “ for the correction of evils prevail-
ing in the free towns,” and thence subsequently bear the
designation “ Correctores ” as their title The germs of
this office may be traced back to the time of Trajan ; we
find them as standing officials in Achaia in the third cen-
tury. These officials, appointed by the emperor, and acting
alongside of the proconsuls, occur in no part of the Roman
empire so early, and are in no case found so early per-
manent, as in Achaia, which half consisted of free cities.

Clinging to The self-esteem of the Hellenes, well-warranted in it-

of the past, Self and fostered by the attitude of the Roman government,
and perhaps still more by that of the Roman public—
the consciousness of intellectual primacy—called into life
among them a cultus of the past, which was compounded
of a faithful clinging to the memories of greater and hap-
pier times and a quaint reverting of matured civilisation
to its in part very primitive beginnings.

Religion. To foreign worships, if we keep out of view the service
of the Egyptian deities already earlier naturalised by
trading intercourse, particularly that of Isis, the Greeks
in Hellas proper sustained throughout the attitude of
declining them; if this held least true in the case of
Corinth, Corinth was also the least Greek town of Hellas.
The old religion of the country was not protected by
hearty faith, from which this age had long since broken
off ;! but the habits of home and the memory of the past
clung to it by preference, and therefore it was not merely
retained with tenacity, but it even became—in good part
by the process of erudite retouching—always more rigid
and more antique as time went on, always more a dis-
tinctive possession of such as made it a study.

Pedigrees. It was the same with the worship of pedigrees, in
which the Hellenes of this age performed uncommon feats,
and left the most aristocratic of the Romans far behind
them. In Athens the family of the Eumolpidae played a

1 The magistrate even of culture, when it sees that the men of rank in
that is the freethinker, is advised to the city lay some stress on the wor-
attach the largesses which he makes ship of the gods, and can expend

to the religious festivals ; for the mul- something upon it (Plutarch, Zraec.
titude is strengthened in its faith, ger. reip. 30).

sO AE ct gt OLA a ptt FO ORR gL Lee a ae et age ner a pate Rm Beet Se

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 281

prominent part at the reorganisation of the Eleusinian
festival under Marcus. His son Commodus conferred on
the head of the clan of the Kerykes the Roman franchise,
and from him descended the brave and learned Athenian,
who, almost like Thucydides, fought with the Goths and
then described the Gothic war (p. 246). A contemporary
of Marcus, the professor and consular Herodes Atticus,
belonged to this same clan, and his court-poet sings of
him, that the red shoe of the Roman patriciate well be-
fitted the high-born Athenian, the descendant of Hermes
and of Cecrops’s daughter Herse, while one of his pane-
gyrists in prose celebrates him as Aeacides, and at the
same time as a descendant of Miltiades and Cimon. But
even Athens was far outbidden in this respect by Sparta;
on several occasions we meet with Spartiates who boast
of descent from the Dioscuri, Herakles, Poseidon, and of
the priesthood of these ancestors hereditary for forty gene-
rations and more in their house. It is significant of
this nobility, that it in the main presents itself only with
the end of the second century ; the heraldic draughtsmen
who projected these genealogical tables cannot have
been very punctilious as to vouchers either in Athens or
in Sparta.

The same tendency appears in the treatment of the
language or rather of the dialects. While at this time in
the other Greek-speaking lands and also in Hellas the
so-called common Greek, debased in the main from the
Attic dialect, predominated in ordinary intercourse, not
merely did the written language of this epoch strive to set
aside prevalent faults and innovations, but in many cases
dialectic peculiarities were again taken up in opposition to
common usage, and here, where it was least of all war-
ranted, the old particularism was in semblance brought
back. On the statues which the Thespians set up to the
Muses in the grove of Helicon, there were inscribed in
good Boeotian the names Orania and Thalea, while the
epigrams belonging to them, composed by a poet of
Roman name, called them in good Ionic Uranie and
Thaleie, and the non-learned Boeotians, if they knew

Language ;
archaism
and barbar-
ism,

282 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

them, like all other Greeks called them Urania and
Thaleia. By the Spartans especially incredible things were
done in this way, and not seldom more was written for
the shade of Lycurgus than for the Aelii and Aurelii living
at the time! Moreover, the correct use of the language
at this period appears gradually losing ground even in
Hellas ; archaisms and barbarisms often stand peacefully
side by side in the documents of the imperial period.
The population of Athens, much mixed with foreigners,
has at no time specially distinguished itself in this
respect,” and, although the civic documents keep them-
selves comparatively pure, yet from the time of Augustus
the gradually increasing corruption of language here also
makes itself felt. The strict grammarians of the time
filled whole books with the linguistic slips with which the
much celebrated rhetorician Herodes Atticus just men-
tioned and the other famous school-orators of the second
century were chargeable, quite apart from the quaint
artificiality and the affected point of their discourse. But
barbarism proper as regards language and writing set in
in Athens and all Greece, just as in Rome, with Septimius
Severus.*

1 A model sample is the inscrip-
tion (Lebas-Foucart, ii. p. 142 n.,
162 7.) of M[&pxop] Avp[4rop] Zevéur-
mop 6 xal Knrédavdpop Piropovtow,
a contemporary therefore of Pius and
Marcus, who was lepeds Aeuxirmldwy
kal Twdapdav, of the Dioscuri and
their wives, the daughters of Leu-
kippos, but—in order that with the
old the new might not be wanting—
also dpxtepéos TÔ ZeBaorH kal tov
Gelwy mpoyóvwuv orð. He had in
his youth, moreover, been Bovaydp
puxxrx6douévwy, literally herd-leader of
the little ones, namely, director of three-
year-old boys—the ‘ herds” of boys
of Lycurgus began with the seventh
year, but his successors had overtaken
what was wanting, and embraced in the
“herd” and provided with ‘‘leaders”
all from one year old onward. This
same man was victorious (vexdap =
vikas) Kaconparop, pwav kal Awar :

what this means, may be known
perhaps to Lycurgus.

2 « Inland Attica,” says an inhabi-
tant of it in Philostratus, Vetae Soph.
ii, 7, ‘‘is a good school for one who
would learn to speak ; the inhabitants
of the city of Athens on the other
hand, who hire out lodgings to the
young people flocking thither from
Thrace and Pontus and other bar-
barian regions, allow their language
to be corrupted by these more than
they impart to them good speaking.
But in the interior, whose inhabit-
ants are not mixed with barbarians,
the pronunciation and language are
good.”

3 Karl Keil (Pauly, Realencycl, 13

p- 2100) points to tivés for Fs Twós

and rà xwpla yéyovay in the inscrip-

tion of the wife of Herodes (C. Z. Z.
vi. 1342).

4 Dittenberger, Hermes, i. 414.

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 283

The bane of Hellenic existence lay in the limitation
of its sphere; high ambition lacked a corresponding
aim, and therefore the low and degrading ambition flour-
ished luxuriantly. Even in Hellas there was no lack of
native families of great wealth and considerable influence.!
The country was doubtless on the whole poor, but there
were houses of extensive possessions and old-established
prosperity. In Sparta, for example, that of Lachares
occupied, from Augustus down at least to the time of
Hadrian, a position which in point of fact was not far
removed from that of a prince. Antonius had caused
Lachares to be put to death for exaction. Thereupon his
son Eurycles was one of the most decided partisans of
Augustus, and one of the bravest captains in the decisive
naval battle, who had almost made the conquered general
personally a captive; he received from the victor, among
other rich gifts as private property, the island of Cythera
(Cerigo). Later he played a prominent and hazardous
part not merely in his native land, over which he must
have exercised a permanent presidency, but also at the
courts of Jerusalem and Caesarea, to which the respect
paid to a Spartiate by the Orientals contributed not a
little. For that reason brought to trial several times at
the bar of the emperor, he was at length condemned and
sent into exile ; but death seasonably withdrew him from
the consequences of the sentence, and his son Lacon came
into the property, and substantially also, though in a more
cautious form, into the position of power of his father.
The family of the often-mentioned Herodes had a similar

Here, too, may be adduced what nimiis ad iniurias minorum elati), and

the stupid champion of Apollonius
makes his hero write to the Alexan-
drian professors (Z2. 34), that he has
left Argos, Sicyon, Megara, Phocis,
Locris, in order that he might not, by
Staying longer in Hellas, become
utterly a barbarian.

1 Tacitus (on the year 62, Ann.
xv. 20) characterises one of these
rich and influential provincials, Clau-
dius Timarchides from Crete, who is
all powerful in his sphere (u? solent
pracvalid: provincialium et opibus

has at his disposal the diet and conse-
quently also the decree of thanks—a
due accompaniment very desirable for
the departing proconsul in view of pos-
sible actions of reckoning (iz sua
potestate situm an proconsulibus, gui
Cretam obtinuissent, grates agerentur).
The opposition proposes that this
decree of thanks be refused, but does
not succeed in bringing the proposal
toa vote. From another side Plutarch
(Praec. ger. reip. c. 19, 3) depicts
these Greeks of rank.

The public
career,

Great
families,

Personal
service of
the em-
peror.

284 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

standing in Athens; we can trace it going back through
four generations to the time of Caesar, and confiscation
was decreed, just as over the Spartan Eurycles, over the
grandfather of Herodes on account of his exorbitant posi-
tion of power in Athens. The enormous landed estates
which the grandson possessed in his poor native country,
the extensive spaces applied for the sake of erecting tombs
for his boy-favourites, excited the indignation even of the
Roman governors. It may be presumed that there were
powerful families of this sort in most districts of Hellas,
and, while they as a rule decided matters at the diet of
the province, they were not without connections and
influence even in Rome. But although those legal bars,
which excluded the Gaul and the Alexandrian even after
obtaining the franchise from the imperial senate, hardly
stood in the way of those Greeks of rank, but on the
contrary the political and military career which offered
itself to the Italian likewise stood open in law to the
Hellenes, these in point of fact entered only at a late
period and to a limited extent into the service of the state ;
partly, doubtless, because the Roman government of the
earlier imperial period reluctantly admitted the Greeks as
foreigners, partly because these themselves shunned the
translation to Rome that was associated with entrance on
this career, and preferred to be the first at home instead
of one the more among the many senators. It was the
great-grandson of Lachares, Herclanus, who first in the
time of Trajan entered the Roman senate; and in the
family of Herodes probably his father was the first to do
so about the same time.’

The other career, which only opened up in the im-
perial period—the personal service of the emperor—gave
doubtless in favourable circumstances riches and influence,

and was earlier and more

1 Herodes was ¢ brdrwy (Philo-
stratus, Vit, Soph. i. 25, 5, p. 526),
érédec ék warépwy és rods diourdrous
(2d. ii, inu. p. 545). Otherwise
nothing is known of consulships of
his ancestors ; but certainly his grand-

frequently pursued by the

father Hipparchus was not a senator.
Possibly the question is even only as
to cognate ascendants. The family

did not receive the Roman franchise
under the Julii (comp. C. Z 4. üi.
489), but only under the Claudii.

CHAP. VII, GREEK EUROPE. 285

Greeks ; but, as most, and the most important, of these
positions were associated with service as officers, there seems
to have been for a considerable time a de facto preference
of Italians for these places, and the direct way was here
also in some measure barred to Greeks. In subordinate
positions Greeks were employed at the imperial court
from the first and in great numbers, and they often in
circuitous ways attained to trust and influence ; but such
persons came more from the Hellenised regions than from
Hellas itself, and least of all from the better Hellenic
houses. For the legitimate ambition of the young man
of ancestry and estate there was, if he was a Greek, but
limited scope in the Roman empire.

There remained to him his native land, and in its
case to be active for the common weal was certainly a
duty and an honour. But the duties were very modest
and the honours more modest still. “ Your task,” Dio says
further to his Rhodians, “is a different one from that of
your ancestors. They could develop their ability on many
sides, aspire to government, aid the oppressed, gain allies,
found cities, make war and conquer ; of all this you can
no longer do aught. There is left for you the conduct of
the household, the administration of the city, the bestowal
of honours and distinctions with choice and moderation,
a seat in council and in court, sacrifice to the gods and
celebration of festivals; in all this you may distinguish
yourselves above other towns. Nor are these slight
matters : the decorous bearing, the care for the hair and
beard, the sedate pace in the street, so that the foreigners
accustomed to other things may by your side unlearn their
haste, the becoming dress, even, though it may seem
ridiculous, the narrow and neat purple-border, the calm-
ness in the theatre, the moderation in applause—all this
forms the honour of your town; therein more than in
your ports and walls and docks appears the good old
Hellenic habit; and thereby even the barbarian, who
knows not the name of the city, perceives that he is in
Greece and not in Syria or Cilicia.” All this was to the
point ; but, if it was no longer required now of the citizen

Municipal
administra-
tion,

Plutarch’s
view of its
duties.

286 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

to die for the city of his fathers, the question was at any rate
not without warrant, whether it was still worth the trouble
to live for that city. There exists a disquisition by
Plutarch as to the position of the Greek municipal official
in his time, wherein he discusses these relations with the
fairness and circumspection characteristic of him. The
old difficulty of conducting the good administration of
public affairs by means of majorities of the citizens—un-
certain, capricious, often bethinking them more of their
own advantage than of that of the commonwealth—or
even of the very numerous council-board—the Athenian
numbered in the imperial period first 600, then 700,
later 750 town-councillors—subsisted now, as formerly :
it is the duty of the capable magistrate to prevent the
“people” from inflicting wrong on the individual burgess,
from appropriating to themselves unallowably private pro-
perty, from distributing among them the municipal property
——tasks which are not rendered the easier by the fact that
the magistrate has no means for the purpose but judicious
admonition and the art of the demagogue, that it is
further suggested to him not to be too punctilious in
such things, and, if at a city festival a moderate largess
to the burgesses is proposed, not to spoil matters with the
people on account of such a trifle. But in other respects
the circumstances had entirely changed, and the official
must learn to adapt himself to things as they are. First
of all he has to keep the powerlessness of the Hellenes
present at every moment to himself and to his fellow-
citizens. The freedom of the community reaches so far
as the rulers allow it, and anything more would doubtless
be evil. When Pericles put on the robes of office, he
called to himself not to forget that he was ruling over
free men and Greeks ; to-day the magistrate has to say
to himself that he rules under a ruler, over a town subject
to proconsuls and imperial procurators, that he can and
may be nothing but the organ of the government, that
a stroke of the governor’s pen suffices to annul any one
of his decrees. Therefore it is the first duty of a good
magistrate to place himself on a good understanding with

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 287

the Romans, and, if possible, to form influential connec-
tions in Rome, that these may benefit his native place.
It is true that the upright man warns urgently against
servility ; in case of need the magistrate ought courage-
ously to confront the bad governor, and the resolute
championship of the community in such conflicts at Rome
before the emperor appears as the highest service. In a
significant way he sharply censures those Greeks who—
quite as in the times of the Achaean league—call for the
intervention of the Roman governor in every local quarrel,
and urgently exhorts them rather to settle the communal
affairs within the community than by appeal to give them-
selves into the hands, not so much of the supreme
authority, as of the pleaders and advocates that practise
before it. All this is judicious and patriotic, as judicious
and patriotic as was formerly the policy of Polybius, which
is expressly referred to. At this epoch of complete world-
peace, when there was neither a Greek nor a barbarian
war anywhere, when civic commands, civic treaties of
peace and alliances belonged solely to history, the advice
was very reasonable to leave Marathon and Plataeae
to the schoolmasters, and not to heat the heads of the
Ecclesia by such grand words, but rather to content them-
selves with the narrow circle of the free movement still
allowed tothem. The world, however, belongs not to reason
but to passion. The Hellenic burgess could still even
now do his duty towards his fatherland ; but for the true
political ambition striving after what was great, for the
passion of Pericles and Alcibiades, there was in this
Hellas—apart perhaps from the writing-desk—nowhere
any room; and in the vacant space there flourished the
poisonous herbs which, wherever high effort is arrested in
the bud, harden and embitter the. human heart.

Therefore Hellas was the motherland of the degenerate,
empty ambition which was perhaps the most general, and
certainly among the most pernicious, of the many sore evils
of the decaying ancient civilisation. Here in the first
rank stood the popular festivals with their prize competi-
tions. The Olympic rivalries well beseemed the youthful

Games.

288 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII,

people of the Hellenes; the general gymnastic festival
of the Greek tribes and towns, and the chaplet plaited
from the branches of the olive for the ablest runner ac-
cording to the decision of the “ Hellas-judges,” were the
innocent and simple expression of the young nation as a
collective unity. But their political development had soon
carried them beyond this early dawn. Already in the
days of the Athenian naval league, or at least of the
monarchy of Alexander, that festival of the Hellenes was
an anachronism, a childs’ play continued in the age of
manhood ; the fact, that the possessor of that olive wreath
passed at least with himself and his fellow-citizens as
holder of the national primacy, had nearly as much signi-
ficance, as if in England the victors in the students’ boat
races were to be placed on a level with Pitt and Beacons-
field. The extension of the Hellenic nation by colonising
and Hellenising found, amidst its ideal unity and real dis-
ruption, its true expression in this dreamy realm of the
olive-wreath ; and the materialist policy of the time of
the Diadochi thereupon gave itself, as was meet, but little
trouble on the subject. But when the imperial period
after its fashion took up the Panhellenic idea, and the
Romans entered into the rights and duties of the Hellenes,
then Olympia remained or became the true symbol for the
Roman “All-Hellas”; at any rate the first Roman Olympic
victor appears under Augustus, and in the person of no less
than Augustus’s stepson, the subsequent emperor Tiberius.’
The far from pure marriage-alliance, which Allhellenism
entered into with the demon of play, converted these
festivals into an institution as powerful and lasting as it
was injurious in general, and especially for Hellas. The
whole Hellenic and Hellenising world took part therein,

1 The first Roman Olympionices, the conqueror was rather his son
of whom we know, is Ti. Claudius Germanicus, likewise with the four-

Ti. f. Nero, beyond doubt the sub-
sequent emperor, with the four-in-
hand (Arch. Zeit. 1880, p. 53); this
victory falls probably in Ol. 195
(A.D. 1), not in Ol. 99 (A.D. 17), as
the list of Africanus states (Euseb.
i. p. 214, Schöne). In this year

in-hand (Arch. Zeit. 1879, p. 36).
Among the eponymous Olympionicae,
the victors in the stadium, no Roman
is found ; this wounding of the Greek
national feeling seems to have been
avoided.

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 289

sending deputies to them and imitating them ; everywhere
similar festivals destined for the whole Greek world sprang
from the soil, and the zealous participation of the masses
at large, the general interest felt in the individual competi-
tors, the pride not merely of the victor but of his ad-
herents and of his native land, made people almost forget
what in the strict sense were the things contended for.
Not merely did the Roman government allow free
scope to this rivalry in gymnastic and other competitions,
but the empire took part in them ; the right solemnly to
fetch home the victor to his native city did not in
the imperial period depend on the pleasure of the bur-
gesses concerned, but was conferred on the individual
agonistic institutes by imperial charter,’ and in this case
also the yearly pension (ciryows) assigned to the victor
was charged upon the imperial exchequer, and the more
important agonistic institutes were treated directly as
imperial institutions. This interest in games seized all the
provinces as well as the empire itself; but Greece proper
was always the ideal centre of such contests and victories.
Here was their home on the Alpheus; here the seat of
the oldest imitations, of the Pythia, Isthmia, and Nemea,
still belonging to the great times of the Hellenic name
and glorified by its classic poets, and no less of a number
of more recent but richly equipped similar festivals, the
Euryclea, which the just-mentioned lord of Sparta had
founded under Augustus, the Athenian Panathenaea, the
Panhellenia, endowed by Hadrian with imperial muni-
ficence and likewise celebrated at Athens. It might
be matter for wonder that the whole world of the wide
empire seemed to revolve round these gymnastic festivals,
but not that the Hellenes above all got intoxicated over
this rare cup of enchantment, and that the life of political
quiet, which their best men recommended to them, was in

1 An agonistic institute thus privi-
leged is termed d-ydy lepós, certamen
sacrum (that is, with pensioning: Dio,
li. 1), or dyady elcedacrixds, certamen
éselasticum (comp. among others, Plin.
ad Tras, 118, 119; C. Z. Z. x. 515).

VOL. I.

The Xystarchia too is, at least in
certain cases, conferred by the em-
peror (Dittenberger, Hermes, xii. 17
f.). Not without warrant these in-
stitutes called themselves ‘* world-
games ” (yòy olxoupepixés).

19

Universal
interest in
them.

Municipal
ambition.

Its honours
and their

evils,

290 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

the most injurious way disturbed by the wreaths and the
statues and the privileges of the festal victors.

Civic institutions took a similar course, certainly in
the empire as a whole, but again more especially in Hellas.
When great aims and an ambition still existed there, in
Hellas, just as in Rome, the pursuit of public offices and
public honours had formed the centre of political emula-
tion, and had called forth, along with much that was empty,
ridiculous, mischievous, also the ablest and noblest services.
Now the kernel had vanished and the husk remained; —
in Panopeus, in the Phocian territory, the houses were
roofless, and the citizens dwelt in huts, but it was still
a city, indeed a state, and in the procession of the Phocian
communities the Panopeans were not wanting. These
towns, with their magistracies and priesthoods, with their
laudatory decrees proclaimed by herald and their seats of
honour in the public assemblies, with the purple dress
and the diadem, with statues on foot and on horseback,
drove a trade in vanity and money-jobbing worse than
the pettiest paltry prince of modern times with his orders
and titles. There would not be wanting even amidst these
incidents real merit and honourable gratitude ; but gene-
rally it was a trade of giving and taking, or, to use
Plutarch’s language, an affair as between a courtesan and
her customers. As at the present day private munificence
in the positive degree procures an order, in the superla-
tive a patent of nobility, so it then procured the priestly
purple and the statue in the market place; and it is not
with impunity that the state issues a spurious coinage of
its honours.

As regards the scale of conducting such proceedings
and the grossness of their forms the doings of the present
day fall considerably behind those of the ancient world,
as is natural, seeing that the seeming autonomy of the
community, not sufficiently restrained by the idea of the
State, bore unhindered sway in this domain, and the de-
creeing authorities throughout were the burgesses or the
councils of petty towns. The consequences were pernicious
on both sides; the municipal offices were given away

eee ee OO ee ee | ep en eee

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 291

more according to the ability to pay than according to
the aptitude of the candidates; the banquets and largesses
made the recipients none the richer, and often impoverished
the donor; to the increased aversion for labour and
the decay in the means of good families, this evil habit
contributed its full share. The economy of the communi-
ties themselves also suffered severely under the spreading
evil of adulation. No doubt the honours, with which
the community thanked the individual benefactor, were
measured in great part by the same rational principle
of cheapness which governs at the present day similar de-
corative favours; and, when that was not the case, the
benefactor frequently found himself ready, for example,
personally to pay for the statue to be erected in his
honour. But the same did not apply to the marks of
honour which the community showed to foreigners of
rank, above all to the governors and the emperors, and to
the members of the imperial house. The tendency of
the time to set value even on meaningless and enforced
homage did not dominate the imperial court and the
Roman senators so much as the circles of ambition in the
petty town, but yet it did so in a very perceptible way ;
and, as a matter of course, the honours and the homage
grew withal in the course of time through misuses to
which they were put, and, further, in the same proportion
as the worthlessness of the personages governing or taking
part in the government. In this respect, as might be
conceived, the supply of honours was always stronger than
the demand for them, and those who correctly valued
such marks of homage, in order to remain spared from
it, were compelled to decline them, which seems to
have been done often enough in individual cases,’ but
seldom with consistency—for Tiberius, the small number

1 The emperor Gaius declines, in
his letter to the diet of Achaia, the
‘*preat number” of statues adjudged
to him, and contents himself with
the four of Olympia, Nemea, Delphi,
and the Isthmus (Keil, /zscr. Boeot.
n. 31). The same diet resolves to

set up a statue to the emperor
Hadrian in each of its towns, of
which the base of that set up at
Abea in Messenia has been pre-
served (C. Z. Gr. 1307). Imperial
authorisation for such erections was
required from the first.

>»

Trade and
intercourse.

292 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.
of statues erected to him may perhaps be recorded among
his titles to honour. The disbursements for honorary
memorials, which often went far beyond the simple statue,
and for honorary embassies,! were a cancer, and became
ever more so, in the municipal economy of all the pro-
vinces. But none perhaps expended uselessly sums so
large in proportion to its slender ability to furnish them
as the province of Hellas, the motherland of municipal
honours as of rewards for the festal victor, and unexcelled
at this period in one pre-eminence—that of menial
humility and abject homage.

That the economic circumstances of Greece were not
favourable, scarce needs to be specially set forth in detail.
The land, taken on the whole, was but of moderate
fertility, the agricultural portions of limited extent, the
culture of the vine on the mainland not of prominent im-
portance, that of the olive more so. As the quarries of
the famous marble—the shining white Attic and the green
Carystian—belonged, like most others, to the domanial
possessions, the working of them by imperial slaves
tended little to benefit the population.

The most assiduous of the Greek districts from an in-

_ dustrial point of view was that of the Achaeans, where the

manufacture of woollen stuffs, that had long existed, main-
tained its ground, and in the well-peopled town of Patrae
numerous looms worked up the fine flax of Elis into
clothing and head-dresses. Art and art-handiwork still
continued chiefly in the hands of the Greeks ; and of the
masses in particular of Pentelic marble, which the imperial
period made use of, no small portion must have been
worked up on the spot. But it was predominantly
abroad that the Greeks practised both; of the export of
Greek art-products formerly so important there is little
mention at this period. The city of the two seas, Corinth

1 At the revision of the town-ac-
counts of Byzantium, Pliny found
that annually 12,000 sesterces (£ 125)
were set down for the conveyance of
new-year’s good wishes by a special
deputation to the emperor, and 3000

sesterces (£32) for the same to the
governor of Moesia. Pliny instructs
the authorities to send these con-
gratulations thenceforth only in writ-
ing, which Trajan approves (Zp. ad
Trai. 43, 44).

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 293

—the metropolis common to all Hellenes, constantly
swarming with foreigners, as a rhetorician describes it—
had the most stirring traffic. In the two Roman colonies
of Corinth and Patrae, and, moreover, in Athens constantly
filled by strangers seeing and learning, was concentrated
the larger banking-business of the province, which, in the
imperial period, as in the republican, lay largely in the
hands of Italians settled there. In places too of the
second rank, as in Argos, Elis, Mantinea in the Pelopon-
nesus, the Roman merchants who were settled formed
societies of their own, standing alongside of the burgesses.
In general trade and commerce were at a low ebb in
Achaia, particularly since Rhodes and Delos had ceased
to be emporia for the carrying traffic between Asia and
Europe, and the latter had been drawn to Italy. Piracy
was restrained, and even the land-routes were tolerably
secure! ; but withal the old happy times did not return.
The desolation of the Piraeus has been already mentioned ;
it was an event when one of the great Egyptian corn ships
once strayed thither. Nauplia, the port of Argos, the
most considerable coast town of the Peloponnesus after
Patrae, lay likewise desolate.

1 That the land-routes of Greece torical, the possession would have

were specially unsafe, we do not
learn ; as to what was the nature of
the insurrection in Achaia under Pius
(Veta, 5, 4), we are quite in the
dark. If the robber-chief gener-
ally—and not precisely the Greek one
—plays a prominent part in the light
literature of the epoch, this vehicle is
common to the bad romance-writers
of all ages, The Euboean desert of
the more polished Dio was not a
robber’s nest, but it was the wreck
of a great landed estate, whose pos-
sessor had been condemned on ac-
count of his wealth by the emperor,
and which thenceforth lay waste.
Moreover it is here apparent—as in-
deed needs no proof, at least for
those who are non-scholars—that this
history is just as true as most which
begin by stating that the narrator
himself had it from the person con-
cerned; if the confiscation were his-

come to the exchequer, not to the
town, which the narrator accordingly
takes good care not to name.

2 The naive description of Achaia
by an Egyptian merchant of Con-
stantius’s time may find a place here :
—“‘ The land of Achaia, Greece, and
Laconia has much of learning, but is
inadequate for other things needful ;
for it is a small and mountainous
province, and cannot furnish much
corn, but produces some oil and the
Attic honey, and can be praised more
on account of the schools and elo-
quence, but not so in most other
respects. Of towns it has Corinth
and Athens. Corinth has much com-
merce, and a fine building, the am-
phitheatre; but Athens hasold pictures
(istorias antiguas), and a work worth
mentioning, the citadel, where many
statues stand and wonderfully set
forth the war-deeds of the forefathers

294 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

Roads. It is in accordance with this state of things that vir-
tually nothing was done for the roads of this province in
the imperial period; Roman milestones have been found
only in the immediate vicinity of Patrae and of Athens,
and even these belong to the emperors of the end of the
third and of the fourth century; evidently the earlier
governments renounced the idea of restoring communi-
cations here. Hadrian alone undertook at least to make
the equally important and short land-connection between
Corinth and Megara—by way of the wretched pass of the
“ Scironian cliffs”—-into a practicable road by means of

huge embankments thrown into the sea.

Piercing ot The long-discussed plan of piercing the Corinthian

A isthmus, which the dictator Caesar had conceived, was
subsequently attempted, first by the emperor Gaius and
then by Nero. The latter even, on occasion of his abode
in Greece, personally took the first step towards the canal,
and caused 6000 Jewish captives to work at it for a series
of months. In connection with the cutting operations
resumed in our own day, considerable remains of these
buildings have been brought to light, which show that
the works were tolerably far advanced when they were
broken off, probably not in consequence of the revolution
that broke out some time afterwards in the West, but
because here, just as with the similar Egyptian canal, in
consequence of the difference of level that was erroneously
assumed to exist between the two seas, there were appre-
hensions of the destruction of the island of Aegina and
of further mischief on the completion of the canal. No
doubt had this canal been completed, it would have
shortened the course of traffic between Asia and Italy,
but it would not have tended specially to benefit Greece
itself.

Epirus, It has already been remarked (p. 256) that the regions

(ubi multis statuis stantibus mirabileest people call the Lacedaemonian.” The
videre dicendum antiquorum bellum). barbarism of expression is to be set
Laconia is said alone to have the down to the account, not of the writer,
marble of Croceae to show, which but of the much later translator.

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 295

to the north of Hellas, Thessaly, and Macedonia, and at
least from Trajan’s time Epirus, were in the imperial
period separated administratively from Greece. Of these
the small Epirot province, which was administered by an
imperial governor of the second rank, never recovered
from the devastation to which it had been subjected in
the course of the third Macedonian war (ii. 329). The
mountainous and poor interior possessed no city of note
and a thinly-scattered population. Augustus had en-
deavoured to raise the not less desolated coast by the
construction of two towns—by the completion of the
colony of Roman citizens already resolved on by Caesar
in Buthrotum over against Corcyra, which, however, at-
tained no true prosperity, and by the founding of the
Greek town Nicopolis, just at the spot where the head-
quarters had been stationed before the decisive battle of
Actium, at the southernmost point of Epirus, about
an hour and a half north of Prevesa, according to the
design of Augustus, at once a permanent memorial of the
great naval victory and the centre of a newly flourishing
Hellenic life. This foundation was new in its kind as
Roman.! The words of a contemporary Greek poet,
which we quote below, simply express what Augustus here
did ; he united the whole surrounding territory, southern
Epirus, the opposite region of Acarnania with the island
of Leucas, and even a portion of Aetolia into one urban
domain, and transferred the inhabitants still left in the
decaying townships there existing to the new city of
Nicopolis, opposite to which on the Acarnanian shore the
old temple of the Actian Apollo was magnificently re-
newed and enlarged.

A Roman city had never been founded in this way ;
this was the syzoekismos of the successors of Alexander.
Quite in the same way had king Cassander constituted

1 Aeuxddos dyrl pe Kaîsap, lò ’Ap- dore’ émOpioxwy Öovpopavhs ré-
Bpaxlys épcBddov, AeKos,
Ouppelou re wéXev, dyrl T’ ’Avax- elcaro Nixdbrody, Belyy wrédv> DTL
Toplov, de virens
"Apyeos "Audrddxov Te, kèt òtTTóca poißos dva ratryy déxvurat Ax-
paloaro kÚkNy Tiddos.

Anthol. Gr. ix. 553.

ii. 309.

Nicopolis,

Its charac-
ter and
privileges.

296 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.
the Macedonian towns Thessalonica and Cassandreia,
Demetrius Poliorcetes the Thessalian town Demetrias,
and Lysimachus the town of Lysimachia on the Thracian
Chersonese out of a number of surrounding townships
divested of their independence. In keeping with the
Greek character of the foundation Nicopolis was, according
to the intention of its founder, to become a Greek city on
a great scale! It obtained freedom and autonomy like
Athens and Sparta, and was intended, as already stated,
to wield the fifth part of the votes in the Amphictiony
representing all Hellas, and to do so, like Athens, without
alternating with other towns (p. 254). This new Actian
shrine of Apollo was erected quite after the model of
Olympia, with a quadriennial, festival, which even bore
. the name of “Olympia” alongside of its own, had equal
rank and equal privileges, and even its Actiads as the
former had its Olympiads ;? the town of Nicopolis stood
related to it like the town of Elis to the Olympian
temple. Everything properly Italian was carefully
avoided in the erection of the town as well as in the
religious arrangements, however natural it might be to
mould after the Roman fashion the “city of victory” so
intimately associated with the founding of the empire.
Whoever considers the arrangements of Augustus in

1 When Tacitus, Ann. v. 10, (dpxala). As competitive games are

names Nicopolis a colonia Romana,
the statement is one liable to be mis-
understood, but not exactly incorrect ;
but that of Pliny (Æ. N. iv. 1, 5),
colonia Augusti Actium cum...

civitate libera Nicopolitana, is errone-

ous, as Actium was as little a town
as Olympia.

2°O dydv ’Oddpmos rà "Axta,
Strabo, vii. 7, 6, p. 325; ‘Axrids,
Josephus, Sell, Jud. i. 20, 4;
*"Axriovlens oftener. As the four
great Greek national festivals are, as
is well known, termed % meplodos,
and the victor crowned in all four
weptodovlkns, so in C. J. Gr. 4472
Ths wepiddov is appended also to the
games of Nicopolis, and the former
meptóðos is designated as the ancient

frequently called lcodtumia, so we find
also dyw lodxrios (C. Z. Gr. 4472),
or certamen ad exemplar Actiacae re-
ligionis (Tacitus, Ann. xv. 23).

3 Thus a Nicopolite terms himself
Epxwy ris lepis 'Axriaxfs Bovis
(Delphi, Ahern. Mus. N. F. ii. 111),
as in Elis the expression is used:
% róis "Hrelwy cat % ’ONuperixh Bovdy
(Arch. Zeit. 1876, p. 573 similarly
sbid. 1877, pp. 40, 41 and elsewhere).
Moreover the Spartans, as the only
Hellenes that took part in the victory
at Actium, obtained the conduct
(éryuéXea) of the Actian games
(Strabo, vii. 7, 6 p. 325): their
relation to the PovdA} ‘Axriac} of
Nicopolis we do not know.

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 297

Hellas in this connection, and especially this remarkable
corner-stone, will not be able to resist the conviction
that Augustus believed that a reorganisation of Hellas
under the protection of the Roman principate was
practicable, and wished to carry it out. The locality at
least was well chosen for it, as at that time, before the
foundation of Patrae, there was no larger city on the
whole Greek west coast. But what Augustus may have
hoped for at the commencement of his sole rule, he did
not attain, and perhaps even subsequently abandoned,
when he gave to Patrae the form of a Roman colony.
Nicopolis remained, as the extensive ruins and the
numerous coins show, comparatively populous and
flourishing ;} but its citizens do not appear to have
taken a prominent part in commerce and manufactures
or otherwise. Northern Epirus, which, like the adjoining
Illyricum bordering on Macedonia, was in greater part
inhabited by Albanian tribes and was not placed under
Nicopolis, continued during the imperial period in its
primitive condition, which still subsists in some measure at
the present day. “Epirus and Illyricum,” says Strabo,
“are in great part a desert; where men are found, they
dwell in villages and in ruins of earlier towns ; even the
oracle of Dodona,”’—laid waste in the Mithradatic war
by the Thracians (iii. 312),—‘“is extinct like everything
else.” ?

Thessaly, in itself a purely Hellenic district as well
as Aetolia and Acarnania, was in the imperial period
Separated administratively from the province of Achaia

1 The description of its decay in
the time of Constantius (Paneg. 11, 9)
is an evidence to the opposite effect
for the earlier times of the empire.

2 The excavations at Dodona
have confirmed this; all the articles
found belong to the pre-Roman period
except some coins. Certainly a restor-
ation of the building took place, the
time of which cannot be determined ;
perhaps it was quite late. When

Hadrian, who is named Zeds Awdovatos
(C. 1. Gr. 1822), visited Dodona
(Dürr, Reisen Haarians, p. 56) he
did so as an archaeologist. A con-
sultation of the oracle during the
imperial period is only reported—
and that not after the most trust-
worthy manner—in the case of the
emperor Julian (Theodoretus, Æist.
Ecel, iii. 21).

iti, 296.

Thessaly.

Macedonia.

298 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VII.

and placed under the governor of Macedonia. What
holds true of northern Greece applies also to Thessaly.
The freedom and autonomy which Caesar had allowed
generally to the Thessalians, or rather had not with-
drawn from them, seem to have been withdrawn, on
account of misuse, from them by Augustus, so that
subsequently Pharsalus alone retained this legal position ;*
Roman colonists were not settled in the district. It
retained its separate diet in Larisa, and civic self-adminis-
tration was left with the Thessalians, as with the dependent
Greeks in Achaia. Thessaly was far the most fertile
region of the whole peninsula, and still exported grain in
the fourth century ; nevertheless Dio of Prusa says that
even the Peneus flows through waste land; and in the
imperial period money was coined in this region only to
a very small extent. Hadrian and Diocletian exerted
themselves to restore the roads of the country, but they
alone, so far as we see, of the Roman emperors did so.

Macedonia, as a Roman administrative district under
the empire, was materially curtailed as compared with
the Macedonia of the republic. Certainly, like the latter,
it reached from sea to sea, inasmuch as the coast as
well of the Aegean Sea from the region of Thessaly
belonging to Macedonia as far as the mouth of the
Nestus (Mesta), as of the Adriatic from the Aous? as
far as the Drilon (Drin), was reckoned to this district ;
the latter territory, not properly Macedonian but Illyrian

1 The ordinance of Caesar is at-
tested by Appian, Z. C. ii. 88, and
Plutarch, Caes. 48, and it very well
accords with his own account, &. C.
ili, 80; whereas Pliny, Æ. W. iv. 8,
29, names only Pharsalus as a free
town. In Augustus’ time a Thessalian
of note, Petraeos (probably the partisan
of Caesar, B. C. iii. 35), was burnt
alive (Plutarch, Praec. ger. reip. 19);
doubtless not by a private crime, but
according to resolution of the diet,

and so the Thessalians were brought
before the tribunal of the emperor
(Suetonius, 77. 8), Presumably the
two incidents and likewise the loss
of freedom stand connected.

2 In the time of the republic Scodra
seems to have belonged to Macedonia
(iii. 181) ; in the imperial period this
and Lissus are Dalmatian towns, and
the mouth of the Drin forms the
boundary on the west.

ill. 17%

CHAP. VII, GREEK EUROPE. 299

land, but already in the republican period assigned to
the governor of Macedonia (iii. 44), remained with the
province also during the time of the empire. But we
have already stated that Greece south of Oeta was
separated from it. The northern frontier towards Moesia
and the east frontier towards Thrace remained indeed
in so far unaltered, as the province in the imperial period
reached as far as the Macedonia proper of the republic
had reached, viz. on the north almost as far as the vale
of the Erigon, eastward as far as the river Nestus; but
while in the time of the republic the Dardani and the
Thracians, and all the tribes of the north and north-east
adjoining the Macedonian territory, had to do with this
governor in their circumstances of peaceful or warlike
contact, and in so far it could be said that the Macedonian
boundary reached as far as the Roman lances, the
Macedonian governor of the imperial period bore sway
only over the district assigned to him, which no longer
bordered on neighbours half or wholly independent.
As the defence of the frontier was transferred in the
first instance to the kingdom of the Thracians which
had come under allegiance to Rome, and soon to the
governor of the new province Moesia, the governor of
Macedonia was from the outset relieved of his command.
There was hardly any fighting on Macedonian soil under
the empire; only the barbarian Dardani on the upper
Axius (Vardar) still at times pillaged the peaceful
neighbouring province. There is no report, moreover,
from this province of any local revolts.

From the more southerly Greek districts this—the
most northerly—stood aloof as well in its national basis
as in the stage of its civilisation. While the Macedonians
proper on the lower course of the Haliacmon (Vistritza)
and the Axius (Vardar), as far as the Strymon, were an
originally Greek stock, whose diversity from the more
southern Hellenes had no further significance for the
present epoch, and while the Hellenic colonisation
embraced within its sphere both coasts—-on the west
with Apollonia and Dyrrachium, on the east in particular

iii, 42.

Nation-
alities.

300 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIIL

with the townships of the Chalcidian peninsula—the
interior of the province, on the other hand, was filled
with a confused mass of non-Greek peoples, which must
have differed from the present state of things in the same
region more as to elements than as to results. After
the Celts who had pushed forward into this region, the
Scordisci, had been driven back by the generals of the
Roman republic, the interior of Macedonia fell to the
share especially of Illyrian stocks in the west and north,
of Thracian in the east. Of both we have already spoken
previously ; here they come into consideration only so
far as the Greek organisation, at least the urban, was
probably introduced—as in the earlier,’ so also in the
imperial period—-among these stocks only in a very
limited measure. On the whole, an energetic impulse
of urban development never pervaded the interior of
Macedonia ; the more remote districts hardly reached—at
least as in a real sense—beyond the village-system.

The Greek polity itself was not a spontaneous growth
in this monarchical country, as it was in Hellas proper,
but was introduced by the princes, who were more Hellenes
than their subjects. What shape it had is little known ;
yet the civic presidency of politarchs uniformly recurring
in Thessalonica, Edessa, Lete, and not met with elsewhere,
leads us to infer a perceptible, and indeed in itself prob-
able, diversity of the Macedonian urban constitution from
that elsewhere usual in Hellas. The Greek cities, which
the Romans found existing, retained their organisation and
their rights ; Thessalonica, the most considerable of them,
also freedom and autonomy. There existed a league and
a diet (xowóv) of the Macedonian towns, similar to those
in Achaia and Thessaly. It deserves miention;as an evi- —

- dence-ef-the continued working of the > memories of the

Greek
polity.

1 The towns founded in these
regions outside of Macedonia proper
bear quite the character of colonies
proper; e.g. that of Philippi in the
Thracian land, and especially that of
Derriopus in Paeonia (Liv. xxxix. 53),
for which latter place also the dis-

tinctively Macedonian politarchs have
epigraphic attestation (inscription of
the year 197 A.D., ray wept "AXE€-
avõpov Ditiwrou év Aepplor ToN-
Tapx@v, Duchesne and Bayet, Mission
au mont Athos, p. 103).

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 301

old and great times, that sti f fethe third —
i e diet of Macedonia and individual —

Macedonian--towns-issued “coins on-which; implace of the
—~“héad-and-the-nramre Uf the re e reigning emp emperor, came those
_ of Alexander-the Great. The pretty numerous’ colonies _

- -of Roman Burgesses which Augustus established in Mace- -
donia, Byllis not- far from Apollonia, Dyrrachium on the
Adriatic, on the other. coast Dium, Pella, Cassandreia, im-
the region of Thrace proper Philippi. were. all. of them
older Greek towns, which obtained merely a. number. -of--~--
new burgesses and. a. different. egal. pasition,.and were
called into life primarily by the. need of providing quarters
in a civilised and not greatly populous proyince for Italian |
soldiers who had served. their time, and for whom there _

= was no longer _room_in_ Italy itself. The granting of

Malian rights certainly took place only to gild for the
veterans their settlement abroad. That it was. never
“mtended “to draw Macedonia into the development of
Italian culture is evinced, apart from all else, by the fact.

" that Thessalonica remained Greek and the capital of the .

| country. _By its side flourished Philippi, properly a mining. _
town, constituted on account of the neighbouring gold _
mines, favoured by the emperors as the seat of the battle
which definitively founded the monarchy, and on account
of the numerous veterans who took part in it and subse-

~ quently settled there. A Roman, not colonial, municipal

_ constitution was obtained already in the first period of-the
empire by Stobi, the already mentioned most northerly
frontier-town of Macedonia towards Moesia, at the conflu-
ence of the Erigon with the Axius, in a commercial as in
a military point of view an important position, and which,
it may be conjectured, had already in the Macedonian
time attained to Greek polity.

= In an economic point of view little was done on the Economy.
part of the state for Macedonia under the emperors ; at ya =
least there is no appearance of any special care on their
part for this province, which was not put under their own
administration. The military road already constructed
under the republic right across the country from

Thrace,

302 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII

Dyrrachium to Thessalonica, one of the most important
arteries of intercourse in the whole empire, called forth re-
newed effort, so far as we know, only from emperors of the
third century, and first from Severus Antoninus; the ©
towns adjacent to it, Lychnidus on the Ochrida-lake and
Heraclea Lyncestis (Bitolia), were never of much account.
Yet Macedonia was, economically, better situated than
Greece. It far excelled it in fertility; as still at present
the province of Thessalonica is relatively well cultivated
and well peopled, so in the description of the empire
from the time of Constantius, at all events when Constan-
tinople was already in existence, Macedonia is reckoned
among the specially wealthy districts. If for Achaia and
Thessaly our documents concerning the Roman levy are
absolutely silent, Macedonia on the other hand was drawn
upon, in particular for the imperial guard, to a considerable
extent, more strongly than the most of the Greek dis-
tricts—on which, no doubt, the familiarity of the Mace-
donians with regular war-service and their excellent
qualifications for it, and probably also the relatively small
development of the urban system in this province, had an
important bearing. Thessalonica, the metropolis of the
province, and its most populous and most industrial town
at this time, represented likewise under various forms in
literature, has also secured to itself an honourable place in
political history by the brave resistance which its citizens
opposed to the barbarians in the terrible times of the
Gothic invasions (p. 248).

If Macedonia was a half-Greek, Thrace was a non-
Greek land. Of the great but for us vanished Thracian
stock we have formerly (p. 207) spoken. Into its domain
Hellenism came simply from without ; and it will not be
superfluous in the first instance to glance back and to set
forth how often Hellenism had previously knocked at the
gates of the most southerly region which this stock pos-
sessed, and which we still name after it, and how little it

CHAP. VIL. GREEK EUROPE 303

had hitherto penetrated into the interior, in order to make
clear what was left for Rome here to overtake and what
it did overtake. Philip, the father of Alexander, first
subjected Thrace, and founded not merely Calybe in the
neighbourhood of Byzantium, but also in the heart of the
land the town which thenceforth bore his name. Alex-
ander, here too the precursor of Roman policy, arrived at
and crossed the Danube, and made this stream the northern
boundary of his empire ; the Thracians in his army played
by no means the least part in the subjugation of Asia.
After his death the Hellespont seemed as though it would
become one of the great centres of the new formation of
states, and the wide domain from thence to the Danube’?
as though it would become the northern half of a Greek
empire, and would promise for the capital of Lysimachus,
the former governor of Thrace—the town of Lysimachia,
newly established in the Thracian Chersonese—a like
future as for the capitals of the marshals of Syria and
Egypt. But this result was not attained ; the independ-
ence of this kingdom did not survive the fall of its first
ruler (281 B.C., 473 U.C.) In the century which elapsed
from that time to the establishment of the ascendancy of
Rome in the East, attempts were made, sometimes by the
Seleucids, sometimes by the Ptolemies, sometimes by the
Attalids, to bring the European possessions of Lysimachus
under their power, but all of them without lasting result.
The empire of Tylis in the Haemus, which the Celts not
long after the death of Alexander, and nearly at the same
time with their permanent settlement in Asia Minor, had
founded in the Moeso-Thracian territory, destroyed the
seed of Greek civilisation within its sphere, and itself
succumbed during the Hannibalic war to the assaults of
the Thracians, who extirpated these intruders to the last
man. Thenceforth there was not in Thrace any leading
power at all; the relations subsisting between the Greek
coast-towns and the princes of the several tribes, which
would probably correspond approximately to those before

1 That for Lysimachus the Danube was the boundary of the empire, is
evident from Pausanias, i. 9, 6.

Philip and
Alexander,

Lysima-
chus.

Empire of
Tylis.

304 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK. VIII.

Alexander’s time, are illustrated by the description which
Polybius gives of the most important of these towns:
“Where the Byzantines had sowed, there the Thracian
barbarians reaped, and against these neither the sword
nor money is of avail; if the citizens kill one of the
princes, three others thereupon invade their territory, and,
if they buy off one, five more demand the like annual

payment.”
Later The efforts on the part of the later Macedonian rulers
Mace- to gain once more a firm footing in Thrace, and in par-

doni 2
rulers. ticular to bring under their power the Greek towns of the

south coast, were opposed by the Romans, partly in order to
keep down the development of Macedonia’s power gener-
ally, partly in order not to allow the important “ royal
road” leading to the East—that along which Xerxes
marched to Greece and the Scipios marched against
Antiochus—to fall in all its extent into Macedonian
hands. Already, after the battle at Cynoscephalae, the
frontier-line was drawn nearly such as it thenceforth
remained. The two last Macedonian rulers made several
attempts, either directly to establish themselves in Thrace
or to attach to themselves its individual rulers by treaties ;
the last Philip even gained over Philippopolis once more,
and put into it a garrison, which, it is true, the Odrysae
soon drove out afresh. Neither he nor his son succeeded
in placing matters on a permanent footing ; and the in-
dependence conceded by Rome to the Thracians after the
breaking up of Macedonia destroyed whatever Hellenic
germs might still be left there. Thrace itself became—
in part already in the republican, and more decidedly in
the imperial period—a Roman vassal-principality, and
then in 46 a Roman province (p. 211); but the Hellenis-
ing of the land had not passed beyond the fringe of Greek
colonial towns, which in the earliest period had been
established round this coast, and in course of time had
sunk rather than risen. Powerful and permanent as was
the hold of Macedonian civilisation on the East, as weak
and perishable was its contact with Thrace; Philip and
Alexander themselves appear to have reluctantly under-

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE.

taken, and to have but lightly valued, their settlements in
this land? Till far into the imperial period the land
remained with the natives; the Greek towns that were
still left along the coast, almost all on the decline, remained
without any Greek land in their rear.

This belt of Hellenic towns stretching from the
Macedonian frontier to the Tauric Chersonese was of very
unequal texture. In the south it was close and compact
from Abdera onward to Byzantium on the Dardanelles; yet
none of these towns held a prominent position in later
times with the exception of Byzantium, which through
the fertility of its territory, its productive tunny fisheries,
its uncommonly favourable position for trade, its industrial
diligence, and the energy of its citizens—heightened
merely and hardened by its exposed situation—was
enabled to defy even the worst times of Hellenic anarchy.
Far more scantily had the settlements developed them-
selves on the west coast of the Black Sea; among those
subsequently belonging to the Roman province of Thrace
Mesembria alone was of some importance ; among those
subsequently Moesian Odessus (Varna) and Tomis (Kiis-
tendje). Beyond the mouths of the Danube and the
boundary of the Roman empire, on the northern shore of
the Pontus, there lay amidst the barbarian land Tyra? and
Olbia ; further on, the old and great Greek mercantile
cities in what is now the Crimea—Heraclea or Chersonesus
and Panticapaeum—formed a stately copestonc.

All these settlements enjoyed Roman protection, after
the Romans had become generally the leading power on
the Graeco-Asiatic continent ; and the strong arm, which
often came down heavily on the Hellenic land proper,
prevented here at least disasters like the destruction of
Lysimachia. The protection of these Greeks devolved in

colonists corresponding with that de-
However little these re-

1 Calybe near Byzantium arose ac-

cording to Strabo (vii. 6, 2, p. 320)
PıMrrov rod 'Apúvrov rods movnpo-
rdrouvs évraðða lõpúravros. Philip-
popolis is alleged even according to
the account of Theopompus (fr. 122
Müller) to have been founded as
Tlovnpérodts, and to have received

VOL. I.

scription.
ports deserve trust, they yet in their
coincidence express the Botany-Bay
character of these foundations.

2 Yet the northern Bessarabian
line, which perhaps is Roman, reaches
as far as Tyra (p. 226).

20

305

Greek
towns in
Thrace and
on the
Black Sea.

Under
Roman
protection.

306 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

the republican period partly on the governor of Mace-
donia, partly on the governor of Bithynia, after this became
Roman; Byzantium subsequently remained with Bithynia?
We may add that in the imperial period, after the erection
of the governorship of Moesia and subsequently of that
of Thrace, the supplying of protection devolved on
these.

Protection and favour were granted by Rome to these
Greeks from the first; but neither the republic nor the
earlier imperial period made efforts for the extension of
Hellenism. After Thrace had become Roman, it was
divided into land-districts ;> and almost down to the end
of the first century there is no record of the laying out of
a town there, with the exception of two colonies of Clau-
dius and Vespasian— Apri in the interior not far from

2 That Byzantium was still in
Trajan’s time under the governor of
Bithynia, follows from Plin. ad
Trai. 43. From the congratulations
of the Byzantines to the legates of
Moesia we cannot infer their having
belonged to this governorship, which
from their situation was hardly pos-
sible ; the relations to the governor of
Moesia may be explained from the
commercial connections of the city
with the Moesian ports. That Byzan-
tium was in the year 53 under the
senate, and so did not belong to
Thrace, is plain from Tacitus, 477.
xii. 62. Cicero (ts Pis. 35, 863 de
prov. cons. 4, 6) does not attest its
having belonged to Macedonia under
the republic, since the town was then
free. This freedom seems, as in the
case of Rhodes, to have been often
given and often taken away. Cicero,
l.c., ascribes freedom to it; in the
year 53 it is tributary; Pliny (Æ. J.
iv. II, 46) adduces it as a free city ;
Vespasian withdraws its freedom (Sue-
tonius, Vesp. 8).

2 This is proved by the absence of
coins of the Thracian inland towns,
which could be acsigned hy metal and
style to the older period. That a
number of Thracian, especially Odry-
sian, princes coined in part even ata
very early period, proves only that

they ruled over places on the coast
with a Greek or half-Greek popula-
tion. A similar judgment must be
formed as to the tetradrachms of
the ‘‘ Thracians,” which stand quite
isolated (Sallet, Vum. Zeitschrift, ii.
241).—The inscriptions also found in
the interior of Thrace are throughout
of Roman times. The decree of a
town not named found at Bessapara,
now Tatar Bazarjik, to the west of
Philippopolis, by Dumont (Zzser. de la
Thrace, p. 7), is indeed assigned to
a good Macedonian time, but only
from the character of the writing,
which is perhaps deceptive.

3 The fifty strategies of Thrace(Plin.
H. N. iv. 11, 40; Ptolem, iii. 11, 6)
are not military districts, but, as is
apparent with special clearness in
Ptolemy, land-districts, which corre-
spond with the tribes (orpanryla
Madixh, Becouch x. T. N.) and form a
contrast to the towns. The designa-
tion orparrryés has, just like praetor,
Jost subsequently its original military
value. Here perhaps the analogy of
Egypt, which likewise was divided
into urban domains under urban ma-
gistrates and into land-districts under
strategoi, served primarily as a basis.
A orpanryds Acris wept IdpwAov
from the Roman period occurs in
Eph. epigr. ii. p. 252.

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE.

307
Perinthus, and Deultus on the most northern coast.!
Domitian began by introducing the Greek urban constitu-
tion into the interior, at first for the capital of the country,
Philippopolis. Under Trajan a series of other Thracian
townships obtained like civic rights; Topirus not far
from Abdera, Nicopolis on the Nestus, Plotinopolis on the
Hebrus, Pautalia near Köstendil, Serdica now Sofia,
Augusta Traiana near Alt-Zagora, a second Nicopolis on
the northern slope of Haemus,? besides, on the coast, Trai-
anopolis at the mouth of the Hebrus ; further, under
Hadrian Adrianopolis, the modern Adrianople. All these
towns were not colonies of foreigners but polities of Greek
organisation, composed after the model set up by Augustus
in the Epirot Nicopolis ; it was a civilising and Hellenis-
ing of the province from above downwards. A Thracian
diet existed thenceforth in Philippopolis just as in the
properly Greek provinces. This last offshoot of Hellenism
was not the weakest. The country was rich and charm-
ing—a coin of the town Pautalia praises the fourfold
blessing of the ears of grain, of the grapes, of the silver,
and of the gold ; and Philippopolis as well as the beautiful
valley of the Tundja were the home of rose-culture and
of rose-oil—and the vigour of the Thracian type was not
broken. Here was developed a dense and prosperous
population ; we have already mentioned the largeness of
the levy in Thrace, and few territories stand on an equality
with Thrace at this epoch in the activity of the urban

mints. When Philippopolis

1 In Deultus, the colonia Flavia Pacis
Deultensium, veterans of the eighth
legion, were provided for (C. Z. Z. vi.
3828). Flaviopolis on the Chersonese,
the old Coela, was certainly not a
colony (Plin. iv. 11, 47), but belongs
to the peculiar settlement of the im-
perial menials on this domanial pos-
session (Eph. epigr. v. p. 83).

3 This town Nexésrodes 4 wep Alpov
of Ptolem. iii. 11, 7, NixóroNs mpòs
"Ierpov of the coins, the modern Ni-
kup on the Jantra, belongs to lower
Moesia geographically, and, as the
names of governors on the coins show,

succumbed in the year 251

since Severus also administratively; but
not merely does Ptolemy adduce it in
Thrace, but the places where the Had-
rianic terminal stones (C. Z. Z. iii. 749,
comp. p. 992) are found, appear to
assign it likewise to Thrace. As this
Greek inland town fitted neither the
Latin town -communities of lower
Moesia nor the xowéy of the Moesian
Pontus, it was assigned at the first
organising of the relations to the cowéy
of the Thracians. Subsequently it
must, no doubt, have been attached
to one or the other of those Moesian

groups.

Philippo-
polis and
other towas
with civic
rights.

Lower
Moesia,

Tomis and
the Pontic
Pentapolis.

308 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

to the Goths (p. 240), it is said to have numbered
100,000 inhabitants. The energetic part taken by the
Byzantines in favour of the emperor of the Greek East,
Pescennius Niger, and the several years’ resistance which
the town even after his defeat opposed to the victor, show
the resources and the courage of these Thracian towns-
men. If the Byzantines here, too, succumbed and lost
even for a season their civic rights, the time, for which the
rise of the Thracian land paved the way, was soon to set
in, when Byzantium should become the new Hellenic
Rome and the chief capital of the remodelled empire.

In the neighbouring province of lower Moesia a similar
development took place, although on a smaller scale. The
Greek coast-towns, the metropolis of which, at least in the
Roman period, was Tomis, were, probably on the consti-
tuting of the Roman province of Moesia, grouped as the
“ Five-cities-league of the left shore of the Black Sea,” or
as it was also called, “ of the Greeks,” that is, the Greeks of
this province. Later there was annexed to this league, as
a sixth town, that of Marcianopolis, constructed by Trajan
not far from the coast on the Thracian frontier, and
organised, like the Thracian towns, after the Greek model.

1 The xowdv ris Tlevrarévews is
found on an inscription of Odessus,
C. & Gr. 2056 c., which may fairly
belong to the earlier imperial period,
the Pontic Hexapolis, on two inscrip-
tions of Tomis probably of the second
century A.D, (Marquardt, Staatsverw.
i? p. 3053; Hirschfeld, Arch. epigr.
Mitth. vi. 22). The Hexapolis in
any case, and in accordance there-
with probably: also the Pentapolis,
must have been brought into harmony
with the Roman provincial boundaries,
that is, must have included in it the
Greek towns of lower Moesia. These
are also found, if we follow the surest
guides,—the coins of the imperial
period. There were six mints (apart
from Nicopolis, p. 282, note) in lower
Moesia : Istros, Tomis, Callatis, Dio-
nysopolis, Odessus, and Marcian-
opolis, and, as the last town was
founded by Trajan, the Pentapolis is

thereby explained, Tyra and Olbia
hardly belonged to it; at least the
numerous and loquacious monuments
of the latter town nowhere show
any link of connection with this
city-league. It is called xowdy râr
'EAM\ģvwv on an inscription of Tomis,
printed in the Athenian Pandora of
Ist June 1868 [and in Ane. Gr. Inser.
in the British Museum, ii. n. 175):
"Ayah rixn. Kara rà défarra Ti xpa-
Thorn Bovi kal Td Maurpordrw õhpw
Tis Napmpordrys puynrporédews kal á rod
ebwvtpou móvrov Tópews rov Llovrdpynv
Adp. Ipeloriov 'Avviavòv Eptayra rod
Kowo) trav ‘EXijvor xal ris pyrplo)-
rodews Th» á dpxhy dyvGs, kal dpxcepa-
odpevoy, thy dt örAwv Kal xuvryeriuy
évddtws prroresplay ph diadewrdyra, &AAà
kal Bovr\euriy ral rw mwpwrevérrwr
praBlas Néas rédews, xal Tw åpxiépeuar
cbpBioy aŭro “IovNay *Arodatoryy
adons Teus xdápw.

-

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 309

We have already observed that the camp-towns on the
bank of the Danube, and generally the townships
called into life by Rome in the interior, were instituted
after the Italian model; lower Moesia was the only
Roman province intersected by the linguistic boundary,
inasmuch as the Tomitanian cities-league belonged to the
Greek, the Danubian towns, like Durostorum and Oescus
to the Latin, linguistic domain. In other respects essen-
tially the same holds true of this Moesian cities-league, as
was remarked regarding Thrace. We have a description
of Tomis from the last years of Augustus, doubtless by
one banished thither for punishment, but certainly true in
substance. The population consists for the greater part
of Getae and Sarmatae ; they wear, like the Dacians on
Trajan’s column, skins and trousers, long waving hair and
unshorn beard, and appear in the street on horseback
and armed with the bow, with the quiver on their shoulder,
and the knife in their girdle. The few Greeks who are
found among them have adopted the barbarian customs,
including the trousers, and are able to express themselves
as well or better in Getic than in Greek ; he is lost, who
cannot make himself intelligible in Getic, and no man
understands a word of Latin. Before the gates rove
predatory bands of the most various peoples, and their
arrows not seldom fly over the protecting city-walls ; he
who ventures to till his field does it at the peril of his life,
and ploughs in armour—at anyrate about the time of
Caesar’s dictatorship; on occasion of the raid of Burebista,
the town had fallen into the hands of the barbarians, and
a few years before that exile came to Tomis, during the
Dalmato-Pannonian insurrection, the fury of war had once
more raged over this region. The coins and the inscrip-
tions of that city accord well with these accounts, in so far
as the metropolis of the “left-Pontic cities-league” in the
pre-Roman period coined no silver, which several other of
these towns did; and, in general, coins and inscriptions
from the time before Trajan occur only in an isolated way.
But in the second and third centuries it was remodelled
and may be termed a foundation of Trajan with very

GREEK EUROPE.

310 BOOK VIII.
much the same warrant as Marcianopolis, which likewise
quickly attained to considerable development. The bar-
rier formerly mentioned (p. 227) in the Dobrudscha served
at the same time as a protecting wall for the town of
Tomis. Behind this wall commerce and navigation
were flourishing. There was in the town a society of
Alexandrian merchants with its own chapel of Serapis ;!
in municipal liberality and municipal ambition the town
was inferior to no Greek town of middle size ; it was still
even now bilingual, but in such a way that, alongside of

| the Greek language always retained on the coins, here on

til, 282.

Olbia.

the border, where the two languages of the empire came
into contact, the Latin is also often employed even in
public monuments.

Beyond the imperial frontier, between the mouths of
the Danube and the Crimea, the Greek merchant had
made few settlements on the coast ; there were here only
two Greek towns of note, both founded in remote times
by Miletus, Tyra at the mouth of the river of the same
name, the modern Dniester, and Olbia on the bay into
which the Borysthenes (Dnieper) and the Hypanis (Bug)
fall. The forlorn position of these Hellenes amidst the
barbarians pressing around them, in the time of the
Diadochi as well as during the earlier rule of the Roman
republic, has already been described (iii. 297). The em-
perors brought help. In the year 56, that is, in the
exemplary beginning of Nero’s government, Tyra was
annexed to the province of Moesia. Of the more remote
Olbia we possess a description from the age of Trajan ;?

1 This is shown by the remarkable
inscription in Allard (Za Bulgarie ori-
entale, Paris, 1863, p. 263): Ged
peyddkw Zapda[cde xal] rots cuvvdors
Geots [kal TÔ adjroxpdrops T. AMMw
"Adpray[O A]prwrelyw LeBacrd Eùseß-
[et] xal M. ’AdpnrAlw Odjpw Kaloaps
Kaprlwy ’AvouBlwvos rd ofkw TOv’ Adeg-
avdpéwy rov Bwpdy éx rOv lõlwp dvéOnxer
Erous Ky’ [unvds] pappovb? á emt lepéwy
[K Jopyovrou 700 kal Dapamlwyvos [IoAv}-
pyou To0 Kal Aov[yelvov], The mari-
ner’s guild of Tomis meets us several
times in the inscriptions of the town.

2 Olbia, constantly assailed in war
and often destroyed, suffered, accord-
ing to the statement of Dio (Zorysth.
P. 75, n.), about 150 years before his
time, że. somewhat before the year
100 A.D., and so probably in the ex-
pedition of Burebista (iv. 305), its
last and most severe conquest (rip
redevralay kaè peylorny wow). Bhor
ôè, Dio continues, xal? raúry Térac
xal ras Aas ras éy roils åpeoTepoîs rob
IIdvrov mées péxp 'AroMovias
(Sozopolis or Sizebolu, the last Greek
town of note on the Pontic west coast);

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE.

311

the town was still bleeding from its old wounds; the
wretched walls enclosed equally wretched houses, and the
quarter then inhabited filled but a small portion of the old
considerable city-circuit, of which individual towers that
were left stood far off in the desolate plain; in the
temples there was no statue of the gods which did not
bear traces of the hands of the barbarians; the inhabitants
had not forgotten their Hellenic character, but they
dressed and fought after the manner of the Scythians,
with whom they were daily in conflict. Just as often as
by Greek names, they designated themselves by Scythian,
że. by those of Sarmatian stocks akin to the Iranians ;!
in fact, in the royal house itself Sauromates was a com-
mon name. These towns were indebted doubtless for
their very continued existence less to their own power
than to the good-will or rather the self-interest of the
natives. The tribes settled on this coast were neither in
a position to carry on foreign trade from emporia of their
own, nor could they dispense with it; in the Hellenic
coast-towns they bought salt, articles of clothing and
wine, and the more civilised princes protected in somè
measure the strangers against the attacks of the barbarians
proper. The earlier rulers of Rome must have had
scruples at undertaking the difficult protection of this
remote settlement ; nevertheless Pius, when the Scythians
once more besieged them, sent to them Roman auxiliary
troops, and compelled the barbarians to offer peace and fur-
nish hostages. The town must have been incorporated

80 Sh kal ofdbdpa rarewà ra mrpdy-
para xaréorm rtv ratry ENXijvwr,
Toy èv obxére cuvonicbecdy TÓNE,
Tay è paws Kal rv miels-
rav BapBdpuw els abras cupprévrwr.
The young citizen of rank with a
marked Ionic physiognomy, with
whom Dio then meets, who has slain
or captured numerous Sarmatians, and
though not acquainted with Phocy-
lides, knows Homer by heart, wears
mantle and trousers after the Scythian
fashion, and a knife in his girdle.
The townsmen all wear long hair and
a long beard, and only one has shorn

both, which is suspected in him as a
token of servile attitude towards the
Romans. Thus a century later matters
there looked quite such as Ovid de-
scribes them at Tomis.

} Quite commonly the father has a
Scythian name and the son a Greek,
or conversely ; ¢.g. an inscription of
Olbia set up under or after Trajan
(C. I. Gr. 2074) records six strategoi,
M. Ulpius Pyrrhus son of Arseuaches,
Demetrios son of Xessagaros, Zoilos
son of Arsakes, Badakes son of Ra-
danpson, Epikrates son of Koxuros,
Ariston son of Vargadakes.

Bosporus.

Asander.

» TE Ee a a nen a am ee Pe we ae ea Ne Ne ne a i a a A CT a

312 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VUI.

directly with the empire by Severus, from whom onward
Olbia struck coins with the image of the Roman rulers.
As a matter of course this annexation extended only to
the town-territories themselves, and it never was intended
to bring the barbarian dwellers around Tyra and Olbia
under the Roman sceptre. It has already been remarked
(p. 239) that these towns were the first which, presum-
ably under Alexander (t 235), succumbed to =e incipient
Gothic invasion.

If the Greeks had but sparingly settled on: the main-
land to the north of the Black Sea, the great peninsula
projecting from this coast, the Tauric Chersonesus—the
modern Crimea—had for long been in great part in their
hands. Separated by the mountains, which the Taurians
occupied, the two centres of the Greek settlement upon it
were, at the western end the Doric free town of Heraclea
or Chersonesus (Sebastopol), at the eastern the principality
of Panticapaeum or Bosporus (Kertch). King Mithra-
dates had at the summit of his power united the two, and
here established for himself a second northern empire (iii.
298), which then, after the collapse of his power, was left
as the only remnant of it to his son and murderer Phar-
naces. When the latter, after the war between Caesar and
Pompeius, attempted to regain his father’s dominion in
Asia Minor, Caesar had vanquished him (iv. 439), and
declared him to have forfeited also the Bosporan empire.
In the meanwhile Asander, the governor left there by
Pharnaces, had renounced allegiance to the king in the
hope of acquiring the kingdom for himself by this service
rendered to Caesar. When Pharnaces after his defeat
returned to his Bosporan kingdom, he at first indeed
repossessed himself of his capital, but ultimately was
worsted, and fell bravely fighting in the last battle—as a
soldier at least, not unequal to his father. The succession
was contested between Asander, who was in fact master
of the land, and Mithradates of Pergamus, an able officer
of Caesar, whom the latter had invested with the Bos-
poran principality ; both sought at the same time to lean
for support on the dynasty heretofore ruling in the

47.

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 313

Bosporus and on the great Mithradates, inasmuch as
Asander married Dynamis, the daughter of Pharnaces,
while Mithradates, sprung from a Pergamene burgess-
family, asserted that he was an illegitimate son of the
great Mithradates Eupator—whether it was that this
rumour determined the selection, or that it was put into
circulation in order to justify it. As Caesar himself was
called in the first instance to attend to more important
tasks, arms decided between the legitimate and the ille-
gitimate Caesarian, and once more in favour of the latter ;
Mithradates fell in combat, and Asander remained master
in the Bosporus. In the outset—-without doubt, because
he had not the confirmation of the lord-paramount—he
avoided assuming the name of king, and contented him-
self with the title of archon, borne by the older princes of
Panticapaeum ; but he soon procured, probably even from
Caesar himself, the confirmation of his rule and the royal
title? At his death (737-738 U.C.) he left his kingdom to
his wife Dynamis. So strong was still the power of
hereditary succession and of the name of Mithradates, that
both a certain Scribonianus, who first attempted to occupy
Asander’s place, and after him king Polemon of Pontus,
to whom Augustus promised the Bosporan kingdom, con-
joined with the taking up of the dominion a marriage-
alliance with Dynamis; moreover, the former asserted
that he was himself a grandson of Mithradates, while king
Polemon, soon after the death of Dynamis, married a
granddaughter of Antonius, and consequently a kins-
woman of the imperial house. After his early death—he
fell in conflict with the Aspurgiani on the Asiatic coast—
his children under age did not succeed him; and even
with his grandson of the same name, whom the emperor
Gaius reinstated, notwithstanding his boyish age, in the

and the confirmation have thus been
the work of Caesar. Antonius can-

1 As Asander reckoned his archon-
ship probably from the very time of

his revolt from Pharnaces, and so from
the summer of 707, and assumes the
royal title already in the fourth year
of his reign, this year may warrant-

45-4. ably be put in the autumn 709-710,

not well have bestowed it, as he only
came to Asia at the end of 712; still
less can we think of Augustus, whom
the pseudo-Lucian (Macrob. 15) names,
interchanging father and son.

17-16,

Polemon.

42.

The Eupa-
torids.

Extent of
the Bospor-
an rule,

314 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK. VIII.
year 38, into the two principalities of his father, the
Bosporan kingdom did not long remain. In his place
the emperor Claudius called a real or alleged descendant
of Mithradates Eupator, and in this house, apparently,
the principality thenceforth continued.!

While in the Roman state elsewhere the dependent
principality disappears after the end of the first dynasty,
and from Trajan’s time the principle of direct government
is carried out through the whole extent of the Roman
empire, the Bosporan kingdom subsisted under Roman
supremacy down to the fourth century. It was only after
the centre of gravity of the empire was shifted to Constan-
tinople that this state became merged in the empire at
large,? in order to be soon thereafter abandoned by it and
to become, at least in greater part, the prey of the Huns.’

1 Mithradates, whom Claudius in
the year 41 made king of Bosporus,
traced back his descent to Eupator
(Dio, lx. 8; Tacitus, Anz. xii. 18),
and he was followed by his brother
Cotys (Tacitus, 4¢.). Their father
was called Aspurgus (C. Z. Gr. ii. p.
95), but need not on that account
have been an Aspurgian (Strabo, xi.
2, 19, pe 415). Of a subsequent
change of dynasty there is no men-
tion; king Eupator in the time of
Pius (Lucian, 4x. 57 ; vita Pii, 9)
points to the same house. Probably,
we may add, these later Bosporan
kings, as well as the immediate suc-
cessors of Polemon not even known to
us by name, stood in relations of
affinity to the Polemonids, as indeed
the first Polemon himself had as his
wife a granddaughter of Eupator.
The Thracian royal names, such as
Cotys and Rhascuporis, which are com-
mon in the Bosporan royal house, con-
nect themselves doubtless with the son-
in-law of Polemon, the Thracian king
Cotys. The appellation Sauromates,
which frequently occurs after the end of
the first century, has doubtless arisen
through intermarriage with Sarmatian
princely houses, but, of course, does
not prove that those who bore it were
themselves Sarmatians. If Zosimus,
i. 31, blames the petty and unworthy

princes who attained to government
after the extinction of the old royal
family, for the fact that the Goths
under Valerian could carry out their
piratical expeditions in Bosporan
ships, this may be correct, and in the
first instance Pharnaces may be meant,
of whom there are coins from the years
254 and 255. But even these, too,
are marked with the image of the
Roman emperor, and later there are
again found the old family names (all
the Bosporan kings are Tiberii Julii),
and the old surnames, such as Sauro-
mates and Rhascuporis. Taken as a
whole, the old traditions as well as
the Roman protectorate were still at
that time here retained,

2 The last Bosporan coin is of the
year 631, of the Achaemenid era,
A.D. 335; this is certainly connected
with the installation, which falls in
this very year, of Hanniballianus,
the nephew of Constantine I., as
“king,” although this kingdom em-
braced chiefly the east of Asia Minor
and had as its capital Caesarea in Cap-
padocia. After this king and his

kingdom had perished in the bloody
catastrophe after Constantine’s death,
the Bosporus was placed directly
under Constantinople.

8 The Bosporus was still in Roman
possession in the year 366 (Ammi-

CHAP, VII. GREEK EUROPE. 315

The Bosporus, however, in reality was and continued to
be more a town than a kingdom, and had more similarity
with the town-districts of Tyra and Olbia than with the
kingdoms of Cappadocia and Numidia. Here, too, the
Romans protected only the Hellenic town Panticapaeum,
and did not aim at enlargement of the bounds and sub-
jugation of the interior any more than in Tyra and Olbia.
To the domain of the prince of Panticapaeum belonged
the Greek settlements of Theudosia on the peninsula itself,
and Phanagoria (Taman) on the opposite Asiatic coast, but
not Chersonesus’—or at least only somewhat as Athens be-
longed to the province of the governor of Achaia. The town
had obtained autonomy from the Romans, and saw in the
prince its immediate protector, not its sovereign ; as a free
town, too, in the imperial period, it never coined with the
stamp either of king or emperor. On the mainland, not
even the town which the Greeks called Tanais—a
stirring emporium at the mouth of the Don, but hardly
a Greek foundation—stood permanently under subjec-
tion to the Roman vassal-princes.2. Of the more or
less barbarian tribes on the peninsula itself, and on the
European and Asiatic coast southward from Tanais,

anus, xxvi. 10, 6); soon afterwards
the Greeks on the north shore of the
Black Sea must have been left to
themselves, until Justinian reoccupied
the peninsula (Procopius, Bell. Goth.
iv. 5). In the interval Panticapaeum
perished under the assaults of the
Huns,

t The coins of the town Chersonesus
from the imperial period have the
legend Xepgovijcov é\evPdpas, once
even Bacid\evotoyns, and neither name
nor head of king or emperor (A. v.
Sallet, Zeitschrift für Num. i. 27 ;
iv. 273). The independence of the
town evidences itself also in the fact
that it coins in gold no less than the
kings of the Bosporus. As the era of
the town appears correctly fixed at
the year 36 B.C. (C. Z. Gr. n. 8621),
in which freedom was conferred upon
it presumably by Antonius, the gold
coin of the ‘‘ruling city” dated from

the year 109 was struck in 75
A.D.

2 According to Strabo’s representa-
tion (xi. 2, II, p. 495) the rulers of
Tanais stand independently by the
side of those of Panticapaeum, and
the tribes to the south of the Don de-
pend sometimes on the latter, some-
times on the former; when he adds
thatseveral of the Panticapaean princes
ruled as far as Tanais, and particularly
the last, Pharnaces, Asander, Pole-
mon, this seems more exception than
rule. In the inscription quoted in the
next note the Tanaites stand among
the subject stocks, and a series of
Tanaitic inscriptions confirms this for
the time from Marcus to Gordian ;
but the “ENqves xal Tavacira: along-
side of the dpxovres Tavacırâv and of
the frequently mentioned ‘E\Anvdpxat
confirm the view that the town even
then remained non-Greek.

Military

position of
_ the Bos-

porus,

316 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII.

probably only the nearest stood in a fixed relation of
dependence.

The territory of Panticapaeum was too extensive and
too important, especially for mercantile intercourse, to be
left like Olbia and Tyra to the administration of chang-
ing municipal officials and a far distant governor; therefore
it was entrusted to hereditary princes—a course further
recommended by the circumstance that it might not seem
advisable to transfer directly to the empire the relations
which this region sustained to the surrounding tribes.
The rulers of the Bosporan house, in spite of their Achae-
menid pedigree and their Achaemenid mode of reckoning
time, felt themselves thoroughly as Greek princes, and
traced back their origin, after the good Hellenic fashion,
to Herakles and the Eumolpids. The dependence of
these Greeks on Rome—the royal in Panticapaeum, as the
republican in Chersonesus—was implied in the nature of
things, and they never thought of rising against the pro-
tecting arm of the empire; if once, under the emperor

Claudius, the Roman troops
subordinate prince of the

1 In the only vivid narrative from
the Bosporan history which we pos-
sess, that of Tacitus, 4z». xii. 15-31,
concerning the two rival brothers,
Mithradates and Cotys, the neigh-
bouring tribes, the Dandaridae, Siracae,
Aorsi, are under rulers of their ownnot
legally dependent on the Roman prince
of Panticapaeum.—As to titles, the
older Panticapaean princes are wont
to call themselves archons of the Bos-
porus, that is, of Panticapaeum, and
of Theudosia, and kings of the Sindi
and of all the Maitae and other non-
Greek tribes. In like manner what is,
so far as I know, the oldest among the
royal inscriptions of the Roman epoch
names Aspurgos, son of Asandrochos
(Stephani, Comptes rendus de la comm.
pour 1866, p. 128), as Bacd\edovra
mavtòs Booordpov, Qeodoclys xka? Ziv-
Swy kal Maïrâôv kal Toperdy Vyody re
Kal Tavaerdv, drordcavra Zrúĝas ka
Taúpovs. No inference as to the
extent of the territory may be drawn

had to march against an in-
Bosporus? yet withal this

from the simplified title.—In the in-
scriptions of the later period there is
found once under Trajan the doubt-
less adulatory title BaoiAeds Baorhéwy
péyas Tot mavròs Boogrópov (Ç. I. Gr.
2123). The coins generally, from
Asander onward, know no title but
Baotde’s, while yet Pharnaces calls
himself Bactdeds Baortéwy uéyas. Be-
yond doubt this was the effect of the
Roman sovereignty, with which a vas-
sal-prince placed over other princes
was not very compatible.

2 This was the king Mithradates,
installed by Claudius in the year 41,
who some years afterwards was de-
posed and replaced by his brother
Cotys ; he lived afterwards in Rome,
and perished in the confusions of the
four-emperor-year (Plutarch, Gala,
13, 15). The state of the matter,
however, is not clear either from the
hints in Tacitus, Amn. xii. 15 (comp.
Plin. Æ. WN. vi. 5, 17), or from the
report (confused by the interchange

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 317

region itself, amidst the fearful confusion in the middle
of the third century, which especially affected it, never
broke away from the empire even when it was falling to
pieces. The prosperous merchant-towns, permanently in
need of military protection amidst a flux of barbaric
peoples, held to Rome as the advanced posts to the main
army. The garrison was doubtless chiefly raised in the
land itself, and to create and manage it was beyond doubt
the main task of the king of the Bosporus. The coins,
which were struck on occasion of the investiture of such
a king, exhibit doubtless the curule chair and the other
honorary presents usual at such investiture, but also by
their side shield, helmet, sword, battle-axe, and war-horse;
it was no peaceful office which this prince undertook. The
first of them, whom Augustus appointed, fell in conflict
with the barbarians, and of his successors, eg. king Sauro-
mates, son of Rhoemetalces, fought in the first years of
Severus with the Siracae and the Scythians—perhaps it
was not quite without reason that he stamped his coins
with the feats of Herakles. By sea, too, he had to be
active, especially in keeping down the piracy which never
ceased in the Black Sea (p. 242); that Sauromates like-
wise is credited with having brought the Taurians to order
and chastised piracy. Roman troops, however, were also

of the two, Mithradates of Bosporus,
and Mithradates of Iberia) in Petrus
Patricius /r. 3. The Chersonese talesin
the late Constantinus Porphyrogenitus,
de adm, imp. C. 53, do not, of course,
come into account. The bad Bosporan
king Sauromates, Kpioxwydpov (not
-Pyoxordpov) vids, who with the Sar-
matians wages war against the em-
perors Diocletian and Constantius,
as well as against the Chersonese faith-
ful to the empire, has evidently arisen
from a confusion of names between
the Bosporan king and people; and
just as historical as the variation on
the history of David and Goliath, is
the despatch of the mighty king of the
Bosporans, Sauromates, by the small
Chersonesite Pharnaces. The kings’
names alone, e.g. besides those named,
the Asander, who comes in after the

extinction of the family of the Sauro-
matae, suffice. The civic privileges
and the localities of the city, for the ex-
planation of which these mzrad:éia are
invented, certainly deserve attention.

1 There are no Bosporan gold or
pseudo-gold coins without the head of
the Roman emperor, and this is always
that of the ruler recognised by the
Roman senate. That in the years
263 and 265, when in the empire
elsewhere after the captivity of Vale-
rian Gallienus was officially regarded
as sole ruler, two heads here appear
on the coins, is perhaps due only to
want of information; yet the Bos-
porans may at that time have made
another choice amid the many pre-
tenders. The names are at this time
not appended, and the effigies are not
to be certainly distinguished.

Position ot
this vassal-
prince.

318 GREEK EUROPE. BOOK VIII

stationed in the peninsula, perhaps a division of the Pontic
fleet, certainly a detachment of the Moesian army ; their
presence even in small numbers showed to the barbarians
that the dreaded legionary stood behind these Greeks, In
another way still the empire protected them ; at least in
the later period there were regularly paid from the im-
perial chest to the princes of the Bosporus sums of money,
of which they stood in need, in so far as the buying off
of the hostile incursions by stated annual payments pro-
bably became a standing practice here—in what was not
directly territory of the empire—still earlier than else-
where.’

That the centralisation of the government had its
application also in reference to this prince, and he stood
to the Roman Caesar on a footing not much different from
that of the burgomaster of Athens, is in various ways
apparent ; it deserves mention that king Asander and the
queen Dynamis struck gold coins with their name and
their effigy, whereas king Polemon and his immediate suc-
cessors, while retaining the right of coining gold, seeing that
this territory as well as the adjoining barbarians were for
long accustomed exclusively to gold currency, were induced
to furnish their gold pieces with the name and the image
of the reigning emperor. In like manner from Polemon’s
time the prince of this land was at the same time the
chief priest for life of the emperor and of the imperial
house. In other respects the administration and the court
retained the forms introduced under Mithradates after the
model of the Persian grand monarchy, although the chief
secretary (dpyuypaypareds) and the chief chamberlain (dpyc-
xottwveirns) of the court of Panticapaeum stood related to
the leading court-officers of the great kings, as the enemy
of the Romans Mithradates Eupator to his descendant
Tiberius Julius Eupator, who, on account of his claim to
the Bosporan throne, appeared as a suitor at Rome at the
bar of the emperor Pius.

1 This we may be allowed to be- narrates not merely pU@os Suoa, but
lieve at the hands of the Scythian a very myth, of whose kings Leucanor
Toxaris in the dialogue placed among and Eubiotes the coins, as may well
those of Lucian (c. 44); forthe rest he be conceived, have no knowledge.

CHAP. VII. GREEK EUROPE. 319

This northern Greece remained valuable for the em-
pire on account of its commercial relations. Though these
at this epoch were doubtless less important than in earlier
times,’ yet the mercantile intercourse continued very lively.
In the Augustan period the tribes of the steppes brought
slaves and skins,’ the merchants of civilisation articles of
clothing, wine, and other luxuries to Tanais; in a still
higher degree Phanagoria was the depdt for the exports of
the natives, Panticapaeum for the imports of the Greeks.
Those troubles in the Bosporus in the Claudian age were
a severe blow for the merchants of Byzantium. That the
Goths began their piratic voyages in the third century by
pressing the Bosporan vessels to lend them involuntary
aid, has been already mentioned (p. 244). It was doubt-
less in consequence of this traffic, indispensable for the
barbarian neighbours themselves, that the citizens of Cher-
sonesus maintained their ground even after the withdrawal
of the Roman garrisons, and were able subsequently—
when in Justinian’s time the power of the empire once
more asserted itself in this direction—to return as Greeks
into the Greek empire.

1 As respects the export of grain, pressed by the Roman troops to de-
the notice in the report of Plautius liver 10,000 slaves (Tacitus, 42. xii.
(p. 218), deserves attention. 17), it may be allowable to infer a

2 From the offer of a township of lively import of slaves from these
the Siracae (on the Sea of Azoff) hard regions.

da be is Soe ee fatale, PR eee

Trade and
commerce
in the
Bosporus,

The natives
and the
colonists,

CHAPTER VIII.
ASIA MINOR.

THE great peninsula which is washed on three sides by the
three seas, the Black, the Aegean, and the Mediterranean,
and which is connected towards the east with the Asiatic
continent proper, will, so far as it belongs to the frontier-
territory of the empire, be dealt with in the next section,
which treats of the region of the Euphrates and the
relations between the Romans and Parthians. Here we
have to set forth the peaceful relations, more especially
of the western districts, under the imperial government.
The original, or at any rate pre-Greek, population of
these wide regions held its ground in many places to a
considerable extent down to the imperial period. The
greatest part of Bithynia certainly belonged to the
formerly discussed Thracian stock; Phrygia, Lydia,
Cilicia, Cappadocia, show very manifold and not easily
unravelled survivals of older linguistic epochs, which in
various forms reach down to the Roman period ; strange
names of gods, men, and places meet us everywhere.
But, so far as our view reaches—and it is but seldom
allowed to penetrate here very deeply—these elements
appear only losing ground and waning, essentially as
a negation of civilisation or—what seems to us here
at least to coincide with it—Hellenising. We shall
return at the fitting place to the individual groups of
this category ; so far as concerns the historical develop-
ment of Asia Minor in the imperial period there were

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. 321

but two active nationalities, the two which were the last
immigrants, the Hellenes in the beginnings of the historical
period, and the Celts during the troublous times of the
Diadochi.

The history of the Hellenes of Asia Minor, so far
as it forms a part of Roman history, has already been
set forth. In the remote age, when the coasts of the
Mediterranean were first navigated and settled, and the
world began to be apportioned among the progressive
nations at the expense of those left behind, the flood of
Hellenic emigration had poured no doubt over all the
shores of the Mediterranean Sea, but yet nowhere—not
even towards Italy and Sicily—in so broad a stream as
over the Aegean Sea rich in islands, and the adjacent
charming coast of anterior Asia rich in harbours. There-
after the west-Asiatic Greeks themselves had taken an
active part, above all the rest, in the further conquest of
the world, and had helped to settle from Miletus the
coasts of the Black, and from Phocaea and Cnidus those
of the Western, Sea. In Asia Hellenic civilisation
doubtless laid hold of the inhabitants of the interior, the
Mysians, Lydians, Carians, Lycians ; and even the Persian
great power remained not unaffected by it. But the
Hellenes themselves possessed nothing but the fringe of
coast, including at the utmost the lower course of the
larger rivers and the islands. They were not able here
to gain continental conquests and a power of their own
by land overagainst the powerful native princes ; moreover
the interior of Asia Minor, highlying and in great part
but little capable of cultivation, was not so attractive for
settlement as the coasts, and the communications of the
latter with the interior were difficult. Essentially in
consequence of this, the Asiatic Hellenes attained still
less than the European to inward union and to great
power of their own, and early learned submissiveness in
presence of the lords of the continent. The national
Hellenic idea first came to them from Athens; they
became its allies only after the victory, and did not
remain so in the hour of danger. What Athens had

VOL. I. 2I

Hellenic
and Hel-
lenistic cul-
ture.

Formation
of new
centres.

The pro-
vinces of
Asia Minor.

322 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

wished to provide, and had not been able to furnish
for these clients of the nation, was accomplished by
Alexander; Hellas he was obliged to conquer, Asia
Minor saw in the conqueror simply its deliverer.

Alexander’s victory in fact not merely made Asiatic
Hellenism secure, but opened up for it a wide, almost
boundless, future; in the process of continental settlement,
which, in contrast to the merely littoral, marked this second
stage of Hellenic world-conquest, Asia Minor took part to
a considerable extent. Yet of the great centres for the
newly formed states there was none that came to the
old Greek towns of the coast! The new period required
new formations in general, and above all, new towns, to
serve at once as Greek royal residences and as centres
of populations hitherto non-Greek, that were to be brought
to Greek habits. The great political development
moves around the towns of royal foundation and of royal
name, Thessalonica, Antioch, Alexandria. With their
masters the Romans had to contend; the possession of
Asia Minor they gained almost throughout, as a man
gets an estate from relations or friends, by bequest in a
testament ; and, however heavy was the burden at times
of Roman government on the regions thus acquired,
there was not added here the sting of foreign rule.
Doubtless the Achaemenid Mithradates confronted the
Romans in Asia Minor with a national opposition, and
the Roman misrule drove the Hellenes into his arms ;
but the Hellenes themselves never undertook anything
similar. Therefore there is little to be told of this great,
rich, and important possession in a political respect ; and
all the less, inasmuch as what has been remarked in the
previous section concerning the national relations of the
Hellenes generally to the Romans holds good in substance
also for those of Asia Minor.

The Roman administration of Asia Minor was never
organised in a systematic way, but the several territories

1 Had the state of Lysimachus Ephesos-Arsinoe strengthened by the
endured it would probably have been transference of the inhabitants of
otherwise. His foundations, Alex- Colophon and Lebedos, tended in
andria in the Troad and Lysimachia, the direction indicated.

eal Ke WR A

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 323

were, just as they came to the empire, established without
material change of their limits as Roman administrative
districts. The states which king Attalus III. of Pergamus
bequeathed to the Romans, formed the province of Asia ;
those of king Nicomedes, which likewise fell to them by
inheritance, formed the province of Bithynia ; the territory
taken from Mithradates Eupator formed the province of
Pontus united with Bithynia. Crete was occupied by the
Romans on occasion of the great war with the pirates ;
Cyrene, which may also be mentioned here, was taken
over by them according to the last will of its ruler. The
same legal title gave to the republic the island of Cyprus ;
to which was here added the need for the suppression of
piracy. This had also laid a basis for the formation of
the governorship of Cilicia; the land was annexed to
Rome completely by Pompeius at the same time with
Syria, and the two were administered jointly during the
first century. Possession of all these lands was already
acquired by the republic. In the imperial period a
number of territories were added, which had formerly
belonged but indirectly to the empire: in 729 U. c. the
kingdom of Galatia, with which there had been united a
part of Phrygia, Lycaonia, Pisidia, and Pamphylia; in
747 U. C. the lordship of king Deiotarus, son of Castor,
which embraced Gangra in Paphlagonia and probably
also Amasia and other neighbouring places; in 17 A. D.
the kingdom of Cappadocia; in 43 the territory of the
confederation of the Lycian towns; in 63 the north-east
of Asia Minor from the valley of the Iris to the Armenian
frontier ; Lesser Armenia and some smaller principalities
in Cilicia probably by Vespasian. Thereby the direct
imperial administration was carried out throughout Asia
Minor. As dependent principalities, there remained only
the Tauric Bosporus, of which we have already spoken,
and Great Armenia, of which the next section will treat.
When, on the introduction of the imperial government,
the administrative partition was made between it and that
of the senate, the whole territory of Asia Minor, so far
as it was at that time directly under the empire, fell to

2

ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

324
the latter body; the island of Cyprus, which at first
had come under imperial administration, was likewise
transferred, a few years later, to the senate. Thus arose
the four senatorial governorships of Asia, Bithynia and
Pontus, Cyprus, Crete and Cyrene. Only Cilicia, as part
of the Syrian province, was placed at first under imperial
administration. But the territories that subsequently
came to be directly administered as parts of the empire
were here, as throughout the empire, placed under imperial
governors ; thus even under Augustus there was formed
from the inland districts of the Galatian kingdom the
province of Galatia, and the coast district of Pamphylia
was assigned to another governor, under which latter
Lycia was also placed under Claudius. Moreover Cap-
padocia became an imperial governorship under Tiberius.
Cilicia also naturally remained, when it obtained governors
of its own, under imperial administration. Apart from
the fact that Hadrian exchanged the important province of
Bithynia and Pontus for the unimportant Lycio-Pamphylian
one, this arrangement remained in force, until towards the
end of the third century the senatorial share in administra-
tion generally was, with the exception of some slight
remnants, superseded. The frontier was in the first
period of the empire formed throughout by the dependent
principalities ; after their annexation the imperial frontier
did not, apart from Cyrene, touch any of these adminis-
trative districts, excepting only the Cappadocian, so far
as to this at that time was apportioned also the north-
eastern border-district as far as Trapezus ;' and even this

1 Nowhere have the boundaries of
the vassal states and even of the
provinces changed more than in the
north-east of Asia Minor. Direct
imperial administration was intro-
duced here for the districts of king
Polemon, to which Zela, Neocaesarea,
Trapezus belonged, in the year 63;
for Lesser Armenia, we do not know
exactly when, probably at the begin-
ning of the reign of Vespasian. The
last vassal king of Lesser Armenia,
of whom there is mention, was the
Herodian Aristobulus (Tacitus, 427.

xiii. 7, xiv. 26; Josephus, Ant. xx.
8, 4), who: still possessed it in the
year 60; in the year 75 the district
was Roman (C. Z. Z. iii. 306), and -
probably one of the legions garrisoning
Cappadocia from Vespasian’s time
was stationed from the first in the
Lesser-Armenian Satala. Vespasian
combined the regions mentioned, as.
well as Galatia and Cappadocia, into
one large governorship. At the end
of the reign of Domitian we find
Galatia and Cappadocia separated
and the north-eastern provinces

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 325

| = governorship bordered not with the foreign land proper,
i but in the north with the dependent tribes on the Phasis,
j and farther on with the vassal-kingdom of Armenia, which
i belonged de jure and in more than one sense de facto to
s} the empire.

In order to gain a conception of the condition and
the development of Asia Minor in the first three centuries
of our era, so far as this is possible in the case of a
country as to which we have no direct historical tradition,
we must, looking to the conservative character of the
Roman provincial government, begin with the older
territorial divisions and the previous history of the several
regions.

The province of Asia was the old kingdom of the Asia.
Attalids, the west of Asia Minor as far north as the
Bithynian and as far south as the Lycian frontier; the
eastern districts at first separated from it, the Great Phry-
gia, had already in the republican period been again
attached to it (iii. 288), and the province thenceforth iii. 274.
reached as far as the country of the Galatians and the
Pisidian mountains. Rhodes too and the other smaller
islands of the Aegean Sea belonged to this province. The The coast-
original Hellenic settlement had, besides the islands and ‘°¥"
the coast proper, occupied also the lower valleys of the
larger rivers; Magnesia on the Sipylus, in the valley of
the Hermus, the other Magnesia and Tralles in the valley
of the Maeander, had already before Alexander been
founded as Greek towns, or had at any rate become such ;
the Carians, Lydians, Mysians, became early at least half
Hellenes. The Greek rule, when it set in, found not
much to do in the coast districts ; Smyrna, which centuries
before had been destroyed by the barbarians of the

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attached to Galatia. Under Trajan
at first the whole district is once more
in one hand, subsequently (£24. Zp.
V. n. 1345) it is divided in such a
way that the north-east coast belongs
to Cappadocia. On that footing it
remained, at least in so far that
Trapezus and so also Lesser Armenia
were thenceforth constantly under this

governor. Consequently—apart from
a short interruption under Domitian
—the legate of Galatia had nothing
to do with the defence of the frontier,
and this, as was implied in the nature
of the case, was always combined
with the command of Cappadocia
and of its legions.

326 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

interior, rose at that time from its ruins, in order speedily
to become one of the first stars in the brilliant belt of the
cities of Asia Minor; and if the rebuilding of Ilion at
the sepulchral mound of Hector was more a work of piety
than of policy, the laying out of Alexandria on the coast
of the Troas was of enduring importance. Pergamus in
the valley of the Caicus flourished as the court-residence
of the Attalids.

In the great work of Hellenising the interior of this
province in keeping with the intentions of Alexander, all
the Hellenic governments, Lysimachus, the Seleucids, the
Attalids vied with each other. The details of the foun-
dations have disappeared from our tradition still more
than the warlike events of the same epoch; we are left
dependent mainly on the names and the surnames of the
towns ; but even these suffice to make known to us the
general outlines of this activity continuing for centuries,
and yet homogeneous and throughout conscious of its aim.
A series of inland townships, Stratonicea in Caria, Peltae,
Blaundus, Docimeium, Cadi in Phrygia, the Mysomace-
donians in the district of Ephesus, Thyatira, Hyrcania,
Nacrasa in the region of the Hermus, the Ascylaces in the
district of Adramytium, are designated in documents or
other credible testimonies as cities of the Macedonians ;
and these notices are of a nature so accidental, and the
townships in part so unimportant, that the like designation
certainly extended to a great number of other settlements
in this region; and we may infer an extensive settling
of Greek soldiers in the districts indicated, probably con-
nected with the protection of anterior Asia against the
Galatians and Pisidians. If, moreover, the coins of the
considerable Phrygian town Synnada combine with the
name of their city that ot the Ionians and the Dorians
as well as that of the common Zeus (Zevs wdvdnyos), one
of the Alexandrids must have summoned the Greeks in
common to settle there; and the summons was certainly
not confined to this single town. The numerous towns,
chiefly of the interior, the names of which are traceable
to the royal houses of the Seleucids or the Attalids, or

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. 327

; which have otherwise Greek names, need not here be
adduced ; there are found in particular among the towns
i certainly founded or reorganised by the Seleucids several
| that were in later times the most flourishing and most
civilised in the interior, eg. in southern Phrygia Laodicea,
and above all Apamea, the old Celaenae on the great
military road from the west coast of Asia Minor to the
middle Euphrates, already in the Persian period the entre-
| pôt for this traffic, and under Augustus, next to Ephesus,
the most considerable city of the province of Asia.
Although every case of assigning a Greek name is not to
be connected with a settlement by Greek colonists, we
may be allowed at any rate to reckon a considerable
portion of these townships among Greek colonies. But
even the urban settlements of non-Greek origin, which the
Alexandrids found in existence, turned of themselves into
the paths of Hellenising, as indeed the residence of the
Persian governor, Sardes, was organised even by Alexander
himself as a Greek commonwealth.

This urban development was completed when the Its position
Romans entered upon the rule of interior Asia; they pact the
themselves did not make special exertions to promote it.
That a great number of the urban communities in the
eastern half of the province reckon their years from that
of the city 670, is due to the fact that then, after the 84.
close of the Mithradatic war, these districts were brought
by Sulla under direct Roman administration (iii. 328) ; ii 312
these townships did not receive city-rights only then for
the first time. Augustus occupied the town of Parium on
the Hellespont and the already-mentioned Alexandria in
Troas with veterans of his army, and assigned to both the
rights of Roman burgess -communities ; the latter was
thenceforth in Greek Asia an Italian island like Corinth
in Greece and Berytus in Syria. But this was nothing
but a provision for soldiers; of the foundation of towns
proper in the Roman province of Asia under the emperors
there is little mention. Among the not numerous towns
named after emperors there it is only perhaps in the case
of Sebaste and Tiberiopolis, both in Phrygia, and of

ee Sh eg, res, 0 eee ors en | ee ae

328 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII. 4

Hadrianoi on the Bithynian frontier, that no older name

of the city can be pointed out. Here, in the mountain-

region between Ida and Olympus, dwelt Cleon in the time

of the triumvirate, and a certain Tilliborus under Hadrian,

both half robber-chiefs, half popular princes, of whom the

former even played a part in politics; in this asylum of

criminals the foundation of an organised urban community

by Hadrian was at all events a benefit. Otherwise in

this province, with its five hundred urban communities,

the province richest in cities of the whole state, not much

more was left to be done in the way of foundation ; there

was room at the most perhaps for division, that is, for

detaching such hamlets as developed themselves de facto

into urban communities, from the earlier communal union

and making them independent, as we can point to a case

of the kind in Phrygia under Constantine I. But from

Hellenising proper the sequestered districts were still far

l remote when the Roman government began ; especially

in Phrygia the language of the country, perhaps similar in

character to the Armenian, held its ground. If from the

absence of Greek coins and of Greek inscriptions we may

not with certainty infer the absence of Hellenising, yet

the fact that the Phrygian coins belong almost throughout

. to the Roman imperial period, and the Phrygian inscrip-

tions as regards the great majority to the later times of

the empire, points to the conclusion that, so far as Hel- .
lenic habits found their way at all into the regions of the
i province of Asia that were remote and difficult of access
to civilisation, they did so in the main only under the
emperors. For direct interference on the part of the
imperial administration this process, accomplishing itself
in silence, gave little opportunity, and traces of such inter-
ference we are not able to show. Asia, it is true, was a

1 Urban coining and setting up of
inscriptions are subject to so manifold
conditions that the want or the abun-
dance of the one or the other do not
per se warrant inferences as to the
absence or the intensity of a definite
phase of civilisation. For Asia Mi-
nor in particular we must take note

Pee get SI p L O T ee aaa

that it was the promised land of muni-
cipal vanity, and our memorials, in-
cluding even the coins, have for by
far the greatest part been called forth
by the fact that the government of
the Roman emperors allowed free
scope to this vanity.

-e um, e T a, Oe a R, g, a a|
a a ~ a a, rt — <7 ee

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. 329

senatorial province, and we may here bear in mind that
with the government of the senate all initiative fell into
abeyance.

Syria, and still more, Egypt, became merged in their
capitals ; the province of Asia and Asia Minor generally
had no single town to show like Antioch and Alexandria,
but their prosperity rested on the numerous middle-sized
towns. The division of the towns into three classes,
which are distinguished as to the right of voting at the
diet, as to the apportionment of the contributions to be
furnished by the whole province, even as to the number
of town-physicians and town-teachers to be appointed,’
is eminently peculiar to these regions. The urban rival-

Urban
rivalries,

ries, which appear in Asia Minor so emphatic and in part so 7

childish, occasionally even so odious—as, for example, the
war between Severus and Niger in Bithynia was properly
a war of the two rival capitals Nicomedia and Nicaea—
belong to the character of Hellenic polities in general, but
especially of those in Asia Minor. We shall mention
further on the emulation as to temples of the emperors ;
in a similar way the ranking of the urban deputations at
the common festivals in Asia Minor was a vital question—
Magnesia on the Maeander calls itself on the coins the
“seventh city of Asia ”—and above all the first place was
one so much desired, that the government ultimately
agreed to admit several first cities. It fared similarly
with the designation of “ metropolis.” The proper metro-
polis of the province was Pergamus, the residence of the
Attalids and the seat of the diet. But Ephesus, the de
facto capital of the province, where the governor was
obliged to enter on his office, and which boasts of this
“right of reception at landing” on its coins; Smyrna,
in constant rivalship with its Ephesian neighbour, and,
in defiance of the legitimate right of the Ephesians to

1 «The ordinance,” says the jurist
Modestinus, who reports it (Dig.
xxvii. I, 6, 3) ‘interests all pro-
vinces, although it is directed to the
people of Asia.” It is suitable, in
fact, only where there are classes of
towns, and the jurist adds an instruc-

tion how it is to be applied to pro-
vinces otherwise organised. What
the biographer of Pius, c. 11, reports
as to the distinctions and salaries
granted by Pius to the rhetoricians,
has nothing to do with this enact-
ment.

=

he

-x en ye —— i
= ea-

Bithynia.

330 ASTA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

primacy, naming itself on coins “the first in greatness
and beauty ;” the very ancient Sardis, Cyzicus, and several
others strove after the same honorary right. With these
their wranglings, on account of which the senate and the
emperor were regularly appealed to—the “Greek follies,”
as men were wont to say in Rome—the people of Asia
Minor were the standing annoyance and the standing

. laughing-stock of the Romans of mark.

Bithynia did not stand on a like level with the Attalid
kingdom. The older Greek colonising had here confined
itself merely tothe coast. In the Hellenistic epoch at first
the Macedonian rulers, and later the native dynasty
which walked entirely in their steps, had—along with a
regulation of the places on the coast, which perhaps on
the whole amounted to a changing of their names—also
opened up in some measure the interior, in particular
by the two successful foundations of Nicaea (Isnik) and
Prusa on Olympia (Broussa) ; of the former it is stated
that the first settlers were of good Macedonian and
Hellenic descent. But in the intensity of the Hellen-
ising the kingdom of Nicomedes was far behind that of the
citizen prince of Pergamus; in particular the eastern interior
can have been but little settled before Augustus. This
was otherwise in the time of the empire. In the Augustan
age a successful robber-chief, who became a convert to
order, reconstructed on the Galatian frontier the utterly
decayed township Gordiou Kome, under the name of
Juliopolis; in the same region the towns Bithynion-
Claudiopolis and Crateia-Flaviopolis probably attained
Greek civic rights in the course of the first century.

1 Dio of Prusa, in his address to towns, as Nicaea and Nicomedia never
the citizens of Nicomedia and of acttogether. ‘‘The Romans deal with

Tarsus, excellently lays it down that
no man of culture would have such
empty distinctions for himself, and
that the greedy quest of the towns for
titles was altogether inconceivable ;
how it is the sign of the true petty-
townsman to cause a display of such
attestations of rank on his behalf;
how the bad governor always screens
himself under this quarrelling of

you as with children, to whom one
presents trifling toys ; you put up
with bad treatment in order to ob-
tain a name; they name your town
the first in order to treat it as the
last. By this you have become a
laughing-stock to the Romans, and
they call your doings ‘Greek follies ’”
("EXAnvicd auapriuara).

—

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. 331

Generally in Bithynia Hellenism took a mighty upward
impulse under the imperial period, and the tough Thracian
stamp of the natives gave a good foundation for it. The
fact that, among the inscribed stones of this province
known in great number, not more than four belong to the
pre-Roman epoch, cannot well be explained solely from
the circumstance that urban ambition was only fostered
under the emperors. In the literature of the imperial
period a number of the best authors and the least carried
away by exuberant rhetoric, such as the philosopher Dio
of Prusa, the historian Memnon of Heraclea, Arrianus of
Nicomedia, Cassius Dio of Nicaea, belong to Bithynia.
The eastern half of the south coast of the Black Sea,
the Roman province of Pontus, had as its basis that
portion of the kingdom of Mithradates, of which Pompeius
took direct possession immediately after the victory. The
numerous smaller principalities, which Pompeius at the
same time gave away in the interior of Paphlagonia and
thence eastward to the Armenian frontier, were, after a
shorter or longer subsistence, on their annexation partly
attached to the same province, partly joined to Galatia
or Cappadocia. The former kingdom of Mithradates had
been far less affected than the western regions either
by the older or by the younger Hellenism. When the
Romans took possession directly or indirectly of this
territory, there were, strictly speaking, no towns of Greek
organisation there; Amasia, the old capital of the
Pontic Achaemenids, and still their burial-place, was not
such ; the two old Greek coast-towns, Amisus and Sinope
that once commanded the Black Sea, had become royal
residences, and Greek polity would hardly be given to the
few townships laid out by Mithradates, eg. Eupatoria (iv.
152). But here, as was already shown in detail (iv. 151 f.),
the Roman conquest was at the same time the Hellenising ;
Pompeius organised the province in such a way as to
make the eleven chief townships of it into towns, and
to distribute the territory among them. Certainly these
artificially created towns with their immense districts—
that of Sinope had along the coast an extent of 70

Pontus.

iv. 146.

iv. 544.

iii. 57.

332 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

miles, and bordered on the Halys with that of Amisus—
resembled more the Celtic cantons than the Hellenic
and Italian urban communities proper. But at any rate
Sinope and Amisus were then reinstated in their old
positions, and other towns in the interior, such as Pom-
peiopolis, Nicopolis, Megalopolis, the later Sebasteia, were
called into life. Sinope obtained from the dictator
Caesar the rights of a Roman colony, and beyond doubt
also Italian settlers (iv. 574). More important for the
Roman administration was Trapezus, an old colony of
Sinope; the town, which in the year 63 was joined to
the province of Cappadocia (p. 324, note), was both the
station of the Roman Black Sea fleet and in a certain
measure the base of operations for the military corps of this
province, which was the only corps in all Asia Minor.
Inland Cappadocia was in the Roman power after the
erection of the provinces of Pontus and Syria; of its
annexation in the beginning of the reign of Tiberius,
which was primarily occasioned by the attempt of
Armenia to release itself from the Roman suzerainty, we
shall have to give an account in the following section.
The court, and those immediately connected with it, had
become Hellenised (iii. 59), somewhat as the German
courts of the eighteenth century adapted themselves to
French habits. The capital, Caesarea, the ancient Mazaca,
like the Phrygian Apamea, an intermediate station for the
great traffic between the ports of the west coast and the
lands of the Euphrates, and in the Roman period, as still
at the present day, one of the most flourishing commercial
cities of Asia Minor, was, at the instigation of Pompeius,
not merely rebuilt after the Mithradatic war, but probably
also furnished at that time with civic rights after the
Greek type. Cappadocia itself was at the beginning of
the imperial period hardly more Greek than Brandenburg
and Pomerania under Frederick the Great were French.
When the country became Roman, it was divided, accord-
ing to the statements of the contemporary Strabo, not
into city-districts, but into ten prefectures, of which only
two had towns, the already-mentioned capital and Tyana ;

SBS â a SS ë w BI BR. UD

am A` W ë e ëā cea., Wwe

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. 333

and this arrangement was here on the whole not more
changed than in Egypt, though individual townships sub-
sequently received Greek civic rights; eg. the emperor
Marcus made the Cappadocian village, in which his wife
had died, into the town Faustinopolis. It is true that
the Cappadocians now spoke Greek; but the students
from Cappadocia had much to endure abroad on account
of their uncouth accent, and of their defects in pronuncia-
tion and modulation ; and, if they learned to speak after
an Attic fashion, their countrymen found their language
affected! It was only in the Christian period that the
comrades in study of the emperor Julian, Gregory of
Nazianzus and Basil of Caesarea, gave a better sound
to the Cappadocian name.

The Lycian cities in their secluded mountain-land did
not open their coast for Greek settlement, but did not on
that account debar themselves from Hellenic influence.
Lycia was the only district of Asia Minor in which early
civilising did not set aside the native language, and which,
almost like the Romans, entered into Greek habits without
becoming externally Hellenised. It is characteristic of
their position, that the Lycian confederation as such
joined the Attic naval league and paid its tribute to the
Athenian leading power. The Lycians not merely prac-
tised their art after Hellenic models, but probably also
regulated their political organisation early in the same
way. The conversion of the cities-league, once subject
to Rhodes, but which had become independent after the
third Macedonian war (ii. 325) into a Roman province,
which was ordained by the emperor Claudius on account
of the endless quarrels among the allies, must have
furthered the progress of Hellenism ; in the course of the
imperial period the Lycians thereupon became completely
Greeks.

The Pamphylian coast-towns, like Aspendus and Perga,

1 Pausanias of Caesarea in Philo- xelwv, cvcréA&dAwy 62 Tà unkuvópeva Kat
stratus ( Vitae soph. ii. 13) places before yxivwy rà Bpaxéa. Vita Apoll. i. 7;
Herodes Atticus his faults: wayelg Ù yAûrtTa'Arrıxðs elxev, ob’ årýxôn

TH yAOTTy kal ws Kammraðóraıs óvnôes, THY pwviv vd Tob EOvovs.
Evyxpotuy pèv Tà cbuduva Tay cTot-

Lycia,

ii. 307.

Pamphylia
and Cilicia.

Pisidia and
uria.

334 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

Greek foundations of the oldest times, subsequently left
to themselves, and attaining under favourable circum-
stances prosperous development, had either conserved, or
moulded specially on their own part, the oldest Hellenic
character in such a way that the Pamphylians might be
regarded as an independent nation in language and writing
not much less than the neighbouring Lycians. Then,
when Asia was gained for the Hellenes, they found
gradually their way back into the common Greek civilisa-
tion, and so also into the general political organisation.
The rulers in this region and on the neighbouring Cilician
coast were in the Hellenistic period partly the Egyptians,
whose royal house gave its name to different townships
in Pamphylia and Cilicia, partly the Seleucids, after whom
the most considerable town of west Cilicia was named
Seleucia on the Calycadnus, partly the Pergamenes, of
whose rule Attalia (Adalia) in Pamphylia testifies.

On the other hand the tribes in the mountains of
Pisidia, Isauria, and western Cilicia substantially main-
tained their independence down to the beginning of the
imperial period. Here hostilities never ceased. Not
merely by land had the civilised governments continued
troubles with the Pisidians and their comrades, but these
pursued still more zealously than robbery by land the
trade of piracy, particularly from western Cilicia, where
the mountains immediately approach the sea. When, on
the decline of the Egyptian naval power, the south coast
of Asia Minor became entirely an asylum of the pirates,
the Romans interfered and erected the province of Cilicia,
which embraced also, or was at any rate intended to
embrace, the Pamphylian coast, for the sake of suppressing
piracy. But what they did showed more what ought to
have been done than that anything was really accom-
plished ; the intervention took place too late and too
fitfully. Though a blow was once struck against the
corsairs, and Roman troops penetrated even into the
Isaurian mountains, and broke up the pirates’ strongholds

. far into the interior (iv. 47), the Roman republic did

not attain true permanent establishment in these districts

39.

36.

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 335

reluctantly annexed by it. Here everything was left for

the empire to do. Antonius, when he took in hand the
East, entrusted an able Galatian officer, Amyntas, with the
subjugation of the refractory Pisidian region, and, when
the latter proved his quality,” he made him king of Galatia,
—the region of Asia Minor which was best organised in a
military point of view, and most ready for action—and-at
the same time extended his government from thence as
far as the south coast, and so as to include Lycaonia,
Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphylia, and western Cilicia, while
the civilised east half of Cilicia was left with Syria. Even
when Augustus, after the battle of Actium, entered upon
rule in the East, he left the Celtic prince in his position.
The latter made essential progress as well in the sup-
pression of the bad corsairs harbouring in the lurking
places of western Cilicia, as also in the extirpation of
the brigands, killed one of the worst of these robber-chiefs,
Antipater, the ruler of Derbe and Laranda in southern
Lycaonia, built for himself a residence in Isauria, and not
merely drove the Pisidians out from the adjoining Phry-
gian territories, but invaded their own land, and took
Cremna in the heart of it. But some years after (729 U.C.)
he lost his life on an expedition against one of the west
Cicilian tribes, the Homonadenses; after he had taken
most of the townships and their prince had fallen, he
perished through a plot directed against him by the wife
of the latter. After this disaster Augustus himself under-
took the difficult business of pacifying the interior of Asia

1 Amyntas was placed over the
Pisidians as early as 715 before
Antonius returned to Asia (Appian,
B.C. v. 75), doubtless because these
had once more undertaken one of
their predatory expeditions. From
the fact that he first ruled there is
explained the circumstance that he
built for himself a residence in Isaura
(Strabo, xii. 6, 3, p. 569). Galatia
went in the first instance to the heirs
of Deiotarus (Dio, xlviii. 33). It was
not till the year 718 that Amyntas
obtained Galatia, Lycaonia, and Pam-
phylia (Dio, xlix. 32).

2 That this was the cause why
these regions were not placed under
Roman governors is expressly stated
by Strabo (xiv. 5, 5, p. 671), who was
near in time and place to the mat-
ters dealt with: é¢déxe mpòs day
Tò Tooîro (for the suppression of the
robbers and pirates) Bagidever Oar pâ-
Nov rods Tórovs A ùrmò Tots ‘Pwraios
iryepbow ewar Tois émi ras xploes
meumopévois, of phr’ det wapetvar Eeh-
doy (on account of the travelling on
circuit) hre pe’ Srdwv (which at all
events were wanting to the later legate
of Galatia).

25.

Pisidian
colonies,

336 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIIL.

Minor. If in doing so he, as was already observed (p. 324),
assigned the small Pamphylian coast-district to a governor
of its own and separated it from Galatia, this was evidently
done because the mountain-land lying between the coast
and the Galato-Lycaonian steppe was so little under con-
trol that the administration of the coast region could not
well be conducted from Galatia. Roman troops were not
stationed in Galatia ; yet the levy of the warlike Galatians
must have meant more than in the case of most provincials.
Moreover, as western Cilicia was then placed under Cap-
padocia, the troops of this dependent prince had to take
part in the work. The Syrian army carried out the
chastisement in the first place of the Homonadenses ; the
governor, Publius Sulpicius Quirinius, advanced some
years later into their territory, cut off their supplies, and
compelled them to submit e» masse, whereupon they were
distributed to the surrounding townships and their former
territory was laid waste. The Clitae, another stock settled
in western Cilicia nearer to the coast, met with similar
chastisements in the years 36 and 52; as they refused
obedience to the vassal-prince placed over them by
Rome, and pillaged land and sea, and as the so-called
rulers of the land could not dispose of them, the imperial
troops were on both occasions brought in from Syria to
subdue them. These accounts have been accidentally
preserved ; numerous similar incidents have certainly been
lost to remembrance.

But Augustus attempted the pacification of this region
also by way of settlement. The Hellenistic governments
had, so to speak, isolated it; not merely retained or seized
a footing everywhere on the coast, but also founded in the
north-west a series of towns—on the Phrygian frontier
Apollonia, alleged to have been founded by Alexander
himself, Seleucia Siderus and Antiochia, both from the
time of the Seleucids, further in Lycaonia, Laodicea —
Katakekaumene, and the capital of this district which
doubtless originated at the same time, Iconium. But in
the mountain-land proper no trace of Hellenistic settle-
ment is found, and still less did the Roman senate apply

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. — 337

itself to this difficult task. Augustus did so; and only
here in the whole Greek coast we meet a series of colonies
of Roman veterans evidently intended to acquire this
district for peaceful settlement. Of the older settlements
just mentioned, Antiochia was supplied with veterans
and reorganised in Roman fashion, while there were newly
laid out in southern Lycaonia Parlais, in Pisidia itself
the already-mentioned Cremna, as well as further to
the south Olbasa and Comama. The later governments
did not continue with equal energy the work so begun ;
yet under Claudius the “iron Seleucia” of Pisidia was
made the “Claudian ;” while in the interior of western
Cilicia Claudiopolis, and not far from it, perhaps at the
same time, Germanicopolis were called into life, and
Iconium, in the time of Augustus a small place, was
brought to considerable development. The newly-founded
towns remained indeed unimportant, but still notably
restricted the field of the free inhabitants of the moun-
tains, and general peace must at length have made its
triumphal entrance also here. As well the plains and
mountain-terraces of Pamphylia as the mountain-towns
of Pisidia itself, eg. Selga and Sagalassus, were during the
imperial period well peopled and the territory carefully
cultivated ; the remains of mighty aqueducts and singu-
larly large theatres, all of them structures of the Roman
imperial period, show, it is true, only mechanical skill, but
bear traces of a peaceful prosperity richly developed.

The government, it is true, never quite mastered
brigandage in these regions, and if in the earlier period
of the empire its ravages were kept in moderate bounds,
the bands once more emerge as a warlike power in the
troubles of the third century. They now pass under the
name of Isaurians, and have their chief seat in the moun-
tains of Cilicia, from whence they plunder land and sea.
They are mentioned first under Severus Alexander. That
under Gallienus they proclaimed their robber-chief em-
peror, is probably a fable; but certainly under the
emperor Probus such an one, by name Lydius, who for
long had pillaged Lycia and Pamphylia, was subdued in

VOL. I. 22

Tsaurians,

Galatia.

fi. 273.

338 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIL.

the Roman colony Cremna, which he had occupied, after
a long and obstinate siege by a Roman army. In later
times we find a military cordon drawn round their terri-
tory, and a special commanding general appointed for the
Isaurians. Their savage valour even procured for those
of them, who chose to take service at the Byzantine court,
for a time a position there such as the Macedonians had
possessed at the court of the Ptolemies ; in fact one from
their ranks, Zeno, died as emperor of Byzantium.

Lastly, the region of Galatia, at a remote period the
chief seat of the Oriental rule over anterior Asia, and pre-
serving in the famed rock-sculptures of the modern Bog-
hazkoi, formerly the royal town of Pteria, reminiscences of
an almost forgotten glory, had in the course of centuries
become in language and manners a Celtic island amidst
the waves of eastern peoples, and remained so in internal
organisation even under the empire. The three Celtic
tribes, which, on the great migration of the nation about
the time of the war between Pyrrhus and the Romans,
had arrived in the heart of Asia Minor, and there, like
the Franks in the East during the middle ages, had con-
solidated themselves into a firmly knit soldier-state, and
after prolonged roving had taken up their definitive abode
on either side of the Halys, had long since left behind the
times when they issued forth thence to pillage Asia Minor,
and were in conflict with the kings of Asia and Pergamus,
provided that they did not serve them as mercenaries.
They too were shattered before the superior power of the
Romans (ii. 290), and became not less subject to them in
Asia than their countrymen in the valley of the Po and
on the Rhone and Seine. But in spite of their sojourn
of several hundred years in Asia Minor, a deep gulf still
separated these Occidentals from the Asiatics. It was
not merely that they retained their native language and

1 Amidst the great unnamed ruins century after Christ, on which muti-
of Sarajik, in the upper valley of lated parts of men—heads, arms, legs
the Limyrus, in eastern Lycia (comp. —are produced in relief, as emblems
Ritter, Erdkunde, xix. p.1172),stands we might imagine, as the coat of arms
a considerable temple-shaped tomb, of a civilised robber-chief (communi-
certainly not older than the third cation from Benndorf),

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR.. 339

their nationality, that still each of the three cantons was
governed by its four hereditary princes, and the federal
assembly, to which deputies were sent by all in common,
presided in the sacred oak-grove as supreme authority
over the Galatian land (ii. 232); nor was it that continued
rudeness as well as warlike valour distinguished them
to advantage as well as to disadvantage from their
neighbours; such contrasts between culture and bar-
barism existed elsewhere in Asia Minor, and the
superficial and external Hellenising—such as neigh-
bourhood, commercial relations, the Phrygian cultus
adopted by the immigrants, and mercenary service
brought in their train—must have set in not much later
in Galatia than eg. in the neighbouring Cappadocia.
The contrast was of a different kind; the Ceitic and
the Hellenic invasion came into competition in Asia
Minor, and to the distinction of nationality was added
the spur of rival conquest. This was brought clearly
to light in the Mithradatic crisis; by the side of the
command of Mithradates to murder the Italians went the
massacre of the whole Galatian nobility (iii. 322), and,
in keeping therewith, the Romans in the wars against
the Oriental liberator of the Hellenes had no more faithful
ally than the Galatians of Asia Minor (iv. 56, 149).

For that reason the success of the Romans was theirs
also, and the victory gave to them for a time a leading
position in the affairs of Asia Minor. The old tetrarchate
was done away, apparently by Pompeius. One of the new
cantonal princes, who had approved himself most in the
Mithradatic wars, Deiotarus, attached to himself, besides
his own territory, Lesser Armenia and other portions
of the former Mithradatic empire, and became an incon-
venient neighbour to the other Galatian princes, and the
most powerful among the dynasts of Asia Minor
(iv. 149). After the victory of Caesar, to whom he
occupied an attitude of hostility, and whose favour he
was unable to gain even by help rendered against
Pharnaces, the possessions gained by him with or without
consent of the Roman government were for the most

ii, 219.

iii. 306,

iv. 53, 143.
The Gala-
tian king-
dom.

iv, 143.

40.

36.

25.

The inhabi-
tants.

340 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

part again withdrawn; the Caesarian Mithradates of
Pergamus, who on the mother’s side was sprung from
the Galatian royal house, obtained the most of what
Deiotarus lost, and was even placed by his side in
Galatia itself. But, after the latter had shortly after-
wards met his end in the Tauric Chersonese (p. 313),
and Caesar himself had not long afterwards been
murdered, Deiotarus reinstated himself unbidden in
possession of what he had lost, and, as he knew how
to submit to the Roman party predominant on each
occasion in the East as well as how to change it at the
right time, he died at an advanced age in the year 714
as lord of all Galatia. His descendants were portioned
off with a small lordship in Paphlagonia ; his kingdom,
further enlarged towards the south by Lycaonia and all
the country down to the coast of Pamphylia, was
transferred, as was already said, in the year 718 by
Antonius to Amyntas, who seems to have conducted the
government already in the last years of Deiotarus as his
secretary and general, and, as such, had before the battle
of Philippi effected the transition from the republican
generals to the triumvirs. His further fortunes have
been already told. Equal to his predecessor in sagacity
and bravery, he served first Antonius, and then Augustus
as chief instrument for the pacification of the territory
not yet subject in Asia Minor, till he there met his
death in the year 729. With him ended the Galatian
kingdom, and it was converted into the Roman province
of Galatia.

Its inhabitants were called Gallograeci among the
Romans even in the last age of the republic; they were,
adds Livy, a mixed people, as they were called, and
degenerate. A good portion of them must have
descended from the older Phrygian inhabitants of these
regions. Of still more weight is the fact, that the zealous
worship of the gods in Galatia and the priesthood there
have nothing in common with the ritual institutions of
the European Celts; not merely was the Great Mother,
whose sacred symbol the Romans of Hannibal’s time

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 341

asked and received from the Tolistobogi, of a Phrygian
type, but her priests belonged in part at least to the
Galatian nobility. | Nevertheless, even in the Roman
province of Galatia the internal organisation was pre-
dominantly Celtic. The fact that even under Pius the
strict paternal power foreign to Hellenic law subsisted
in Galatia, is a proof of this from the sphere of private
law. In public relations there were in this country still
only the three old communities of the Tectosages, the
Tolistobogi, the Trocmi, who perhaps appended to their
names those of the three chief places, Ancyra, Pessinus,
and Tavium, but were essentially nothing but the well-
known Gallic cantons, which also indeed were not with-
out their chief place. If among the Celts of Asia the
conception of the community as town gains the predomi-
nance earlier than among the European,’ and the name
Ancyra more quickly dispossesses that of the Tectosages
than in Europe the name Burdigala dispossesses that of
the Bituriges, and there Ancyra even as foremost place
of the whole country calls itself the “mother -city ”
(untpomrods), this certainly shows—-what could not in
fact be otherwise—the influence of Greek neighbourhood
and the incipient process of assimilation, the several
phases of which the superficial information that survives
to us does not allow us to follow out. The Celtic names
keep their hold down to the time of Tiberius ; afterwards
they appear only isolated in the houses of rank.

That the Romans after the erection of the province—as
in Gaul they allowed only the Latin language—allowed in
Galatia alongside of this only the Greek in business-dealings,
was a matter of course. What course was taken earlier
we know not, as we do not meet with pre-Roman written
monuments in this country at all. As the language
of conversation the Celtic maintained its ground with

1 The famous list of services ren-
dered to the community of Ancyra
of the time of Tiberius (C. Z. Gr.
4039) designates the Galatian com-
munities usually by vos, sometimes
by mós. The former appellation

subsequently disappears ; but in the
full title, æg. of the inscription, C. Z.
Gr. 4011, from the second century,
Ancyra always bears the name of the
people: % pyrpbroks rijs Tadarlas
LeBacrh Texrood-ywv “Ayxupa.

Language
under the
Romans,

The Greek
islands,

ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

342

tenacity also in Asia ;' yet the Greek gradually gained
the upper hand. In the fourth century Ancyra was one
of the chief centres of Greek culture ; “the small towns
in Greek Galatia,” says the man of letters, Themistius,
who had grown gray in addressing the cultivated public,
“cannot indeed cope with Antioch; but the people
appropriate to themselves culture more zealously than
the genuine Hellenes, and, wherever the philosopher's
cloak appears, they cling to it like the iron to the
magnet.” Yet the national language may have preserved
itself in the lower circles down even to this period,
particularly beyond the Halys among the Trocmi
evidently much later Hellenised.2 It has already been
mentioned (p. 101) that, according to the testimony
of the far-travelled church-father Jerome, still at the
end of the fourth century the Asiatic Galatian spoke
the same language, although corrupt, which was then
spoken in Treves. That as soldiers the Galatians, though
sustaining no comparison with the Occidentals, were
yet far more useful than the Greek Asiatics, is attested
as well by the legion which king Deiotarus raised from
his subjects after the Roman model, and which Augustus
took over with the kingdom and incorporated with the
Roman army under its previous name, as by the fact,
that in the Oriental recruiting of the imperial period
the Galatians were drawn upon by preference just as the
Batavians were in the West.®

To the extra-European Hellenes belong further the
two great islands of the eastern Mediterranean, Crete

1 According to Pausanius, x. 36, I,
among the Ta tdra ùrèp ®pvylas
puvi TH ertxwply odlow the scarlet
berry is termed ðs; and Lucian,
Alex. 51, tells of the perplexities of
the soothsaying Paphlagonian, when
questions were proposed to him
Lupiort 4 KeAriort and people con-
versant with this language were not
just at hand.

2 If in the list mentioned at p. 314,
note, from the time of Tiberius the
largesses are given but seldom to three
peoples, mostly to two peoples or two

cities, the latter are, as Perrot correctly
remarks (de Galatia, p. 83), Ancyra
and Pessinus, and Tavium of the
Trocmi is in the matter of largesses
postponed to them. Perhaps there
was at that time among these no
township which could be treated as
a town.

3 Cicero (ad Att. vi. 5, 3) writes
of his army in Cilicia: exercitum
infirmum habebam, auxilia sane bona,
sed ea Galatarum, Pisidarum, Lyci-
orum : haec enim sunt nostra robora.

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 343

and Cyprus, as well as the numerous islets of the sea
between Greece and Asia Minor; the Cyrenaic Pentapolis
also on the opposite African coast is so separated by the
surrounding desert from the interior that it may be in
some measure ranked along with those Greek islands.
These constituent elements, however, of the enormous
mass of lands united under the sceptre of the emperors
do not add essentially new features to the general
historical conception. The minor islands, Hellenised
earlier and more completely than the continent, belong
as regards their essential character more to European
Greece than to the colonial field of Asia Minor; as
indeed we have already several times mentioned the
Hellenic model- state, Rhodes, in connection with the
former. The islands are chiefly noticed at this epoch,
inasmuch as it was usual in the imperial period to banish
men of the better classes to them by way of punishment.
They chose, where the case was specially severe, rocks like
Gyarus and Donussa; but Andros, Cythnus, Amorgos,
once flourishing centres of Greek culture, were now places
of punishment, while in Lesbos and Samos not seldom
Romans of rank and even members of the imperial house
voluntarily took up a somewhat lengthened abode. Crete
and Cyprus, whose old Hellenism had under the Persian
rule or in complete isolation lost contact with home,
organised themselves—Cyprus as a dependency of Egypt,
the Cretan towns as autonomous—in the Hellenistic and
later in the Roman epochs according to the general forms
of Greek polity. In the Cyrenaic towns the system of
the Lagids prevailed ; we find in them not merely, as in
the strictly Greek towns, Hellenic burgesses and metoecz,
but alongside of them, as with the Egyptians in Alex-
andria, the “peasants,” that is the native Africans, and
among the metoect the Jews form, as they do likewise in
Alexandria, a numerous and privileged class.

To the Greeks in common the Roman imperial
government never granted a constitution. The Augustan
Amphictiony was restricted, as we saw (p. 254), to the
Hellenes in Achaia, Epirus, and Macedonia. If the Had-

Leagues of
the Hel-

lenes in
Asia Minor,

Land-diets
and land
festivals.

344 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIIL

rianic Panhellenes in Athens acted as though they were
represehtative of all the Hellenes, they yet encroached on
the other Greek provinces only in so far as they decreed,
so to speak, honorary Hellenism to individual towns
in Asia (p. 267) ; and the fact that they did so, just shows
that the extraneous communities of Greeks. were by no
means included among those Panhellenes. If in Asia
Minor there is mention of representation or representatives
of the Hellenes, what is meant by this in the provinces of
Asia and Bithynia organised completely after the Hellenic
manner, is the diet and the president of the diet of these
provinces, in so far as these proceed from the deputies of
the towns belonging to each of them, and all of these
towns are Greek polities ;1 while in the non-Greek province
of Galatia the representatives of the Greeks sojourning
there, placed alongside of the Galatian diet, are desig-

nated as “ presidents of the Greeks.

n 2

To the confederation of towns the Roman govern-
ment in Asia Minor had no occasion to oppose special

obstacles.

In Roman as in pre-Roman times nine towns

of the Troad performed in common religious functions and

celebrated common festivals.’

1 Decrees of the ém? rijs ’Aolas

“Eddnves, C. Z. A. 3487, 39573 a

Lycian honoured rò ro? xo[wo]6 rap
ém} rijs’Aclas ‘EXMjvwv kal òrò rôv
ilv Hajupuàlg rédewr, Benndorf, Lyk.
Reise, i. 122; letters to the Hellenes
in Asia, C. Z. Gr. 3832, 3833; ô
&vdpes “ENAnves in the address to the
diet of Pergamus, Aristides, p. §17.—
An dptas roô xowod rv év Biduvig
‘E\jvev, Perrot, Expl. de la Galatie,
pP. 323 letter of the emperor Alexan-
der to the same, Dig. xlix. 1, 25.—
Dio, li. 20: rots tévacs, “EAAqvas opas
émcxadéoas, éavr@ TWA, Toîs pèv
'Acıavois év Ilepyduw, rots 5¢ BeOuvois
év Nixopndelg repevioas érérpewe.

2 Besides the Galatarchs (Mar-
quardt, Staatsverw. i. 515) we meet in
Galatia even under Hadrian Hella-
darchae (Bull. de corr. Hell. vii. 18),
who can only be taken here like the
Hellenarchs in Tanais (p. 315, note 2).

The diets of the different

3 The cuvédpioy riv évvéa Shyu
(Schliemann, Zvoia, 1884, p. 256)
calls itself elsewhere °Dueîs ra? rédecs
al kovwvoîsa Tis Ovolas kal rob dyavos
kal rijs maviyipews (ib. p. 254).
Another document of the same league
from the time of Antigonus is given
in Droysen, Hellenismus, ii. 2, 382 ff.
So too other xowd are to be taken,
which refer to a narrower circle than
the province, such as the old one of
the thirteen Ionic cities, that of the
Lesbians (Marquardt, Staatsverw. i.
p- 516), that of the Phrygians on the
coins of Apamea. These have also
had their magisterial presidents, as
indeed there has recently been found
a Lesbiarch (Marquardt, 4c.), and
likewise the Moesian Hellenes were
under a Pontarch (p. 308). Yet it is
not improbable that, where the arch-
onship is named, the league is more
than a mere festal association ; the

—

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. 345

provinces of Asia Minor, which were here as in the whole
empire called into existence as a fixed institution by
Augustus, were not different in themselves from those of
the other provinces. Yet this institution developed itself,
or rather changed its nature, here in a peculiar fashion.
With the immediate purpose of these annual assemblies of
the civic deputies of each province’—to bring its wishes
to the knowledge of the governor or the government, and
generally to serve as organ of the province—was here first
combined the celebration of the annual festival for the
governing emperor and the imperial system generally.
Augustus in the year 725 allowed the diets of Asia and
Bithynia to erect temples and show divine honour to him
at their places of assembly, Pergamus and Nicomedia.
This new arrangement soon extended to the whole empire,
and the blending of the ritual institution with the adminis-
trative became a leading idea of the provincial organisa-
tion of the imperial period. But as regards pomp of
priests and festivals and civic rivalries, this institution
nowhere developed itself so much as in the province of
Asia and, analogously, in the other provinces of Asia
Minor ; and nowhere, consequently, has there subsisted
alongside of, and above, municipal ambition a provincial
ambition of the towns still more than of the individuals,
such as in Asia Minor dominates the whole public life.
The high priest (apyvepeds) of the new temple appointed
from year to year in the province is not merely the most
eminent dignitary of the province, but throughout its bounds
the year is designated after him.” The system of festivals
and games after the model of the Olympic festival, which
spread more and more as we saw among all the Hellenes,

Lesbians as well as the Moesian Penta-
polis may have had a special diet,
over which these officers presided.
On the other hand the xowòv roo
Tpyadéou medlov (Ramsay, Cities and
bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 10), which
stands alongside of several ĝuo, is a
quasi - community destitute of civic
rights.

1 The composition of the diets of
Asia Minor is most clearly apparent

in Strabo’s account of the Lyciarchy
(xiv. 3, 3, p. 664) and in the narra-
tive of Aristides (Or. 26, p. 344) as
to his election to one of the Asiatic
provincial priesthoods.

2 See examples for Asia, C. /. Gr.
3487 ; for Lycia, Benndorf, Lyk. Reise,
i. p. 71. But the Lycian federal
assembly designates the years not by
the Archiereus but by the Lyciarch.

29.

Provincial
priests and
Asiarchs,

346 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

was associated in Asia Minor predominantly with the
festivals and games of the provincial worship of the
emperor. The conduct of these fell to the president of
the diet, in Asia to the Asiarch, in Bithynia to the Bithyni-
arch, and so on; and not less he had chiefly to bear the
costs of the annual festival, although a portion of these,
like the remaining expenses of this equally brilliant and
loyal worship, was covered by voluntary gifts and endow-
ments, or was apportioned among the several towns.
Hence these presidentships were only accessible to rich
people ; the prosperity of the town Tralles is indicated by
the fact, that it never wanted Asiarchs—the title remained
even after the expiry of the official year—and the repute
of the Apostle Paul in Ephesus is indicated by his con-
nection with different Asiarchs there. In spite of the
expense this was an honorary position much sought after,
not on account of the privileges attached to it, eg. of
exemption from trusteeship, but on account of its out-
ward splendour; the festal entrance into the town, in
purple dress and with chaplet on the head, preceded by a
procession of boys swinging their vessels of incense, was
in the horizon of the Greeks of Asia Minor what the olive-
branch of Olympia was among the Hellenes. On several
occasions this or that Asiatic of quality boasts of having
been not merely himself Asiarch but descended also from
Asiarchs. If this cultus was at the outset confined to the
provincial capitals, the municipal ambition, which in the
province of Asia in particular assumed incredible propor-
tions, very soon broke through those limits. Here already
in the year 23 a second temple was decreed by the pro-
vince to the then reigning emperor Tiberius as well as to
his mother and to the senate, and after long quarrelling
of the towns was, by decree of the senate, erected at
Smyrna. The other larger towns followed the example
on later occasions. If hitherto the province had had

1 Tacitus, Anz. iv. 15, §5. The ‘‘(imperial)temple-keeper” (vewxépos);
town which possesses a temple dedi- and, if one of them has several to
cated by the diet of the province (the show, the number is appended. In

xowdr ris 'Aolas x. 7. A.) bears on that this institution one may clearly dis-
account the honorary predicate of the cern how the imperial worship ob-

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. l 347

only one president and one chief priest, as only one
temple, now not merely had as many chief priests to be
appointed as there were provincial temples, but also,
seeing that the conduct of the temple-festival and the
execution of the games pertained not to the chief priest
but to the land-president, and the rival great towns were
chiefly concerned about the festivals and games, there
was given to all the chief priests at the same time the
title and the right of presidency, so that at least in Asia
the Asiarchy and the chief priesthood of the provincial

temples coincided.!

tained its full elaboration in Asia
Minor. In reality the eocorate is
general, applicable to any deity and
any town; titularly, as an honorary
surname of the town, it meets us with
vanishing exceptions only in the im-
perial cultus of Asia Minor—only
some Greek towns of the neighbour-
ing provinces, such as Tripolis in
Syria, Thessalonica in Macedonia,
participated in it.

1 However little the original diver-
sity of the presidency of the diet and
the provincial chief-priesthood for the
cultus of the emperor can be called
in question, yet not merely in the case
of the former does the magisterial
character of the president, still clearly
recognisable in Hellas, whence the
organisation of the xowd generally
proceeds, fall completely into the
shade in Asia Minor, but here in
fact, where the xowéy has several
ritual centres, the ’Aoitdpxys and the
dpxepeds ris ’Aglas seem to have
amalgamated. The president of the
xowéy never bears in Asia Minor the
title of orpariyés, which sharply em-
phasises the civil office, and dptas rod
kowo (P. 344, note) or roô &@vous
(C. T. Gr. 4380*4, p. 1168) is rare ;
the compounds ’Aoidpyys, Auxcdpx7s,
analogous to the En)Aaddpyns of
Achaia, are already in Strabo’s time
the usual designation, That in the
minor provinces, like Galatia and
Lycia, the Archon and the Archiereus
of the province remained separate, is
certain. But in Asia the existence of

Therewith the diet and the civil

Asiarchs for Ephesus and Smyrna is
established by inscriptions (Marquardt,
Staatsverw. i, 514), while yet accord-
ing to the nature of the institution
there could only be one Asiarch for
the whole province. Here, too, the
Agonothesia of the Archiereus is at-
tested (Galen on Hippocrates de part.
18, 2, p. 567, Kühn: map uiv év
Tlepydpy rÕv dpxrepéwr ras kaħovuévas
povopaxias émtredotvrwv), while it is
the very essence of the Asiarchate.
To all appearance the rivalries of the
towns have here led to the result,
that, after there were several temples
of the emperor dedicated by the pro-
vince in different towns, the Agono-
thesia was taken from the real presi-
dent of the diet, and, instead, the
titular Asiarchate and the Agonothesia
were committed to the chief priest of
eachtemple. Inthatcasethe ’Aoidpyns
kal dpxtepeds vy wédewv is explained on
the coins of the thirteen Ionic towns
(Mionnet, iii. 61, 1), and on Ephesian
inscriptions the same Ti. Julius Re-
ginus may be named sometimes ’Act-
apxns 8 vady rôv èv Edéow (Wood,
Inscr. from the great theatre, p. 18),
sometimes dpycepeds B vady trav èv
"Edécy (ib. n. 8. 14, similarly 9).—
Only in this way, too, are the institu-
tions of the fourth century to be com-
prehended. Here a chief priest ap-
pears in every province, in Asia with
the title of Asiarch, in Syria with
that of Syriarch, and so forth. If
the amalgamation of the Archon and
the Archiereus had already begun

on

Superin-
tendence of
worship

by the pro-
vincial
priests.

348 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

functions, from which the institution had its origin, fell
into the background ; the Asiarch was soon nothing
more than the provider of a popular festival annexed to
the divine worship of the former and present emperors, on
which account indeed his wife—the Asiarchess—might
and zealously did take part in the celebration.

A practical importance, increased in Asia Minor by
the high estimation in which this institution was held,
may have attached to the provincial chief-priesthood
for the worship of the emperors through the religious
superintendence associated with it. After the diet had
once resolved on the worship of the emperors, and the
government had given its consent, action on the part of
the towns followed as a matter of course ; in Asia already
under Augustus at least all the chief places of judicial
circuit had their Caesareum and their emperors’ festival.’
It was the right and duty of the chief priest to watch
over the execution of these provincial and municipal
decrees and the practice of the cultus in his district ;
what this might mean, is elucidated by the fact, that the
autonomy of the free city of Cyzicus in Asia was set
aside under Tiberius for this among other reasons, that
it had allowed the decree for building the temple of the
god Augustus to remain unfulfilled—perhaps just be-
cause it as a free town was not under the diet. It is
probable that this superintendence, although it primarily
concerned the emperor-worship, extended to the affairs of
religion in general.2 Then, when the old and the new
faith began to contend in the empire for the mastery, it
was probably, in the first instance, through the provincial
chief priesthood that the contrast between them was

earlier in the province of Asia, nothing
was more natural than now, on the
diminution of the provinces, to com-
bine them everywhere in this way.

1 C. Z Gr. 3902?

2 Dio of Prusa, Or. 35, p. 66 R.,
names the Asiarchs and the analogous
archons (he designates clearly their
Agonothesia, and to it also point the
corrupt words rods érwvtpous Tv dbo
qwelpwy ris éowépas 8dys, for which

probably we should read rijs érépas
öns) rods amrdvrwv Apxovras TÖV
lepéwv. There is, as is well known,
an almost constant absence in the
designation of the provincial priests
of express reference to the worship of
the emperors ; there was good reason
for that absence, if they were expected
to play in their spheres the part of
the Pontifex Maximus in Rome.

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 349

converted into conflict. These priests, appointed from
the provincials of mark by the diet of the province, were
by their traditions and by their official duties far more
called and inclined than were the imperial magistrates
to animadvert on neglect of the recognised worship, and,
‘where dissuasion did not avail, as they had not themselves
a power of punishment, to bring the act punishable by
civil law to the notice of the local or imperial authorities
and to invoke the aid of the secular arm—above all, to
force the Christians to comply with the demands of
the imperial cultus. In the later period the regents
adhering to the old faith even expressly enjoin these
chief priests personally, and through the priests of the
towns placed under them, to punish contraventions of the
existing religious arrangements, and assign to them
exactly the part which under the emperors of the new
faith is taken by the metropolitan and his urban bishops.'
Probably here it was not the heathen organisation that
copied the Christian institutions; but, conversely, the
conquering Christian church that took its hierarchic

1 Maximinus for this purpose placed
military help at the disposal of the
chief priest of the individual province
(Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. viii. 14, 9);
and the famous letter of Julian (Z2.
49, comp. £7. 63) to the Galatarch
of the time gives a clear view of his
obligations. He is to superintend
the whole religious matters of the
province ; to preserve his independ-
ence in contradistinction to the
governor, not to dance attendance
upon him, not to allow him to appear
in the temple with military escort, to
receive him not in front of, but in, the
temple, within which he is lord and
the governor a private man. Of the
subsidies which the government has
settled on the province (30,000
bushels of corn and 60,000 sextarii
of wine), he is to expend the fifth
part on the poor persons who become
clients of the heathen priests, and to
employ the rest otherwise on charitable
objects ; in every town of the province,
if possible, with the aid of private

persons, to call into existence hospitals
(Eevodoxeta), not merely for heathens,
but for everybody, and no longer to
allow the Christians the monopoly
of good works. He is to urge all
the priests of the province by example
and exhortation generally to main-
tain a religious walk, to avoid the
frequenting of theatres and taverns,
and in particular to frequent the
temples diligently with their family
and their attendants, or else, if they
should not amend their ways, to
depose them. It is a pastoral letter
in the best form, only with the address
altered, and with quotations from
Homer instead of the Bible. Clearly
as these arrangements bear on their
face the stamp of heathenism already
collapsing, and certainly as in this
extent they are foreign to the earlier
epoch, the foundation at any rate—
the general superintendence of the
chief priest of the province over
matters of worship—by no means
appears as a new institution.

System of
religion.

Public
safety.

ASTA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

350

weapons from the arsenal of the enemy. All this
applied, as we have already observed, to the whole
empire; but the very practical consequences of the
provincial regulation of the imperial cultus—the exercise
of religious superintendence and the persecution of
persons of another faith——were drawn pre-eminently in
Asia Minor.

Alongside of the cultus of the emperors the worship of
the gods proper found its favoured abode in Asia Minor,
and all its extravagances in particular there found a
refuge. The mischief of asylums and of miraculous
cures had here its seat in a quite special sense. Under
Tiberius the limitation of the former was enjoined by
the Roman senate; the god of healing, Asklepios,
nowhere performed more and greater wonders than in
his much-loved city of Pergamus, which worshipped him
as Zeus Asklepios, and owed to him a good part of its
prosperity in the imperial period. The most active wonder-
workers of the time of the empire—the subsequently
canonised Cappadocian Apollonius of Tyana and the
Paphlagonian serpent-man Alexander of Abonuteichos
—belonged to Asia Minor. If the general prohibition
of associations was carried out, as we shall see, with
special strictness in Asia Minor, the reason must doubtless
be sought mainly in the religious conditions which gave
special occasion to the abuse of such unions there.

The public safety was left to depend in the main on
the land itself. In the earlier imperial period, apart from
the Syrian command which included eastern Cilicia, there
was stationed in all Asia Minor simply a detachment of
5000 auxiliary troops, which served as a garrison in the
province of Galatia,’ along with a fleet of 40 ships; this
command was destined partly to keep in check the
restless Pisidians, partly to cover the north-eastern

1 This troop, according to its
position in Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii.
16, 4, between the provinces of
Asia and Cappadocia not provided
with garrisons, can only be referred
to Galatia. Of course it furnished
also the detachments, which were

stationed in the dependent territories
on the Caucasus, at that time—under
Nero—apparently also those stationed
on the Bosporus itself, in which, it is
true, also the Moesian corps took part
(p. 318). |

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. | 351

frontier of the empire, and to watch over the coast of
the Black Sea as far as the Crimea. Vespasian raised
this troop to the status of an army corps of two legions
and placed their staffs in the province of Cappadocia on the
upper Euphrates. Besides these forces destined to guard
the frontier there were not then any garrisons of note in
anterior Asia; in the imperial province of Lycia and
Pamphylia, eg. there lay a single cohort of 500 men, in
the senatorial provinces, at the most, individual soldiers
told off from the imperial guard or from the neighbouring
imperial provinces for special purposes.’ If this testifies,
on the one hand, most emphatically to the internal peace
of these provinces, and clearly brings before our eyes the
enormous contrast of the citizens of Asia Minor with the
constantly unsettled capitals of Syria and Egypt, it
explains, on the other hand, the subsistence, already
noticed in another connection, of brigandage in a country
mountainous throughout and in the interior partly
desolate, particularly on the Myso-Bithynian frontier
and in the mountain valleys of Pisidia and Isauria.
There was no civic militia proper in Asia Minor. In
spite of the flourishing of gymnastic institutes for boys,
youths, and men, the Hellenes of this period in Asia
remained as unwarlike as in Europe? They restricted
themselves to creating for the maintenance of public
safety civic peace-masters (Eirenarchs), and placing at
their disposal a number of civic gens d’armes, partly
mounted mercenaries of small repute, but which must yet
have been useful, since the emperor Marcus did not
disdain, in the sorely felt want of tried soldiers during
the Marcomanian war, to incorporate these town-soldiers
of Asia Minor among the imperial troops.’

1 Praetorian stationarius Ephesi,
Eph. epigr. iv. n. 7o. <A soldier
im statione Nicomedensi, Plin. ad
Trai. 74. A legionary centurion
in Byzantium, 24. 77, 78.

2 In the municipal matters of Asia
Minor everything occurs except what
relates to arms. The Smyrnaean
orparnyds érl r&év mwv is of course

a reminiscence equally with the cultus
of Herakles órmňopúña (C. I. Gr.
3162).

3 The Eirenarch of Smyrna sends
out these gens d'armes to arrest Poly-
carp: ¿Abov Öıwyuîraı kal immeis
perà Trev ouvvhôwv aùroîs Srdwv, ws
éml Agorhy rpéxovres (Acta marl.,
ed. Ruinart, p. 39). That they had

Eirenarchs,

Adminis-
tration of
justice.

|
)

The con-
stitution of
towns in
Asia Minor.

13, I2.

ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIIL

352

The administration of justice on the part as well of
the civic authorities as of the governors left at this epoch
much to be desired; yet the emergence of the imperial
rule marks a turn in it for the better. The interference
of the supreme power had under the republic confined
itself to the penal control of the public officials, and
exercised this, especially in later times, feebly and
factiously, or rather not at all. Now not merely were
the reins drawn tighter in Rome, inasmuch as the strict
superintendence of its own officers was inseparable from
the unity of military government, and even the imperial
senate was induced to watch more sharply over the
administration of its mandatories; but it became now
possible to set aside the miscarriages of the provincial
courts by way of the newly introduced appeal, or else,
where an impartial trial could not be expected in the
province, to carry the process to Rome before the bar
of the emperor." Both of these steps applied also to
the senatorial provinces, and were to all appearance

predominantly felt as a benefit.
As in the case of the Hellenes of Europe, so in Asia

Minor the Roman province

not the armour of soldiers proper, is
also elsewhere remarked (Ammian.
xxvii. 9, 6: adhibitis semtermibus
guibusdam—against the Isaurians—
quos diogmitas apellant), Their em-
ployment in the Marcomanian war is
reported by the biographer of Marcus,
c. 26: armavit et diogmitas, and by
the inscription of Aezani in Phrygia,
C. I. Gr. 3031 a 8=Lebas-Wadding-
ton, 992: mapasxàv TÈ xuply Kalcape
otppaxov ðıwypelryy wap éavrod.

1 In Cnidus (Bull, decorr. Hell. vii.
62), in the year 741-742 U. C., some
apparently respectable burgesses had
during three nights assailed the house
of one with whom they had a personal
feud; in repelling the attack one of
the slaves of the besieged house had
killed one of the assailants by a vessel
thrown from the window. The occu-
pants of the besieged house were
thereupon accused of manslaughter,
but, as they had public opinion against

was essentially an aggregate

them, they dreaded the civic tribunal
and desired the matter to be decided
by the verdict of the emperor Augustus. —
The latter had the case investigated
by a commissioner, and acquitted the
accused, of which he informed the
authorities in Cnidus, with the remark
that they would not have handled the
matter impartially, and directed them
to act in accordance with his verdict.
This was certainly, as Cnidus was a
free town, an encroachment on its
sovereign rights, as also in Athens
appeal to the emperor and even to
the proconsul was in Hadrian’s time
allowable (p. 262, note 2). But any
one who considers the state of things
as to justice in a Greek town of this
epoch and of this position, will not
doubt that, while such encroachment
gave doubtless occasion to various un-
just decisions, it much more frequently
prevented them.

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 353

of urban communities. Here, as in Hellas, the traditional
received forms of democratic polity were in general re-
tained, eg. the magistrates continued to be chosen by the
burgesses, but everywhere the determining influence was
placed in the hands of the wealthy, and no free play was
allowed to the pleasure of the multitude any more than
to serious political ambition. Among the limitations of
municipal autonomy it was peculiar to the towns of Asia
Minor, that the already mentioned Eirenarch, the police-
master of the city, was subsequently nominated by the
governor from a list of ten names proposed by the council
of the city. The government-trusteeship of civic finance-
administration—the imperial appointment of one not be-
longing to the city itself as a guardian of property (curator
rei publicae, NoytaTHs), whose consent the civic authorities
had to procure in the more important dealings with pro-
perty—was never generally ordained, but only for this or
that city according to need; in Asia Minor, however, in
keeping with the importance of its urban development, it
was introduced specially early, z.e. from the beginning of
the second century, and on a specially comprehensive scale.
At least in the third century here, as elsewhere, other
important decrees of the communal administration had
to be laid before the governor to be confirmed. The
Roman government did not insist anywhere, and least
of all in the Hellenic lands, on uniformity of municipal
constitution; in Asia Minor there prevailed great
variety, according, it may be conjectured, in many
cases with the pleasure of the individual burgess-bodies,
although for the communities belonging to the same
province the law organising each province prescribed
general rules. Whatever institutions of this sort may
be looked upon as diffused in Asia Minor, and pre-
dominantly peculiar to the land, bear no political char-
acter, but are merely significant as regards social
relations, such as the unions spread over all Asia Minor,
partly of the older, partly of the younger citizens,

Logistae.

the Gerusia and the Neoi, clubs for the two classes of Gerusia,

age with corresponding places of gymnastic exercise and
VOL. I. 23

CoOL

pE

Urban life.

ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

354

festivals! Of autonomous communities there were from
the outset far fewer in Asia Minor than in Hellas
proper ; and, in particular, the most important towns of
Asia Minor never had this doubtful distinction, or at
any rate early lost it, such as Cyzicus under Tiberius
(p. 348), Samos through Vespasian. Asia Minor was just
old subject-territory and, under its Persian as under its
Hellenic rulers, accustomed to monarchic organisation ;
here less than in Hellas did useless recollections and vague
hopes carry men away beyond the limited municipal horizon
of the present, and there was not much of this sort to dis-
turb the peaceful enjoyment of such happiness in life as
was possible under the existing circumstances.

Of this happiness of life there was abundance in
Asia Minor under the Roman imperial government.
“No province of them all,” says an author living in
Smyrna under the Antonines, “has so many towns to
show as ours, and none such towns as our largest. It has
the advantage of a charming country, a favourable climate,
varied products, a position in the centre of the empire,
a girdle of peaceful people all round, good order, rarity
of crime, gentle treatment of slaves, consideration and

1 The Gerusia often mentioned in
inscriptions of Asia Minor has nothing
but the name in common with the
political institution founded by Lysi-
machus in Ephesus (Strabo, xiv. I,
21, p. 640; Wood, Ephesus, inser.
from the temple of Diana, n. 19); its
character in Roman times is indicated
partly by Vitruvius, ii. 8, 10 ; Croesi
(domum) Sardiani civibus ad requies-
cendum aetatis otio seniorum collegio
gerusiam dedicaverunt, partly by the
inscription recently found in the Lycian
town Sidyma (Benndorf, Lyk. Reese,
i. 71), according to which council
and people resolve, as the law re-
quires, to institute a Gerusia, and to
elect to it 50 Buleutae and 50 other
citizens, who then appoint a gymnasi-
arch for the new Gerusia. This gym-
nasiarch, who meets us elsewhere, as
well as the Hymnode of the Gerusia
(Menadier, gua condic. Ephesti ust

sint, p. 51), are, among the office-
bearers of this body known to us,
the only ones characteristic of its
nature. Analogous, but of less esti-
mation, are the collegia of the véo,
which also have their own gymnasi-
archs. To the two overseers of the
places of gymnastic exercise for the
grown-up citizens the gymnasiarchs
of the Ephebi form the contrast
(Menadier, p. 91). Common repasts
and festivals (to which the Hymnodes
has reference) were of course not
wanting, particularly in the case of the
Gerusia. It was not a provision for
the poor, nor yet a collegium reserved
for the municipal aristocracy; but
characteristic for the mode of civil
intercourse among the Greeks, with
whom the gymnasium was nearly
what the citizens’ assembly-rooms are
in our small towns.

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 355

goodwill from the rulers.” Asia was called, as we have
already said, the province of the five hundred towns ; and,
if the arid interior, in part fitted only for pasture, of
Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, and Cappadocia was even
at that time but thinly peopled, the rest of the coast was
not far behind Asia. The enduring prosperity of the
regions capable of cultivation in Asia Minor did not
extend merely to the cities of illustrious name, such as
Ephesus, Smyrna, Laodicea, Apamea ; wherever a corner
of the country, neglected under the desolation of the
fifteen hundred years which separate us from that time,
is opened up to investigation, there the first and the most
powerful feeling is that of astonishment, one might almost
say of shame, at the contrast of the wretched and pitiful
present with the happiness and splendour of the past
Roman age.

On a secluded mountain-top not far from the Lycian
coast, where according to the Greek fable dwelt the
Chimaera, lay the ancient Cragus, probably built only of
beams and clay tiles, and having for that reason no trace
of it left excepting the Cyclopian fortress-walls at the
foot of the hill, Below the summit spreads a pleasant
fertile valley with fresh Alpine air and southern vegeta-
tion, surrounded by mountains rich in woods and game.
When under the emperor Claudius Lycia became a pro-
vance, the Roman government transferred the mountain-
town—the “green Cragus” of Horace—to this plain; in the
market-place of the new town, Sidyma, the remains still
stand of the tetrastyle temple then dedicated to the
| emperor, and of a stately colonnade, which a native of
the place who had acquired means as a physician built in
his early home. Statues of the emperors and of deserving
fellow-citizens adorned the market; there were in the
town a temple to its protecting gods, Artemis and Apollo,
baths, gymnastic institutions (yupzydova) for the older as
for the younger citizens; from the gates along the main
road, which led steeply down the mountain side to the
harbour Calabatia, there stretched on both sides rows of
stone sepulchral monuments, more stately and more costly

Cragus-
Sidyma,

356 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

than those of Pompeii, and for the most part still erect,
while the houses presumably built, like those of the ancient
city, from perishable materials, have disappeared. We
may draw an inference as to the position and habits of
the former inhabitants from a municipal decree recently
found there, probably drawn up under Commodus, as to
constituting the club for the elder citizens; it was com-
posed of a hundred members, taken one half from the
town-council and the other from the rest of the citizens,
including not more than three freedmen and one person
of illegitimate birth, all the rest begotten in lawful wed-
lock and belonging in part to demonstrably old and
wealthy burgess-houses. Some of these families attained
to Roman citizenship, one even to the senate of the
empire. But even abroad this senatorial house, as well
as different physicians of Sidyma employed in other
lands and even at the imperial court, remained mindful
of their home, and several of them closed their lives there ;
one of these distinguished denizens has put together the
legends of the town and the prophecies concerning it in
a compilation not exactly excellent, but very learned and
very patriotic, and caused these memorabilia to be publicly
exhibited. This Cragus-Sidyma did not vote among
towns of the first class at the diet of the small Lycian
province, was without a theatre, without honorary titles,
and without those general festivals which in the world, as
it then was, marked a great town ; was even, according to
the conception of the ancients, a small provincial town
and thoroughly a creation of the Roman imperial period.
But in the whole Vilajet Ardin there is at the present
day no inland place which can be even remotely placed
by the side of this little mountain-town, such as it was,
as regards civilised existence. What still stands vividly
to-day before our eyes in this secluded village has disap-
peared, with the exception of slight remains, or even with-
out a trace, in an untold number of other towns under the
devastating hand of man. The coinage of the imperial
period, freely given to the towns in copper, allows us a
certain glance at this abundance; no province can even

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 357

remotely vie with Asia in the number of mints and the
variety of the representations.

No doubt this merging of all interests in the petty
town of one’s birth was not without its reverse side in
Asia Minor, any more than among the European Greeks.
What was said of their communal! administration holds
good in the main also here. The urban finance-system,
which knows itself to be without right control, lacks
steadiness and frugality and often even honesty; as to
buildings — sometimes the resources of the town are
exceeded, sometimes even what is most needful is left
undone ; the humbler citizens become accustomed to the
largesses of the town-chest, or of men of wealth, to free oil
in the baths, to public banquets and popular recreations out
of others’ pockets ; the good houses become used to the
clientage of the multitude, with its abject demonstrations
of homage, its begging intrigues, its divisions ; rivalries
exist, as between town and town (p. 329), so in every town
between the several circles and the several houses; the
government in Asia Minor dares not to introduce the
formation of poor-clubs and of voluntary fire-brigades, such
as everywhere existed in the west, because the spirit of
faction here at once takes possession of every association.
The calm sea easily becomes a swamp, and the lack of
the great pulsation of general interest is clearly discernible
also in Asia Minor.

Defects of
municipal
administra-
tion,

Asia Minor, especially in its anterior portion, was one of Prosperity.

the richest domains of the great Roman state. It is true
that the misgovernment of the republic, the disasters of
the Mithradatic time thereby produced, thereafter the evil
of piracy, and lastly the many years of civil war which
had financially affected few provinces so severely as these,
had doubtless so utterly disorganised the means of the
communities and of individuals there, that Augustus
resorted to the extreme expedient of striking off all
claims of debt; all the Asiatics, with the exception of
the Rhodians, made use of this dangerous remedy. But
the peaceful government which again set in made up for
much, Not everywhere—the islands of the Aegean Sea,

358 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

for example, never thereafter revived—but in most places,
already when Augustus died, the wounds as well as the
remedies were forgotten; and in this state the land
remained for three centuries down to the epoch of the
Gothic wars. The sums at which the towns of Asia
Minor were assessed, and which they themselves, certainly
under control of the governor, had to allocate and raise,
formed one of the most considerable sources of income
for the imperial exchequer. How the burden of taxation
stood related to the ability of the taxed to pay, we are
unable to ascertain ; but permanent overburdening in the
strict sense is not compatible with the circumstances in
which we find the land down to the middle of the third
century. The remissness of the government, still more
perhaps than its intentional forbearance, may have kept
within bounds the fiscal restriction of traffic and the
application of a tax-screw which was inconvenient not
merely for the taxed. In great calamities, particularly
on occasion of the earthquakes which under Tiberius fear-
fully devastated twelve flourishing cities of Asia, especially
Sardis, and under Pius a number of Carian and Lycian
towns and the islands of Cos and Rhodes, private and
above all imperial help was rendered with great liberality,
and bestowed upon the natives of Asia Minor the full
blessing of a great state—the collective guarantee of all for
all. The construction of roads, which the Romans had
taken in hand on the first erection of the province of Asia

. by Manius Aquillius (iii. 59), was seriously prosecuted

during the imperial period in Asia Minor only where
larger garrisons were stationed, particularly in Cappadocia
and the neighbouring Galatia, after Vespasian had insti-
tuted a legionary camp on the middle Euphrates! In
the other provinces not much was done for it, partly,
doubtless, in consequence of the laxity of the senatorial
government ; wherever roads were here constructed on the
part of the state, it was done on imperial ordinance.”

1 The milestones begin here with 2 This is most clearly shown by
Vespasian (C. Z. Z. iii. 306), and are the road-constructions executed in the
thenceforth numerous, particularly senatorial province of Bithynia under
from Domitian down to Hadrian. Nero and Vespasian by the imperial

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. 359

This prosperity of Asia Minor was not the work of a
government of superior insight and energetic activity.
The political institutions, the incitements of trade and com-
merce, the initiative in literature and art belong through-
out Asia Minor to the old free towns or to the Attalids.
What the Roman government gave to the land, was
essentially the permanence of a state of peace, the tolera-
tion of inward prosperity, the absence of that govern-
ing wisdom which regards every sound pair of arms and
every saved piece of money as rightfully subservient to its
immediate aims—negative virtues of personages far from
prominent, but often more conducive to the common
weal than the great deeds of the self-constituted guardians
of mankind. |

The prosperity of Asia Minor was in beautiful equi-
poise, dependent as much on agriculture as on industry
and commerce. The favours of nature were bestowed in
richest measure, especially on the regions of the coast ;
and there are many evidences with how laborious dili-
gence, even under more difficult circumstances, every at
all useable piece of ground was turned to account, eg. in
the rocky valley of the Eurymedon in Pamphylia by the
citizens of Selga. The products of the industry of Asia
Minor are too numerous and too manifold to be dwelt
upon in detail ;' we may mention that the immense pas-

procurator (C. Z. Z. iii. 346; Eph. corr. Hell. vii. 230 ff.), there are
v.n. 96). But even in the case of the found a writer (vordpios), a wine-
roads constructed in the senatorial dealer (olvéuropos), two oil-dealers

provinces of Asia and Cyprus the
senate is never named, and the same
may be assumed for them. In the
third century here, as everywhere, the
construction even of the imperial
highways was transferred to the com-
munes (Smyrna: C. Z. ZL. iii. 471;
Thyatira, Bull. de corr. Hell. i. 101;
Paphos, C. Z. Z. iii. 218).

1 The Christians of the little town
of Corycus in the Rough Cilicia were
wont, contrary to the general custom,
to append regularly in their tomb-in-
scriptions the station in life. On the
epitaphs recovered there by Langlois
and recently by Duchesne (Sul! de

(€XcormAys), a green-grocer (Aaxa-
vorwAns), a fruit-dealer (6rwporwAys),
two retail dealers (xármňos), five gold-
smiths (avpdpios thrice, xpucdxoos
twice), one of whom is also presbyter,
four coppersmiths (xa\xérumos once,
xadxevs thrice), two instrument-makers
(dppevopddos), five potters (xepayeds),
of which one is designated as work-
giver (épyodérns), another is at the
same time presbyter, a clothes-dealer
(iuarcommAns), two linen - dealers
(AwvordAns), three weavers (60ovcaxés),
a worker in wool (épeoupyés), two shoe-
makers (xadvydptos, kadréptos), a skin-
ner (ivcopdédos, doubtless for Arropddos,

Trade and
commerce.

360 ASIA MINOR. BOOK. VIII.

tures of the interior, with their flocks of sheep and goats,
made Asia Minor the headquarters of woollen manufac-
tures and of weaving generally—it suffices to recall the
Milesian and the Galatian, that is, the Angora, wool, the
Attalic gold - embroideries, the cloths prepared in the
workshops of Phrygian Laodicea after the Nervian, that is
the Flemish, style. It is well-known that an insurrection
had almost broken out in Ephesus because the goldsmiths
dreaded injury to their sale of sacred images from the new
Christian faith. In Philadelphia, a considerable town of
Lydia, we know the names of two out of the seven
districts: they are those of the wool-weavers and the
shoemakers. Probably there is here brought to light
what in the case of the other towns is hidden under older
and more genteel names, that the more considerable towns
of Asia included throughout not merely a multitude of
labourers, but also a numerous manufacturing population.

The money-dealing and traffic were in Asia Minor
dependent chiefly on its own products. The great foreign
import and export trade of Syria and Egypt was in the
main excluded, though from the eastern lands various
articles were introduced into Asia Minor, e.g. a consider-
able number of slaves through the Galatian traders.’ But,
if the Roman merchants were to be found here apparently
in every large and small town, even at places like Ilium
and Assus in Mysia, Prymnessus and Traianopolis in
Phrygia, in such numbers that their associations were in the
habit of taking part along with the town’s burgesses in
public acts ; if in Hierapolis, in the interior of Phrygia, a
manufacturer (épyaor7s) caused it to be inscribed on his
tomb that he had in his lifetime sailed seventy-two times
round Cape Malea to Italy, and a Roman poet describes

the merchant of the capital

pellio), a mariner (vavxAnpos), a mid-
wife (larpiv}); further a joint tomb
of the highly reputable money-changers
(sioorena Tov evyevertdtwy Tparre-
girGv). Such was the look of things
there in the fifth and sixth centuries.
1 This traffic attested for the fourth

who hastens to the port, in

century (Ammianus, xxii. 7, 8; Clau-
dianus in Eutrop. i. 59) is beyond
doubt older. Of another nature is
the fact, that, as Philostratus states
(Vita Apoll. viii. 7, 12), the non-
Greek inhabitants of Phrygia sold
their children to the slave-dealers.

CHAP, VII. ASIA MINOR. 361

order not to let his business-friend from Cibyra, not far
distant from Hierapolis, fall into the hands of rivals,
there is thus opened up a glimpse into a stirring manu-
facturing and mercantile life not merely at the seaports.
Language also testifies to the constant intercourse with
Italy; among the Latin words that became current in
Asia Minor not a few proceed from such intercourse, as
indeed in Ephesus even the guild of the wool-weavers
gives itself a Latin name.’ Teachers of all sorts and
physicians came especially from this quarter to Italy and
the other lands of the Latin tongue, and not merely
gained often considerable wealth, but also brought it back
to their native place ; among those to whom the towns of
Asia Minor owe buildings or endowments, the physicians
who had become rich, and literati, occupy a prominent
position. Lastly, the emigration of the great families to
Italy affected Asia Minor less and later than the West ; it
was easier for people from Vienna and Narbo to transplant
themselves to the capital of the empire than from the

1 Suvepyacla rv A\avaplwy (Wood,
Ephesus, city, n. 4). On the inscrip-
tions of Corycus (p. 359) Latin descrip-
tions of artisans abound. The stair
is called ypddos in the Phrygian in-
scriptions, C. Z. Gr. 3900, 3902 2.

2 One of these is Xenophon son of
Heraclitus of Cos, well known from
Tacitus (Asn. xii. 61, 67) and Pliny,
Hi, N. xxix, 1, 7, and from a series of
monuments of his native place (Bul.
de corr. Hell. v. 468). As physician-
in-ordinary (dpx.arpés, which title first
occurs here) to the emperor he ac-
quired such influence that he com-
bined with his medical activity the
position of imperial cabinet-secretary
for Greek correspondence (ml rév
EAqvecdy droxpydrwy ; comp. Sui-
das s. v. Arovtaros ’Adetavdpeds), and
he procured not merely for his brother
and uncle the Roman franchise and
posts as officers of equestrian rank,
and for himself, besides the horse of
a knight and the rank of officer, the
decoration of the golden chaplet and
the spear on occasion of the triumph
over Britain, but also for his native

place freedom from taxation. His
tomb stands on the island, and his
grateful countrymen set up statues to
him and to his, and struck in memory
of him coins with his effigy. He it
is who is alleged to have put an end
to Claudius, when dead - sick, by
further poisoning, and accordingly, as
equally valuable to him and to his suc-
cessor, he is termed on his monu-
ments not merely, as usual, ‘friend
of the emperor” (g:AoveBacrés), but
specially friend of Claudius (gudo-
kravdtos) and of Nero (¢iAovépwy ; so
according to certain restoration).
His brother, whom he followed in
this position, drew a salary of 500,000
sesterces (£5000), but assured the
emperor that he had only taken the
position to please him, as his town-
practice brought in to him 100,000
sesterces more. In spite of the enor-
mous sums which the brothers had
expended on Naples in particular, as
well as on Cos, they left behind
an estate of 30,000,000 sesterces
(£325,000).

i o.
f

Literary
activity.

Instruc-
tion.

362 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

Greek towns; nor was the government in the earlier
period quite inclined to bring the -municipals of mark
from Asia Minor to the court, and to introduce them into
the Roman aristocracy.

If we leave out of view the marvellous period of early
bloom, in which the Ionic epos and the Aeolic lyric
poetry, the beginnings of historical composition and of
philosophy, of plastic art and of painting, had their rise
on these shores, in science as in the practice of art the
great age of Asia Minor was that of the Attalids, which
faithfully cherished the memory of that still greater epoch.
If Smyrna showed divine honours to its citizen Homer,
struck coins for him and named them after him, there was
thus expressed the feeling, which dominated all Ionia and
all Asia Minor, that divine art had come down to earth in
Hellas generally, and in Ionia in particular.

How early and to what extent elementary instruction
was an object of public care in these regions is clearly
shown by a decree of the town Teos in Lydia’ concerning
it. According to this, after the gift of capital by a rich
citizen had provided the town with means, there was to be
instituted in future, alongside of the inspector of gymnastics
(yupvaciapyns), also the honorary office of a school-in-
spector (matðovópos)}. Further, there were to be appointed
three pafd teachers of writing with salaries, according to
the three classes respectively, of 600, 550, and 500
drachmae, in order that all the free boys and girls might
be instructed in writing ; likewise two gymnastic masters,
each with a salary of 500 drachmae ; a teacher of music
with a salary of 700 drachmae, who should instruct the
boys of the last two years at school and the youths that
had left school in playing the lute and the cithara ; a box-
ing master with 300 drachmae, and a teacher for archery
and throwing of the spear with a pay of 250 drachmae.
The teachers of writing and music are to hold a public
examination of the scholars annually in the town-hall.
Such was the Asia Minor of the time of the Attalids ; but

1 The document is given by Dittenberger, n. 349. Attalus II. made a
similar endowment ih Delphi (Bull. de corr. Hell. v. 157),

CHAP. VIIL ASIA MINOR. 363

the Roman republic did not continue their work. It did
not cause its victories over the Galatians to be immor-
talised by the chisel, and the Pergamene library went
shortly before the battle of Actium to Alexandria; many
of the best germs perished in the devastation of the Mith-
radatic and the civil wars. It was only in the time of
the empire that the care of art, and above all of literature,
revived at least outwardly with the prosperity of Asia
Minor. To a primacy proper, such as was possessed by
Athens as a university-town, by Alexandria in the sphere
of scientific research, and by the frivolous capital of Syria
for the drama and the ġallet, none of the numerous cities
of Asia Minor could lay claim in any direction whatever ;
but general culture was probably nowhere more widely
diffused and more influential. It must have been very
early the custom in Asia to grant to teachers and physi-
cians exemption from the civic offices and functions that
involved expense ; to this province was directed the edict
of the emperor Pius (p. 329), which, in order to set limits
to an exemption that was evidently very burdensome
for the city finances, prescribes maximal numbers for it:
e.g. allows towns of the first class to grant this immunity
to the extent of ten physicians, five instructors in rhetoric,
and five in grammar.

The position of Asia Minor as occupying the first rank
in the literary world of the imperial period was based on
the system of the rhetors, or, according to the expression
later in use, the sophists of this epoch—a system which we
moderns cannot easily realise. The place of written works,
which pretty nearly ceased to have any significance, was
taken by the public discourse, somewhat of the nature of
our modern university and academic addresses, eternally
producing itself anew and preserved only by way of excep-
tion, once heard and applauded, and then for ever forgotten.
The contents were furnished frequently by the occasion
of the birthday of the emperor, the arrival of the governor,
or any analogous event, public or private ; still more fre-
quently without any occasion they talked at large on
everything, which was not practical and not instructive.

Addresses
of the
sophists,

364 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

The political address had no existence for this age at all,
not even in the Roman senate. The forensic speech was
no longer for the Greeks the goal of oratory, but stood
alongside of the speech for speaking’s sake as a neglected
and plebeian sister, to which a master of that art might
occasionally condescend. From poetry, philosophy, his-
tory, there was borrowed whatever admitted of being dealt
with by way of common-place, while these all themselves,
little cultivated in general, least of all in Asia Minor,
and still less esteemed, languish by the side of the pure art
of words and beneath its infection. The great past of the
nation is regarded by these orators, so to speak, as their
special property ; they reverence and treat Homer in
some measure as the Rabbins do the books of Moses, and
even in religion they study the most zealous orthodoxy.
These discourses are sustained by all the allowed and
unallowed resources of the theatre, by the art of gesticula-
tion and of modulation of the voice, by the magnificence
of the orator’s costume, by the artifices of the virtuoso
and the methods of partisanship, by competition, by the
claque. To the boundless self-conceit of these word-artists
corresponds the lively sympathetic interest of the public—
which is but little inferior to that felt for race-horses—and
the expression given to this sympathy quite after the
fashion of the theatre; and the frequency with which

. such exhibitions were brought before the cultured in the

larger places entitles them, just like the theatre, to rank
everywhere among the customary doings of urban life.
If perhaps our understanding of this extinct phenomenon
may be somewhat helped by connecting it with the im-
pression called forth in our most susceptible great cities
by the discourses of their learned bodies, as they fall due,
there is yet wholly wanting in the modern state of things
what was by far the main matter in the ancient world—
the didactic element, and the connection of the aimless
public discourse with the higher instruction of youth. If
the latter at present, as we say, educates the boy of the
cultured class to be a professor of philology, it educated
him then to be a professor of eloquence, and, in fact, of this

CHAP, VIII. ASIA MINOR. 365

sort of eloquence. For the school-training conduced more
and more to equip the boy for holding just such discourses,
as we have now described, on his own part, if possible, in
two languages ; and, whoever had finished the course with
profit, applauded in similar performances the recollection
of his own time at school.

This production embraced East and West, but Asia Minor
stood in the van and led the fashion. When in the age of
Augustus the school-rhetoric gained a footing in the Latin
instruction of the youth of the capital, its chief pillars
alongside of Italians and Spaniards were two natives of
Asia Minor, Arellius Fuscus and Cestius Pius. At that
same place, where the grave forensic address maintained
its ground in the better imperial period by the side of
this parasite, an ingenious advocate of the Flavian age
points to the enormous gulf which separates Nicetes of
Smyrna and the other rhetoricians applauded in Ephesus
and Mytilene from Aeschines and Demosthenes. By far
the most, and most noted, of the famous rhetors of this sort
are from the coast of western Asia. We have already
observed how much the supply of schoolmasters for the
whole empire told upon the finances of the towns of Asia
Minor. In the course of the imperial period the number
and the estimation of these sophists were constantly on
the increase, and they gained ground more and more in
the west. The cause of this lies partly doubtless in the
changed attitude of the government, which in the second
century—especially after the Hadrianic epoch exhibiting
not so much a Hellenising as a bad cosmopolitan type—
stood less averse to Greek and Oriental habits than
in the first; but chiefly in the ever increasing general
diffusion of higher culture, and the rapidly enlarging
number of institutes for the higher instruction of youth.
The sophistic system thus belongs, at all events especially,
to Asia Minor, and particularly to the Asia Minor of the
second and third centuries ; only there may not be found
in this literary primacy any special peculiarity of these
Greeks and of this epoch, or even a national characteristic.
The sophistic system appears everywhere alike, in Smyrna

Asia Minor
leads the
fashion,

ea

Galenus.,

Dio of
Prusa.

366 ASIA MINOR. BOOK VIII.

and Athens as in Rome and Carthage; the masters of
eloquence were sent out like patterns of lamps, and the
manufacture was organised everywhere in the same way,
Greek or Latin, according to desire, the supply being
raised in accordance with the need. But no doubt those
Greek districts, which took precedence in prosperity and

culture, furnished this article of export of the best quality

and in greatest quantity ; this holds true of Asia Minor
for the times of Sulla and Cicero no less than for those
of Hadrian and the Antonines.

Here, however, all is not shadow. Those same regions
possess, not indeed among the professional sophists, but
yet among the /ttevatz of a different type, who are still
found there in comparatively large numbers, the best
representatives of Hellenism which this epoch has at all
to show, the teacher of philosophy, Dio of Prusa in
Bithynia, under Vespasian and Trajan, and the medical
man Galenus of Pergamus, imperial physician in ordinary at
the courts of Marcus and Severus. What is particularly
pleasing in the case of Galen is the polished manner of
the man of the world and the courtier, in connection with
a general and philosophical culture, such as is frequently
conspicuous in the physicians of this period.

In purity of sentiment and clear grasp of the position
of things, the Bithynian Dio is nowise inferior to the
scholar of Chaeronea ; in plastic power, in elegance and
apt vigour of speech, in earnest meaning underlying light-
ness of form, in practical energy, he is superior to him. The
best of his writings—the fancies of the ideal Hellene be-
fore the invention of the city and of money; the appeal to
the Rhodians, the only surviving representatives of genuine

1 A physician of Smyrna, Hermo-
genes, son of Charidemus (C, Z. Gr.
3311), wrote not merely 77 volumes
of a medical tenor, but, in addition,
as his epitaph tells, historical writings :
on Smyrna, on the native country of
Homer, on the wisdom of Homer, on
the foundation of cities in Asia, in
Europe, on the islands, itineraries of
Asia and Europe, on stratagems,

chronological tables on the history of
Rome and of Smyrna. A physician
of the imperial household, Menecrates
(C. J, Gr. 6607), whose descent is
not specified, founded, as his Roman
admirers attest, the new logical and
at the same time empiric medicine
(lôlas Noyexfjs evapyods larpixfs xrlorys)
in his writings, which ran to 156
volumes.

CHAP. VIII. ASIA MINOR. 367

Hellenism ; the description of the Hellenes of his time in
the solitude of Olbia as in the luxury of Nicomedia and of
Tarsus; the exhortations to the individual as to an earnest
conduct of life, and to all as to their keeping together in
unity—form the best evidence that even of the Hellenism
of Asia Minor in the time of the empire the word of the
poet holds good: “The sun even in setting is ever the
same.”

END OF VOL. I

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297/4
THE PROVINCES

OF THE

ROMAN EMPIRE

FROM CAESAR TO DIOCLETIAN

BY

THEODOR MOMMSEN

TRANSLATED

WITH THE AUTHOR’S SANCTION AND ADDITIONS

BY

WILLIAM P. DICKSON, D.D., LL.D.

PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

VOL. II

WITH TWO MAPS BY PROFESSOR KIEPERT

LONDON
RICHARD BENTLEY & SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET
Publishers in Ordinary to Wer Majesty the Queen
1886

~ < ee ee al —_— -

BR

C6

yon

oo oah C :

ao“

‘So |
IR £- \

CONTENTS

BOOK EIGHTH

THE PROVINCES AND PEOPLE, FROM CAESAR
TO DIOCLETIAN

PAGE

CHAPTER IX.

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER AND THE PARTHIANS I

CHAPTER X.

SYRIA AND THE LAND OF THE NABATAEANS : . 116

CHAPTER XI.

JUDAEA AND THE JEWS : : . 160

CHAPTER XII.
EGYPT ; f ; : 5 232

CHAPTER XIII.

THE AFRICAN PROVINCES ; l 3 . 303

INDEX ; ; i : . 347

CHAPTER IX.
THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER AND THE PARTHIANS.

THE only great state with which the Roman empire
bordered was the empire of Iran, based upon that
nationality which was best known in antiquity, as it is
in the present day, under the name of the Persians,
consolidated politically by the old Persian royal family
of the Achaemenids and its first great-king Cyrus, united
religiously by the faith of Ahura Mazda and of Mithra.
No one of the ancient peoples of culture solved the
problem of national union equally early and with equal
completeness. The Iranian tribes reached on the south
as far as the Indian Ocean, on the north as far as the
Caspian Sea; on the north-east the steppes of inland
Asia formed the constant battle-ground between the
settled Persians and the nomadic tribes of Turan. On
the east mighty mountains formed a boundary separating
them from the Indians. In western Asia three great
nations early encountered one another, each pushing

1 The conception that the Roman
and the Parthian empires were two
great states standing side by side, and
indeed the only ones in existence,
dominated the whole Roman East,
particularly the frontier - provinces.
It meets us palpably in the Apocalypse
of John, in which there is a juxta-
position as well of the rider on the
white horse with the bow and of the
rider on the red horse with the sword
(vi. 2, 3) as of the Megistanes and

VOL. II.

the Chiliarchs (vi. 15, comp. xviii.
23, xix. 18). The closing catastrophe,
too, is conceived as a subduing of the
Romans by the Parthians bringing
back the emperor Nero (ix. 14, xvi.
12) and Armageddon, whatever may
be meant by it, as the rendezvous of
the Orientals for the collective attack
on the West. Certainly the author,
writing in the Roman empire, hints
these far from patriotic hopes more
than he expresses them.

I

The em-
pireoflIran,

The rule of
the Par-
thians.

2 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER { BOOK viN.

forward on its own account: the Hellenes, who from
Europe grasped at the coast of Asia Minor, the Arama-
ean peoples, who from Arabia and Syria advanced in a
northern and north-eastern direction and substantially
filled the valley of the Euphrates, and lastly, the stocks
of Iran not merely inhabiting the country as far as the
Tigris, but even penetrating to Armenia and Cappadocia,
while primitive inhabitants of another type in these far-
extending regions succumbed under these leading powers
and disappeared. In the epoch of the Achaemenids, the
culminating point of the glory of Iran, the Iranian rule
went far beyond this wide domain proper to the stock
on all sides, but especially towards the west. Apart
from the times, when Turan gained the upper hand over
Iran and the Seljuks and Mongols ruled over the
Persians, foreign rule, strictly so called, has only been
established over the flower of the Iranian stocks twice, by
Alexander the Great and his immediate successors and
by the Arabian Abbasids, and on both occasions only
for a comparatively short time; the eastern regions—in
the former case the Parthians, in the latter the inhabitants
of the ancient Bactria—not merely threw off again the
yoke of the foreigner, but dislodged him also from the
cognate west.

When the Romans in the last age of the republic
came into immediate contact with Iran as a consequence
of the occupation of Syria, they found in existence the
Persian empire regenerated by the Parthians. We have
formerly had to make mention of this state on several
occasions ; this is the place to gather together the little
that can be ascertained regarding the peculiar character
of the empire, which so often exercised a decisive influence
on the destinies of the neighbouring state. Certainly to
most questions, which the historical inquirer has here to
put, tradition has no answer. The Occidentals give but
occasional notices, which may in their isolation easily
mislead us, concerning the internal condition of their
Parthian neighbours and foes; and, if the Orientals
in general have hardly understood how to fix and to

h

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 3

preserve historical tradition, this holds doubly true of the
period of the Arsacids, seeing that it was by the later
Iranians regarded, together with the preceding foreign
rule of the Seleucids, as an unwarranted usurpation
between the periods of the old and the new Persian rule
—the Achaemenids and the Sassanids ; this period of five
hundred years is, so to speak, eliminated by way of
correction’ from the history of Iran, and is as if non-
existent.

The standpoint, thus occupied by the court-historio- The Par-
graphers of the Sassanid dynasty, is more the legitimist- $

dynastic one of the Persian nobility than that of Iranian
nationality. No doubt the authors of the first imperial
epoch describe the language of the Parthians, whose
home corresponds nearly to the modern Chorasan, as
intermediate between the Median and the Scythian, that
is, aS an impure Iranian dialect; accordingly they were
regarded as immigrants from the land of the Scythians,
and in this sense their name is interpreted as “ fugitive
people,” while the founder of the dynasty, Arsaces, is
declared by some indeed to have been a Bactrian, but by
others a Scythian from the Maeotis. The fact that their
princes did not take up their residence in Seleucia on the
Tigris, but pitched their winter quarters in the immediate
neighbourhood at Ctesiphon, is traced to their wish not
to quarter Scythian troops in the rich mercantile city.
Much in the manners and arrangements of the Parthians
is alien from Iranian habits, and reminds us of the
customs of nomadic life; they transact business and eat
on horseback, and the free man never goes on foot. It
cannot well be doubted that the Parthians, whose name
alone of all the tribes of this region is not named in the
sacred books of the Persians, stand aloof from Iran
proper, in which the Achaemenids and the Magians are at
home. The antagonism of this Iran to the ruling family
springing from an uncivilised and half foreign district,

1 This holds true even in some the last Darius and the first Sassanid
measure for the chronology. The from 558 to 266 years (Noldeke,
official historiography of the Sas- Tabari, p. 1).
sanids reduces the space between

lans

- sinami i

4 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

and to its immediate followers—this antagonism, which
the Roman authors not unwillingly took over from their
Persian neighbours — certainly subsisted and fermented
throughout the whole rule of the Arsacids, till it at length
brought about their fall. But the rule of the Arsacids
may not on that account be conceived as a foreign rule.
No privileges were conceded to the Parthian stock and
to the Parthian province. It is true that the Parthian
town Hecatompylos is named as residence of the Arsacids ;
but they chiefly sojourned in summer at Ecbatana
(Hamadan), or else at Rhagae like the Achaemenids, in
winter, as already stated, in the camp-town of Ctesiphon,
or else in Babylon on the extreme western border of the
empire. The hereditary burial-place continued in the
Parthian town Nisaea; but subsequently Arbela in
Assyria served for that purpose more frequently. The
poor and remote native province of the Parthians was in
no way suited for the luxurious court-life, and the
important relations to the West, especially of the later
Arsacids. The chief country continued even now to be
Media, just as under the Achaemenids. However the
Arsacids might be of Scythian descent, not so much
depended on what they were as on what they desired
to be; and they regarded and professed themselves
throughout as the successors of Cyrus and of Darius.
As the seven Persian family-princes had set aside the
false Achaemenid, and had restored the legitimate rule
by the elevation of Darius, so needs must other seven
have overthrown the Macedonian foreign yoke and placed
king Arsaces on the throne. With this patriotic fiction
must further be connected the circumstance that a
Bactrian nativity instead of a Scythian was assigned to
the first Arsaces. The dress and the etiquette at the
court of the Arsacids were those of the Persian court ;
after king Mithradates I. had extended his rule to the
Indus and Tigris, the dynasty exchanged the simple title
of king for that of king of kings which the Achaemenids
had borne, and the pointed Scythian cap for the high
tiara adorned with pearls; on the coins the king carries

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 5

the bow like Darius. The aristocracy, too, that came
into the land with the Arsacids and doubtless became in
many ways mixed with the old indigenous one, adopted
Persian manners and dress, mostly also Persian names; of
the Parthian army which fought with Crassus it is said that
the soldiers still wore their hair rough after the Scythian
fashion, but the general appeared after the Median manner
with the hair parted in the middle and with painted face.

The political organisation, as it was established by
the first Mithradates, was accordingly in substance that
of the Achaemenids. The family of the founder of the
dynasty is invested with all the lustre and with all
the consecration of ancestral and divinely-ordained rule ;
his name is transferred de jure to each of his successors
and divine honour is assigned to him; his successors are
therefore called sons of God,! and besides brothers of the
sun-god and the moon-goddess, like the Shah of Persia
still at the present day; to shed the blood of a member
of the royal family even by mere accident is a sacrilege
—all of them regulations, which with few abatements
recur among the Roman Caesars, and are perhaps borrowed
in part from those of the older great-monarchy.

Although the royal dignity was thus firmly attached
to the family, there yet subsisted a certain choice as to
the king. As the new ruler had to belong as well to the
college of the “kinsmen of the royal house” as to the
council of priests, in order to be able to ascend the
throne, an act must have taken place, whereby, it may
be presumed, these same colleges themselves acknowledged
the new ruler.” By the “kinsmen” are doubtless to be

1 The viceroys of Persis are called
in their title constantly ‘‘ Zag Alohin ”
(at least the Aramaean signs corres-
pond to these words, which were
presumably in pronunciation expressed
in the Persian way), son of God
(Mordtmann, Zeitschrift fiir Numis-
matik, iv. 155 f.), and to this corres-
ponds the title @eowdrwp on the
Greek coins of the great-kings. The
designation ‘“‘ God ” is also found, as
with the Seleucids and the Sassanids.

—Why a double diadem is attributed
to the Arsacids (Herodian, vi. 2, 1)
is not cleared up.

2 Tév IlapOvalwy cuvddpidy mow
(Tlowerdwrios) elvat, says Strabo, xi.
9, 3, Pe 515, Sirrév, Tò pev ovyyevay,
TÒ è chddwr kal pdyuwy, €& ay auow
rovs Baowreis xabicracOa (xabiornow
in MSS.); Justinus, xvii. 3, I,
Mithridates rex Parthorum . . .
propter crudelitatem a senatu Parthico
regno pellitur.

The regal

office.

Megis-
tanes.

Satraps.

6 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

understood not merely the Arsacids themselves, but the
“seven houses” of the Achaemenid organisation, princely
families, to which according to that arrangement equality
of rank and free access to the great-king belonged, and
which must have had similar privileges under the Arsacids.!
These families were at the same time holders of hereditary
crown offices,’ e.g. the Surén—the name is like the name
Arsaces, a designation at once of person and of office—
the second family after the royal house, as crown-masters,
placed on each occasion the tiara on the head of the new
Arsaces. But as the Arsacids themselves belonged to
the Parthian province, so the Surén were at home in
Sacastane (Seistan) and perhaps Sacae, thus Scythians ;
the Carén likewise descended from western Media, while
the highest aristocracy under the Achaemenids was
purely Persian.

The administration lay in the hands of the under-
kings or satraps; according to the Roman biographers
of Vespasian’s time the state of the Parthians consisted
of eighteen “kingdoms.” Some of these satrapies were
appanages of a second son of the ruling house; in
particular the two north-western provinces, the Atro-
patenian Media (Aderbijan) and Armenia, so far as it
was in the power of the Parthians, appear to have been
entrusted for administration to the prince standing next
to the ruler for the time. We may add that prominent

1 In Egypt, whose court ceremonial,
as doubtless that of all the states of the
Diadochi, is based on that ordained by
Alexander, and in so far upon that of
the Persian empire, the like title seems
to have been conferred also personally
(Franz, C. Z. Gr. iil, 270). That
the same occurred with the Arsacids,
is possible. Among the Greek-speak-
ing subjects of the Arsacid state the
appellation uey:oraves seems in the
original stricter use to denote the
members of the seven houses; it is
worthy of notice that megistanes and
Satrapae are associated (Seneca, £/.
213; Josephus, Arch. xi. 3, 23 Xx.
2, 3). The circumstance that in
court mourning the Persian king does

not invite the mcerstanes to table |
(Suetonius, Gaz. 5) suggests the con-
jecture that they had the privilege
of taking meals with him. The title
TOV mwpwrev gdirtwy is also found
among the Arsacids just as at *he
Egyptian and Pontic courts (Bull. de
corr. Hell. vii. p. 349).

2 A royal cup-bearer, who is at
the same time general, is mentioned
in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 13, 7 = Bell.
Jud. i. 13, 1. Similar court offices are
of frequent occurrence in the states
of the Diadochi.

3 Tacitus, Ann. xv. 2, 31. If,
according to the preface of Agath-
angelos (p. 109, Langlois), at the
time of the Arsacids the oldest and

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 7

among the satraps were the king of the province of
Elymais or of Susa, to whom was conceded a specially
powerful and exceptional position, and next to him the
king of Persis, the ancestral land of the Achaemenids.
The form of administration, if not exclusive, yet prepon-
derant and conditioning the title, was in the Parthian
empire—otherwise than in the case of the Caesars—that
of vassal- kingdom, so that the satraps entered by
hereditary right, but were subject to confirmation by the
great-king.| To all appearance this continued down-
wards, so that smaller dynasts and family chiefs stood
in the same relation to the under-kings as the latter
occupied to the great-king.? Thus the office of great-
king among the Parthians was limited to the utmost in
favour of the high aristocracy by the accompanying
subdivision of the hereditary administration of the land.
With this it is quite in keeping, that the mass of the
population consisted of persons half or wholly non-free,’ `
and emancipation was not allowable. In the army
which fought against Antonius there are said to have
been only 400 free among 50,000. The chief among
the vassals of Orodes, who as his general defeated

ablest prince bore rule over the
country, and the three standing next
to him were kings of the Armenians,
of the Indians, and of the Massagetae,
there is here perhaps at bottom the
same arrangement. That the Partho-
Indian empire, if it was combined
with the main land, was likewise re-
garded as an appanage for the second
son, is very probable.

1 These are doubtless meant by
Justinus (xli. 2, 2), proximus maiestati
regum pracpositorum ordo est; ex hoc
duces in bello, ex hoc in pace rectores
habent. The native name is preserved
by the gloss in Hesychius, Blorat ò
Bactheds mapa Ilépoas. If in Am-
mianus, xxiii. 6, 14, the presidents of
the Persian regiones are called vifaxae
(read wistaxae), td est magistri equitum
ef reges et satrapac, he has awkwardly
referred what is Persian to all Inner
Asia (comp. Hermes, xvi. 613); we
may add that the designation ‘‘ leaders

of horsemen” for these viceroys may
relate to the fact that they, like the
Roman governors, united in them-
selves the highest civil and the
supreme military power, and the
army of the Parthians consisted pre-
ponderantly of cavalry.

? This we learn from the title
carpdrys TOY carparðv, attributed to
one Gotarzes in the inscription of
Kermanschahan in Kurdistan (C. Z.
Gr. 4674). It cannot be assigned
to the Arsacid king of the same
name as such; but perhaps there
may be designated by it, as Olshausen
(Afonatsbericht der Berliner Akademie,
1878, p. 179) conjectures, that posi-
tion which belonged to him after
his renouncing of the great -kingdom
(Tacitus, Ann. xi. 9).

3 Still later a troop of horse in the
Parthian army is called that ‘‘of the
free:” Josephus, Arch. xiv. 13, 5=
Bell. Jud. i. 13, 3.

The Greek
towns of
the Par-
thian em-
pire.

8 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER _ BOOK VII.

Crassus, marched to the field with a harem of 200
wives and a baggage train of 1000 sumpter-camels; he
himself furnished to the army 10,000 horsemen from his
clients and slaves. The Parthians never had a standing
army, but at all times the waging of war here was left
tg depend on the general levy of the vassal-princes and
of the vassals subordinate to these, as well as of the
great mass of the non-free over whom these bore sway.

. Certainly the urban element was not quite wanting
in the political organisation of the Parthian empire. It
is true that the larger townships, which arose out of the
distinctive development of the East, were not urban
commonwealths, as indeed even the Parthian royal
residence, Ctesiphon, is named in contrast to the neigh-
bouring Greek foundation of Seleucia a village; they
had no presidents of their own and no common council,
and the administration lay here, as in the country districts,
exclusively with the royal officials. But a portion—
comparatively small, it is true—of the foundations of the _
Greek rulers had come under Parthian rule. In the
provinces of Mesopotamia and Babylonia by nationality
Aramaean the Greek town-system had gained a firm
footing under Alexander and his successors. Meso-
potamia was covered with Greek commonwealths ; and
in Babylonia, the successor of the ancient Babylon, the
precursor of Bagdad, and for a time the residence of the
Greek kings of Asia—Seleucia on the Tigris—had by its
favourable commercial position and its manufactures
risen to be the first mercantile city beyond the
Roman bounds, with more, it is alleged, than half a
million of inhabitants. Its free Hellenic organisation, on
which beyond doubt its prosperity above all depended,
was not touched even by the Parthian rulers in their
own interest, and the city preserved not merely its town
council of 300 elected members, but also the Greek
language and Greek habits amidst the non-Greek East.
It is true that the Hellenes in these towns formed only
the dominant element ; alongside of them lived numerous
Syrians, and, as a third constituent, there were associated

—_ ~ —

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 9

with these the not much less numerous Jews, so that the
population of these Greek towns of the Parthian empire,
just like that of Alexandria, was composed of three
separate nationalities standing side by side. Between
these, just as in Alexandria, conflicts not seldom occurred,
as eg. at the time of the reign of Gaius under the eycs
of the Parthian government the three nations came to
blows, and ultimately the Jews were driven out of the
larger towns.

In so far the Parthian empire was the genuine coun-
terpart to the Roman. As in the one the Oriental vice-
royship is an exceptional occurrence, so in the other is
the Greek city; the general Oriental aristocratic character
of the Parthian government is as little injuriously affected
by the Greek mercantile towns on the west coast as is the
civic organisation of the Roman state by the vassal king-
doms of Cappadocia and Armenia. While in the state of
the Caesars the Romano-Greek urban commonwealth
spreads more and more, and gradually becomes the
general form of administration, the foundation of towns—
the true mark of MHelleno-Roman civilisation, which
embraces the Greek mercantile cities and .the military
colonies of Rome as well as the grand settlements of
Alexander and the Alexandrids—suddenly breaks off
with the emergence of the Parthian government in the
East, and even the existing Greek cities of the Parthian
empire wane in the further course of development.
There, as here, the rule more and more prevails over the
exceptions.

The religion of Iran with its worship—approximating
to monotheism—of the “highest of the gods, who has
made heaven and earth and men and for these everything
good,” with its absence of images and its spirituality, with
its stern morality and truthfulness, with its influence upon
practical activity and energetic conduct of life, laid hold
of the minds of its confessors in quite another and deeper
way than the religions of the West ever could ; and, while
neither Zeus nor Jupiter maintained their ground in pre-
sence of a developed civilisation, the faith among the

Religion.

10 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER _ BOOK VIII.

Parsees remained ever young till it succumbed to another
gospel—that of the confessors of Mohammed—or at any
rate retreated before it to India. It is not our task to
set forth how the old Mazda-faith, which the Achaemenids
professed, and the origin of which falls in prehistoric time,
was related to that which the sacred books of the Persians
having their origin probably under the later Achaemenids
—the Avesta—announce as the doctrine of the wise Zara-
thustra ; for the epoch, when the West is placed in con-
tact with the East, only the later form of religion comes
under consideration. That the Avesta took shape, not in
the east of Iran, in Bactria, but probably in Media, may
be regarded as an assured result of recent investigation.
But the national religion and the national state were

bound up with one another in Iran more closely than-
even among the Celts. It has already been noticed that °

the legitimate kingship in Iran was at the same time a
religious institution, that the supreme ruler of the land
was conceived as specially called to the government by
the supreme deity of the land, and even in some measure
divine. On the coins of a national type there appears
regularly the great fire-altar, and hovering over it the
winged god Ahura Mazda, alongside of him in lesser
size, and in an attitude of prayer, the king, and over-
against the king the imperial banner. In keeping
with this, the ascendency of the nobility in the Par-
thian empire goes hand in hand with the privileged
position of the clergy. The priests of this religion, the
Magians, appear already in the documents of the Achae-
menids and in the narratives of Herodotus, and have,
probably with right, always been regarded by the Occi-
dentals as a national Persian institution. The priesthood
was hereditary, and at least in Media, presumably also in
other provinces, the collective body of the priests was
accounted, somewhat like the Levites in the later Israel,
as a separate portion of the people. Even under the rule
of the Greeks the old religion of the state and the national

priesthood maintained their place. When the first Seleucus «

wished to found the new capital of his empire, the already

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. lI

mentioned Seleucia, he caused the Magians to fix day
and hour for it, and it was only after those Persians, not
very willingly, had cast the desired horoscope, that the
king and his army, in accordance with their indication,
accomplished the solemn laying of the foundation-stone
of the new Greek city. Thus by his side stood the priests
of Ahura Mazda as counsellors, and they, not those of the
Hellenic Olympus, were interrogated in public affairs, so
far as these concerned divine things. As a matter of
course this was all the more the case with the Arsacids.
We have already observed that in the election of king,
along with the council of the nobility, that of the priests
took part. King Tiridates of Armenia, of the house of the
Arsacids, came to Rome attended by a train of Magians,
and travelled and took food according to their directions,
even in company with the emperor Nero, who gladly
allowed the foreign wise men to preach their doctrine
and to conjure spirits for him. From this certainly it
does not follow that the priestly order as such exercised
an essentially determining influence on the management
of the state; but the Mazda-faith was by no means
re-established only by the Sassanids; on the contrary,
amidst all change of dynasties, and amidst all its own
development, the religion of the land of Iran remained in
its outline the same.

The language of the land in the Parthian empire was
the native language of Iran. There is no trace pointing
to any foreign language having ever been in public use
under the Arsacids. On the contrary, it is the Iranian
land-dialect of Babylonia and the writing peculiar to this—
as both were developed before, and in, the Arsacid period
under the influence of the language and writing of the
Aramaean neighbours—which are covered by the appella-
tion Pahlavi, i.e. Parthava, and thereby designated as
those of the empire of the Parthians. Even Greek did
not become an imperial language there. None of the
rulers bear even as a second name a Greek one; and,
had the Arsacids made this language their own, we should
not have failed to find Greek inscriptions in their empire.

Language.

Extent of
the Par-
thian em-
pire.

12 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

Certainly their coins show down to the time of Claudius
exclusively, and predominantly even later, Greek legends,
as they show also no trace of the religion of the land, and
in standard attach themselves to the local coinage of
the Roman east provinces, while they retain the division
of the year as well as the reckoning by years just as these
had been regulated under the Seleucids. But. this must
rather be taken as meaning that the great-kings them-
selves did not coin at all,? and these coins, which in fact
served essentially for intercourse with the western neigh-
bours, were struck by the Greek towns of the empire in
the name of the sovereign. The designation of the king
on these coins as “friend of Greeks” (@sAéAAnv), which
already meets us early, and is constant from the time of
Mithradates I., ze. from the extension of the state as
far as the Tigris, has a meaning only, if it is the Parthian
Greek city that is speaking on these coins. It may be con-
jectured that a secondary position was conceded in public
use to the Greek language in the Parthian empire along-
side of the Persian, similar to that which it possessed in
the Roman state by the side of Latin. The gradual dis-
appearance of Hellenism under the Parthian rule may be
clearly followed on these urban coins, as well in the
emergence of the native language alongside and instead
of the Greek, as in the debasement of language which
becomes more and more prominent.‘ N

As to extent the kingdom of the Arsacids was far
inferior, not merely to the great state of the Achaemenids,

1 The oldest known coin with Pah-
lavi writing was struck in Claudius’s
time under Vologasus I. ; it is bilin-
gual, and gives to the king in Greek
his full title, but only the name
Arsaces, in Iranian merely the native
individual name shortened (Vol. ).

2 Usually this is restricted to the
large silver money, and the small
silver and most of the copper are
regarded as of royal coinage. But
by this view a singular secondary
part in coinage is assigned to the
great-king. More correctly perhaps
the former coinage is conceived of as

predominantly destined for dealings
abroad, the latter as predominantly
for internal intercourse ; the diversi-
ties subsisting between the two kinds
are also explained in this way.

3 The first ruler that bears it is
Phraapates about 188 B.C. (Percy
Gardner, Parthian Coinage, p. 27).

4 Thus there stands on the coins
of Gotarzes (under Claudius) Twréptys
Baorreds Bacthéwy vds Kexadoupévos
‘ApraBdvov. On the later ones the
Greek legend is often quite unin-
telligible.

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 13

but also to that of their immediate predecessors, the state
of the Seleucids. Of its original territory they possessed
only the larger eastern half; after the battle with the
Parthians, in which king Antiochus Sidetes, a contem-
porary of the Gracchi, fell, the Syrian kings did not
again seriously attempt to assert their rule beyond the
Euphrates ; but the country on this side of the Euphrates
remained with the Occidentals.

Both coasts of the Persian Gulf, even the Arabian,
were in possession of the Parthians, and the navigation
was thus completely in their power; the rest of the
Arabian peninsula did not obey either the Parthians or
the Romans ruling over Egypt.

To describe the struggle of the nations for the posses-
sion of the Indus valley, and of the regions bordering on
it, to the west and east, so far as the wholly fragmentary
tradition allows of a description at all, is not the task of
our survey; but the main lines of this struggle, which
constantly goes by the side of that waged for the
Euphrates valley, may the less be omitted in this con-
nection, as our tradition does not allow us to follow out
in detail the circumstances of Iran to the east in their
influence on western relations, and it hence appears neces-
sary at least to realise for ourselves its outlines. Soon
after the death of Alexander the Great, the boundary
between Iran and India was drawn by the agreement of
his marshal and coheir Seleucus with Chandragupta, or in
Greek Sandracottos, the founder of the empire of the
Indians. According to this the latter ruled not merely
over the Ganges-valley in all its extent and the whole
north-west of India, but in the region of the Indus, at least
over a part of the upland valley of what is now Cabul,
further over Arachosia or Afghanistan, presumably also
over the waste and arid Gedrosia, the modern Beloo-
chistan, as well as over the delta and mouths of the
Indus; the documents hewn in stone, by which Chan-
dragupta’s grandson, the orthodox Buddha - worshipper
Asoka, inculcated the general moral law on his subjects,
have been found, as in all this widely extended domain,

Arabia.

The region
of the In-
dus.

Bactro-In-
dian em-
pire.

Indo-Scy-
thians,

14 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER _ BOOK VII.
so particularly in the region of Peshawur.! The Hindoo
Koosh, the Parapanisus of the ancients, and its continua-
tion to the east and west, thus separated with their mighty
chain—pierced only by few passes—Iran and India. But
this agreement did not long subsist.

In the earlier period of the Diadochi the Greek rulers
of the kingdom of Bactra, which took a mighty impulse
on its breaking off from the Seleucid state, crossed the
frontier-mountains, brought a considerable part of the
Indus valley into their power, and perhaps established
themselves still farther inland in Hindostan, so that the
centre of gravity of this empire was shifted from western
Iran to eastern India, and Hellenism gave way to an
Indian type. The kings of this empire were called Indian,
and bore subsequently non-Greek names; on the coins
the native Indian language and writing appear by the side,
and instead, of the Greek, just as in the Partho-Persian
coinage the Pahlavi comes up alongside of the Greek.

Then one nation more entered into the arena; the
Scythians, or, as they were called in Iran and India, the
Sacae, broke off from their ancestral settlements on the
Jaxartes and crossed the mountains southward. The
Bactrian province came at least in great part into their
power, and at some time in the last century of the Roman
republic they must have established themselves in the

1 While the kingdom of Darius,
according to his inscriptions, includes
in it the Gadara (the Gandhara of
the Indians, Tavdapirts of the Greeks
on the Cabul river) and the Hidu
(the dwellers by the Indus), the
former are in one of the inscriptions
of Asoka adduced among his subjects,
and a copy of his great edict has been
found in Kapurdi Giri, or rather in
Shahbaz Garhi (Yusufzai-district),
nearly 27 miles north-west of the
point where the Cabul river falls into
the Indus at Attock. The seat of
the government of these north-west
provinces of Asoka’s kingdom was
(according to the inscription C. Z.
Indicar. i, p. 91) Takkhasila, Táňa
of the Greeks, some 40 miles E.S.E.

of Attock, the seat of government for
the south-western provinces was Ujjéni
(‘Ogjvn). The eastern part of the
Cabul valley thus belonged at any rate
to Asoka’s empire. It is not quite im-
possible that the Khyber pass formed
the boundary; but probably the whole
Cabul valley belonged to India, and
the boundary to the south of Cabul
was formed by the sharp line of the
Suleiman range, and farther to the
south-west by the Bolan pass. Of
the later Indo-Scythian king Huvishka
(Ooerke of the coins), who seems to
have resided on the Yamuna in
Mathura, an inscription has been
found at Wardak not far northward
from Cabul (according to information
from Oldenberg).

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 15
modern Afghanistan and Beloochistan. On that account
in the early imperial period the coast on both sides of the
mouth of the Indus about Minnagara is called Scythian,
and in the interior the district of the Drangae lying to the
west of Candahar bears subsequently the name “land of
the Sacae,” Sacastane, the modern Seistéan. This immi-
gration of the Scythians into the provinces of the Bactro-
Indian empire doubtless restricted and injured it, some-
what as the Roman empire was affected by the first
migrations of the Germans, but did not destroy it ; under
Vespasian there still subsisted a probably independent
Bactrian state."

Under the Julian and Claudian emperors the Parthians
seem to have been the leading power at the mouth of the
Indus. A trustworthy reporter from the Augustan age
specifies that same Sacastane among the Parthian pro-
vinces, and calls the king of the Saco-Scythians an
under-king of the Arsacids ; as the last Parthian province
towards the east he designates Arachosia with the capital
Alexandropolis, probably Candahar. Soon afterwards,
indeed, in Vespasian’s time, Parthian princes rule in Min-
nagara. This, however, was for the empire on the river
Indus more a change of dynasty than an annexation
proper to the state of Ctesiphon. The Parthian prince
Gondopharus, whom the Christian legend connects with St.
Thomas, the apostle of the Parthians and Indians,’ certainly
ruled from Minnagara as far up as Peshawur and Cabul ;
but these rulers use, like their superiors in the Indian
empire, the Indian language alongside of the Greek, and
name themselves great-kings like those of Ctesiphon ; they
appear to have been not the less rivals to the Arsacids,
on account of their belonging to the same princely house.®

1 The Egyptian merchant named

in note 3 makes mention, c. 47, of
“ the warlike people of the Bactrians,
who have their own king.” At that
time, therefore, Bactria was separated
from the Indus-empire that was under
Parthian princes. Strabo, too (xi.
II, I, p. §16) treats the Bactro-Indian
empire as belonging to the past.

2 Probably he is the Kaspar—in
older tradition Gathaspar—who ap-
pears among the holy three kings
from the East (Gutschmid, Xkein.
Mus, xix. 162),

3 The most definite testimony to
the Parthian rule in these regions is
found in the description of the coasts
of the Red Sea drawn up by an

Partho-
Indian em-

pire,

Empire of
the Sacae
on the
Indus.

16

EE O a ae a a r

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER

-e u.

BOOK VIII.

This Parthian dynasty was then followed in the
Indian empire after a short interval by what is designated
in Indian tradition as that of the Sacae or that of king
Kanerku or Kanishka, which begins with 78 A.D. and

subsisted at least down to the third century.!

Egyptian merchant under Vespasian,
c. 38: “ Behind the mouth of the
Indus in the interior lies the capital
of Scythia Minnagara; but this is
ruled by the Parthians, who con-
stantly chase away one another” (ud
TldpOwy ouvexðs åANýovs évdiwxdy-
rwv). The same is repeated in a
somewhat confused way, c. 413 it
might here appear as if Minnagara
lay in India itself above Barygaza,
and Ptolemy has already been led
astray by this; but certainly the
writer, who speaks as to the interior
only from hearsay, has only wished to
say that a large town Minnagara lay in-
land not far from Barygaza, and much
cotton was brought thence to Barygaza.
The numerous traces also of Alexan-
der, which occur according to the same
authority in Minnagara, can be found
only on the Indus, not in Gujerat.
The position of Minnagara on the
lower Indus not far from Hyderabad,
and the existence of a Parthian rule
there under Vespasian, appear hereby
assured. — With this we may be
allowed to combine the coins of king
Gondopharus or Hyndopherres, who
in a very old Christian legend is con-
verted to Christianity by St. Thomas,
the apostle of the Parthians and In-
dians, and in fact appears to belong
to the first period of the Roman em-
pire (Sallet, Mum. Zeitschr. vi. 3553
Gutschmid, Rhein. Mus. xix. 162);
of his brother’s son Abdagases (Sallet,
ib. p. 365), who may be identical
with the Parthian prince of this name
in Tacitus, Ann. vi. 36, at any rate
bears a Parthian name; and lastly
of king Sanabarus, who must have
reigned shortly after Hyndopherres,
perhaps was his successor. Here
belongs also a number of other coins
marked with Parthian names, Arsaces,
Pacorus, Vonones. This coinage
attaches itself decidedly to that of

They

the Arsacids (Sallet, 74. p. 277); the
silver pieces of Gondopharus and of
Sanabarus—of the others the coins
are almost solely copper—correspond
exactly to the Arsacid drachmae.
To all appearance these belong to the
Parthian princes of Minnagara; the
appearance here of Indian legend
alongside of the Greek, as of Pahlavi
writing among the late Arsacids, suits
this view. These, however, are not
coins of satraps, but, as the Egypt-
ian indicates, of great-kings rival-
ling those of Ctesiphon; Hyndo-
pherres names himself in very corrupt
Greek Baorteds Bacidkéwy péyas duro-
xpdrwp, and in good Indian ‘* Maha-
rajah Rajadi Rajah.” If, as is not
improbable, under the Mambaros or
Akabaros, whom the Periplus, c. 41,
52, designates as ruler of the coast of
Barygaza, there lurks the Sanabarus
of the coins, the latter belongs to the
time of Nero or Vespasian, and ruled
not merely at the mouths of the Indus,
but also over Gujerat. Moreover, if
an inscription found not far from
Peshawur is rightly referred to king
Gondopharus, his rule must have
extended up thither, probably as far
as Cabul.—The fact that Corbulo in
the year 60 sent the embassy of the
Hyrcanians who had revolted from the
Parthians—in order that they might
not be intercepted by the latter—to
the coast of the Red Sea, whence they
might reach their home without set-
ting foot on Parthian territory (Taci-
tus, dan. xv. 25), tells in favour of
the view that the Indus valley at that
time was not subject to the ruler of
Ctesiphon.

1 That the great kingdom of the
Arsacids of Minnagara did not subsist
much beyond the time of Nero, is
probable from the coins. It is ques-
tionable what rulers followed them.
The Bactro-Indian rulers of Greek

~-

CHAP. 1X. AND THE PARTHIANS. 17

belong to the Scythians, whose immigration was formerly
mentioned, and on their coins the Scythian language
takes the place of the Indian! Thus in the region of
the Indus, after the Indians and the Hellenes, Parthians
and Scythians bore sway in the first three centuries of our
era. But even under the foreign dynasties a national
Indian type of state was established and held its ground,
and opposed a not less permanent barrier to the develop-
ment of the Partho-Persian power in the East than did
the Roman state in the West.

Towards the north and north-east Iran bordered with
Turan. As the western and southern shores of the Cas-
pian Sea and the upper valleys of the Oxus and Jaxartes
offered an appropriate seat for civilisation, so the steppe
round the Sea of Aral and the extensive plain stretching

behind it belonged by right to the roving peoples.

There

were among those nomads probably individual tribes

names belong predominantly, perhaps
all of them, to the pre-Augustan
epoch ; and various indigenous names,
e.g. Maues and Azes, fall in point of
language and writing (e.g. the form of
the w 2) before this time. On the
other hand the coins of the kings
Kozulokadphises and Oemokadphises,
and those of the Sacian kings, Kan-
erku and his successors, while all are
clearly characterised as belonging to
one coinage by the gold stater of the
weight of the Roman aureus, which
does not previously occur in the In-
dian coinage, are to all appearance
later than Gondopharus and Sana-
barus. They show how the state of
the Indus valley assumed a national
Indian type in ever increasing mea-
sure in contrast to the Hellenes as
well as to the Iranians. The reign
of these Kadphises will thus fall be-
tween the Indo-Parthian rulers and
the dynasty of the Sacae, which latter
begins with A.D. 78 (Oldenberg, in
Sallet’s Zeitschr. fur Num. viii. 292).
Coins of these Sacian kings, found in
the treasure of Peshawur, name in
a remarkable way Greek gods in a
mutilated form, Hpaxtho,Zaparo,along-
side of the national Bovdo. The

VOL, II.

latest of their coins show the in-
fluence of the oldest Sassanid coinage,
and might belong to the second half
of the third century (Sallet, Zeitschr.
fiir Num, vi. 224).

1 The Indo-Greek and the Indo-
Parthian rulers, just as the Kadphises,
make use on their coins to a large
extent of the indigenous Indian lan-
guage and writing alongside of the
Greek: the Sacian kings on the
other hand never used the Indian
language and Indian alphabet, but
employ exclusively the Greek letters,
and the non-Greek legends of their
coins are beyond doubt Scythian.
Thus on Kanerku’s gold pieces there
sometimes stands BaciXets Baciiéuw
Kayjpxov, sometimes pao vavopao
Kaynpxt xopavo, where the first two
words must be a Scythian form of the
Indian Rajadi Rajah, and the two
following contain the personal and
the family name (Gushana) of the
king (Oldenberg, /.c. p. 294). Thus
these Sacae were foreign rulers in
India in another sense than the
Bactrian Hellenes and the Parthians.
Yet the inscriptions set up under
them in India are not Scythian but
Indian.

2

Asiatic
Scythians,

18 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

kindred to the Iranians; but these have no part in the
Iranian civilisation, and it is this element which determines
the historical position of Iran, that it forms the bulwark
of the peoples of culture against those hordes, who, as
Scythians, Sacae, Huns, Mongols, Turks, appear to have
no other destiny in the world’s history than that of anni-
hilating culture. Bactria, the great bulwark of Iran
against Turan, sufficed for this defence during a con-
siderable time under its Greek rulers in the epoch after
Alexander ; but we have already mentioned that subse-
quently, although it did not perish, it no longer availed to
prevent the Scythians from pressing onward towards the
south. With the decay of the Bactrian power the same
task was transferred to the Arsacids. How far they
responded to it it is difficult to say. In the first period of
the empire the great-kings of Ctesiphon seem to have
driven back the Scythians or to have brought them into
subjection in the northern provinces as well as to the
south of the Hindoo Koosh; they wrested from them
again a portion of the Bactrian territory. But it is doubt-
ful what limits were here fixed, and whether they were at
all lasting. There is frequent mention of wars between
the Parthians and Scythians. The latter, here in the first
instance dwellers around the Sea of Aral, the forefathers
of the modern Turkomans, are regularly the aggressors,
inasmuch as they partly by crossing over the Caspian
Sea invade the valleys of the Cyrus and the Araxes,
partly issuing from their steppes pillage the rich plains of
Hyrcania and the fertile oasis of Margiana (Merv). The
border-regions agreed to buy off the levy of arbitrary
contributions by tributes, which were regularly called up
at fixed terms, just as at present the Bedouins of Syria
levy the kubba from the farmers there. The Parthian
government thus, at least in the earlier imperial period,
was as little able as the Turkish government of the present
day to secure here to the peaceful subject the fruits of his
toil, and to establish a durable state of peace on the fron-
tier. Even for the imperial power itself these border-
troubles remained an open sore; often they exercised an

CHAP. IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 19

influence on the wars of succession of the Arsacids as well
as on their disputes with Rome.

We have set forth in its due place how the attitude
of the Parthians to the Romans came to be shaped and
the boundaries of the two great powers to be established.
While the Armenians had been rivals of the Parthians,
and the kingdom on the Araxes set itself to play the
part of great-king in anterior Asia, the Parthians had in
general maintained friendly relations with the Romans
as the foes of their foes. But, after the overthrow of
Mithradates and Tigranes, the Romans had, particularly
through the arrangements made by Pompeius, taken up
a position which was hardly compatible with serious and
lasting peace between the two states. In the south
Syria was not under direct Roman rule, and the Roman
legions kept guard on the margin of the great desert
which separates the lands of the coast from the valley of
the Euphrates. In the north Cappadocia and Armenia
were vassal-principalities of Rome. The tribes bordering
on Armenia to the northward, the Colchians, Iberians,
Albanians, were thereby necessarily withdrawn from
Parthian influence, and were, at least according to the
Roman way of apprehending the matter, likewise Roman
dependencies. The lesser Media or Atropatene (Ader-
bijan), adjoining Armenia to the south-east, and separated
from it by the Araxes, had already confronted the
Seleucids with its ancient native dynasty reaching back
to the time of the Achaemenids, and had even asserted
its independence; under the Arsacids the king of this
region appears, according to circumstances, as a vassal
of the Parthians or as independent of these by leaning
on the Romans. The determining influence of Rome
consequently reached as far as the Caucasus and the
western shore of the Caspian Sea. This involved an
overlapping of the limits indicated by the national
relations. The Hellenic nationality had doubtless so
far gained a footing on the south coast of the Black
Sea and in the interior of Cappadocia and Commagene,
that here the Roman ascendency found in it a base of

The Ro-
mano-Par-
thian fron-
tier-regions,

20 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

support; but Armenia, even under the long years of
Roman rule, remained always a non-Greek land, knit
to the Parthian state with indestructible ties, by community
of language and of faith, the numerous intermarriages of
people of rank, and similarity of dress and of armour.’ The
Roman levy and the Roman taxation were never extended
to Armenia; at most the land defrayed the raising and
the maintenance of its own troops, and the provisioning
of the Roman troops stationed there. The Armenian
merchants formed the channel for the exchange of goods
over the Caucasus with Scythia, over the Caspian Sea
with east Asia and China, down the Tigris with Babylonia
and India, towards the west with Cappadocia; nothing
would have been more natural than to include the
politically dependent land in the domain of Roman
tribute and customs ; yet this step was never taken.

The incongruity between the national and the political
connections of Armenia forms an essential element in the
conflict—prolonged through the whole imperial period—
with its eastern neighbour. It was discerned doubtless
on the Roman side that annexation beyond the Euphrates
was an encroachment on the family-domain of Oriental
nationality, and was not any increase proper of power
for Rome. But the ground or, if the phrase be preferred, .
the excuse for the continuance of such encroachment
lay in the fact that the subsistence side by side of great
states with equal rights was incompatible with the system
of Roman policy, we may even say with the policy of
antiquity in general. The Roman empire knew as limit,
in the strict sense, only the sea or a land-district un-
armed. To the weaker but yet warlike commonwealth
of the Parthians the Romans always grudged a position
of power, and took away from it what these in their turn

1 Arrian, who, as governor of or lrworotérac; 34, 7 as respects the

Cappadocia, had himself wielded
command over the Armenians (contra
Al, 29), always in the Tactica names
the Armenians and Parthians together
(4, 3, 44, I, as respects the heavy
cavalry, the mailed xovrog¢édpoe and
the light cavalry, the dxpoBodoral '

wide hose); and, where he speaks of
Hadrian’s introduction of barbaric
cavalry into the Roman army, he
traces the mounted archers back to
the model of ‘‘the Parthians or
Armenians ” (44, 1).

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 21

could not forego; and therefore the relation between
Rome and Iran through the whole imperial period was
one of perpetual feud, interrupted only by armistices,
concerning the left bank of the Euphrates.

In the treaties concluded with the Parthians by
Lucullus (iv. 71) and Pompeius (iv. 127) the Euphrates
was recognised as the boundary, and so Mesopotamia was
ceded to them. But this did not prevent the Romans
from receiving the rulers of Edessa among their clients,
and from laying claim to a great part of northern
Mesopotamia at least for their indirect rule, apparently
by extending the limits of Armenia towards the south
(iv. 146). On that account, after some delay, the
Parthian government began the war against the Romans,
in the form of declaring it against the Armenians. The
answer to this was the campaign of Crassus, and, after

The Par-
thians dur-
ing the civil
wars,

iv. 67, 122.

iv, 140.

the defeat at Carrhae (iv. 351 f.), the bringing back of iv. 335 f.

Armenia under Parthian power; we may add, the
resumption of their claims on the western half of the
Seleucid state, the carrying out of which, it is true,
proved at that time unsuccessful (iv. 356). During the
whole twenty years of civil war, in which the Roman
republic perished and ultimately the principate was
established, the state of war between the Romans and
Parthians continued, and not seldom the two struggles
became intermixed. Pompeius had, before the decisive
battle, attempted to gain king Orodes as ally ; but, when
the latter demanded the cession of Syria, Pompeius could
not prevail on himself to deliver up the province which
he had personally made Roman. After the catastrophe
he had nevertheless resolved to do so; but accidents
directed his flight not to Syria, but to Egypt, where he
met his end (iv. 446). The Parthians appeared on the
point of once more breaking into Syria; and the later
leaders of the republicans did not disdain the aid of the
public foe. Even in Caesar’s lifetime Caecilius Bassus,
when he raised the banner of revolt in Syria, had at once
called in the Parthians, They had followed this call;
Pacorus, the son of Orodes, had defeated Caesar's lieuten-

iv. 339.

iv. 424.

42.

41.

The Par-
thians in
Syria and

Asia Minor.

41.

41, 39.

22 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIN.

ant and liberated the troops of Bassus besieged by him in
Apamea (709). For this reason, as well as in order to
take revenge for Carrhae, Caesar had resolved to go in
the next spring personally to Syria and to cross the
Euphrates ; but his death prevented the execution of
this plan. When Cassius thereupon took arms in Syria,
he entered into relations with the Parthian king; and. in
the decisive battle at Philippi (712) Parthian mounted
archers joined in fighting for the freedom of Rome.
When the republicans succumbed, the great-king, in the
first instance, maintained a quiet attitude ; and Antonius,
while designing probably to execute the plans of the
dictator, had at first enough to do with the settlement
of the East. The collision could not fail to take place ;
the assailant this time was the Parthian king.

In 713 when Caesar the son fought in Italy with the
generals and the wife of Antonius, and the latter tarried
inactive in Egypt beside queen Cleopatra, Orodes re-
sponded to the pressure of a Roman living with him
in exile, Quintus Labienus, and sent the latter, a son of
the dictators embittered opponent Titus Labienus, and
formerly an officer in the army of Brutus, as well as (713)
his son Pacorus with a strong army over the frontier.
The governor of Syria, Decidius Saxa, succumbed to
the unexpected attack ; the Roman garrisons, formed in
great part of old soldiers of the republican army, placed
themselves under the command of their former officer ;
Apamea and Antioch, and generally all the towns of
Syria, except the island-town of Tyre which could not
be subdued without a fleet, submitted ; on the flight to
Cilicia Saxa, in order not to be taken prisoner, put
himself to death. After the occupation of Syria Pacorus
turned against Palestine, Labienus towards the province
of Asia; here too the cities far and wide submitted or
were forcibly vanquished, with the exception of the
Carian Stratonicea. Antonius, whose attention was
claimed by the Italian complications, sent no succour
to his governors, and for almost two years (from the end
of 713 to the spring of 715) Syria and a great part of

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 23

Asia Minor were commanded by the Parthian generals
and by the republican imperator Labienus— Parthicus,
as he called himself with shameless irony, not the Roman
who vanquished the Parthians, but the Roman who with
Parthian aid vanquished his countrymen.

Only after the threatened rupture between the two.

holders of power was averted, Antonius sent a new army
under the conduct of Publius Ventidius Bassus, to whom
he entrusted the command in the provinces of Asia and
Syria. The able general encountered in Asia Labienus
alone with his Roman troops, and rapidly drove him out
of the province. At the boundary between Asia and
Cilicia, in the passes of the Taurus, a division of Parthians
wished to rally their fugitive allies; but they too were
beaten before they could unite with Labienus, and
thereupon the latter was caught on his flight in Cilicia
and put to death. With like good fortune Ventidius
gained by fighting the passes of the Amanus on the
border of Cilicia and Syria; here Pharnapates, the best
of the Parthian generals, fell (715). Thus was Syria
delivered from the enemy. Certainly in the following
year Pacorus once more crossed the Euphrates ; but only
to meet destruction with the greatest part of his army in
a decisive engagement at Gindarus, north-east of Antioch
(oth June 716). It was a victory which counterbalanced
in some measure the day of Carrhae, and one of permanent
effect ; for long the Parthians did not again show their
troops on the Roman bank of the Euphrates.

If it was in the interest of Rome to extend her
conquests towards the East, and to enter on the inherit-
ance of Alexander the Great there in all its extent, the
circumstances were never more favourable for doing so
than in the year 716. The relations of the two rulers
to each other had become re-established seasonably for
that purpose, and even Caesar at that time had probably
a sincere wish for an earnest and successful conduct of
the war by his co-ruler and new son-in-law. The disaster
of Gindarus had called forth a severe dynastic crisis
among the Parthians. King Orodes, deeply agitated by

Driven out
by Ven-
tidius
Bassus.

38.

Position of
Antonius.

His aims,

24 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

the death of his eldest and ablest son, resigned the
government in favour of his second son Phraates. The
latter, in order the better to secure for himself the throne,
exercised a reign of terror, to which his numerous brothers
and his old father himself, as well as a number of the
high nobles of the kingdom, fell victims ; others of them
left the country and sought protection with the Romans,
among them the powerful and respected Monaeses.
Never had Rome in the East an army of equal numbers
and excellence as at this time: Antonius was able to
lead over the Euphrates no fewer than 16 legions, about
70,000 Roman infantry, about 40,000 auxiliaries, 10,000
Spanish and Gallic, and 6000 Armenian horsemen ; at
least half of them were veteran troops brought up from
the West, all ready to follow anywhere their beloved and
honoured leader, the victor of Philippi, and to crown the
brilliant victories, which had been already achieved not
by but for him over the Parthians, with still greater
successes under his own leadership.

In reality Antonius had in view the erection of an
Asiatic great-kingdom after the model of that of Alex-
ander. As Crassus before his invasion had announced
that he would extend the Roman rule as far as Bactria
and India, so Antonius named the first son, whom the
Egyptian queen bore to him, by the name of Alexander.
He appears to have directly intended, on the one hand,
to bring—excluding the completely Hellenised provinces
of Bithynia and Asia—the whole imperial territory in
the East, so far as it was not already under dependent
petty princes, into this form ; and on the other hand, to
make all the regions of the East once occupied by Occi-
dentals subject to himself in the form of satrapies. Of
eastern Asia Minor the largest portion and the mili-
tary primacy were assigned to the most warlike of the
princes there, the Galatian Amyntas (I. 335). Alongside
of the Galatian prince stood the princes of Paphla-
gonia, the descendants of Deiotarus, dispossessed from
Galatia; Polemon, the new prince in Pontus, and the
husband of Pythodoris the granddaughter of Antonius ;

CHAP, IX, AND THE PARTHIANS.

25
and moreover, as hitherto, the kings of Cappadocia and
Commagene. Antonius united a great part of Cilicia
and Syria, as well as of Cyprus and Cyrene, with the
Egyptian state, to which he thus almost restored its limits
as they had been under the Ptolemies; and as he had
made queen Cleopatra, Caesar’s mistress, his own or
rather his wife, so her illegitimate child by Caesar, Caesarion,
already earlier recognised as joint ruler of Egypt,’ obtained
the reversion of the old kingdom of the Ptolemies, and
her illegitimate son by Antonius, Ptolemaeus Philadelphus,
obtained that of Syria. To another son, whom she had
borne to Antonius, the already mentioned Alexander,
Armenia was for the present assigned as a payment to
account for the rule of the East conceived as in reserve
for him. With this great-kingdom organised after the
Oriental fashion? he thought to combine the principate
over the West. He himself did not assume the name of
king, on the contrary bore in presence of his countrymen
and the soldiers only those titles which also belonged to
Caesar. But on imperial coins with a Latin legend
Cleopatra is called queen of kings, her sons by Antonius
at least kings ; the coins show the head of his eldest son
along with that of his father, as if the hereditary character
were a matter of course ; the marriage and the succession
of the legitimate and the illegitimate children are treated
by him, as was the usage with the great-kings of the

1 Caesar’s illegitimate son IIro\e- battle of Philippi. It was thus not

patos ò xal Kaicap @eds gid\owdrwp
girouyrwp, as his royal designation
runs (C. /. Gr. 4717), entered on the
joint rule of Egypt in the Egyptian
year 29 Aug. 711/2, as the era shows
(Wescher, Bullett. deil Inst. 1866,
p- 199; Krall, Wiener Studien,
v. 313). As he came in place of
Ptolemaeus the younger, the husband
and brother of his mother, the setting
aside of the latter by Cleopatra, of
which the particulars are not known,
must have taken place just then, and
have furnished the occasion to pro-
claim him as king of Egypt. Dio
also, xlvii. 31, places his nomination

42, in the summer of 712 before the

the work of Antonius, but sanctioned
by the two rulers in concert at a time
when it could not but be their object
to meet the wishes of the queen of
Egypt, who certainly had from the
outset ranged herself on their side.

2 This is what Augustus means
when he says that he had brought
again to the empire the provinces of
the East in great part distributed
among kings (Mon, Ancyr. 5, 41:
provincias omnis, quae trans Hadri-
anum mare vergunt ad orientem,
Cyrenasque, tam ex parte magna
regibus eas possidentibus . . . reci-

peravi ).

Prepara
tions forthe .

Parthian

war.

37.

26 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIIL

East, or, as he himself said, with the divine freedom of
his ancestor Herakles :! the said Alexander and his twin
sister were named by him, the former Helios, the latter
Selene, after the model of those same great-kings, and,
as once upon a time the Persian king bestowed on the
refugee Themistocles a number of Asiatic cities, so he
bestowed on the Parthian Monaeses, who went over to
him, three cities of Syria. In Alexander too the king of
the Macedonians and the king of kings of the East went
in some measure side by side, and to him too the bridal
bed in Susa was the reward for the camp-tent of Gau-
gamela; but the Roman copy shows in its exactness a
strong element of caricature.

Whether Antonius apprehended his position in this
way, immediately on his taking up the government in the
East, cannot be decided ; it may be conjectured that the
creation of a new Oriental great-kingdom in connection
with the Occidental principate ripened in his mind
gradually, and that the idea was only thought out com-
pletely, after, in the year 717, on his return from Italy to
Asia, he had once more entered into relations with the last

1 The decorum, which was as cha-
racteristic of Augustus as its opposite
was of his colleague, did not fail him
here. Not merely in the case of
Caesarion was the paternity, which
the dictator himself had virtually
acknowledged, afterwards officially
denied ; the children also of Antonius
by Cleopatra, where indeed nothing
was to be denied, were regarded
doubtless as members of the imperial
house, but were never formally ack-
nowledged as children of Antonius.
On the contrary the son of the
daughter of Antonius by Cleopatra,
the subsequent king of Mauretania
Ptolemaeus, is called in the Athenian
inscription, C. Z. A. iii. §55, grand-
son of Ptolemaeus ; for IIro\eualou
Exyovos cannot well in this connection
be taken otherwise. This maternal
grandfather was invented in Rome,
that they might be able officially to
conceal the real one. Any one who
prefers—as O. Hirschfeld proposes

—to take &«yovos as great-grandson,
and to refer it to the maternal great-
grandfather, comes to the same re-
sult; for then the grandfather is passed
over, because the mother was in the
legal sense fatherless. —Whether the
fiction, which is in my view more
probable, went so far as to indicate
a definite Ptolemaeus, possibly to
prolong the life of the last Lagid
who died in 712, or whether they
were content with inventing a father
without entering into particulars, can-
not be decided. But the fiction was
adhered to in this respect, that the
son of Antonius’s daughter obtained
the name of the fictitious grandfather.
The circumstance that in this case
preference was given to the descent
from the Lagids over that from Massi-
nissa may probably have been occa-
sioned more by regard to the imperial
house, which treated the illegitimate
child as belonging to it, than by
the Hellenic inclination of the father.

42.

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 27

queen of the Lagid house not to be again broken off.
But his temperament was not equal to such an enterprise.
One of those men of military capacity, who knew how, in
presence of the enemy, and especially in a position of
difficulty, to strike prudently and boldly, he lacked the
will of the statesman, the sure grasp and resolute pursuit
of a political aim. Had the dictator Caesar assigned to
him the problem of subduing the East, he would probably
have solved it: the marshal was not fitted to be the ruler.
After the expulsion of the Parthians from Syria, almost
two years (summer of 716 to summer of 718) elapsed with- 38, 36.
out any step being taken towards the object aimed at.
Antonius himself, inferior also in this respect that he
grudged to his generals important successes, had removed
the conqueror of Labienus and of Pacorus, the able Ven-
tidius, immediately after this last success, and taken the
chief command in person in order to pursue and to miss
the pitiful honour of occupying Samosata, the capital of
the small Syrian dependent state, Commagene ; annoyed
at this, he left the East, in order to negotiate in Italy
with his father-in-law as to the future arrangements, or to
enjoy life with his young spouse Octavia. His governors
in the East were not inactive. Publius Canidius Crassus
advanced from Armenia towards the Caucasus, and there
subdued Pharnabazus king of the Iberians, and Zober
king of the Albanians. Gaius Sossius took in Syria the
last town still adhering to the Parthians, Aradus; he
further re-established in Judaea the rule of Herodes, and
caused the pretender to the throne installed by the Par-
thians, the Hasmonean Antigonus, to be put to death.
The consequences of the victory on Roman territory
were thus duly drawn, and the recognition of Roman rule
was enforced as far as the Caspian Sea and the Syrian
desert. But Antonius had reserved for himself the begin-
ning of the warfare against the Parthians, and he came
not.

When at length, in 718, he escaped from the arms, 36. _
not of Octavia, but of Cleopatra, and set the columns of ra
the army in motion, a good part of the appropriate season Antonius

-1

28 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

of the year had already elapsed. Still more surprising
than this delay was the direction which Antonius chose.
All aggressive wars of the Romans against the Parthians,
earlier and later, took the route for Ctesiphon, the capital
of the kingdom and at the same time situated on its
western frontier, and so the natural and immediate aim
of operations for armies marching downward on the
Euphrates or on the Tigris. Antonius too might, after
he had reached the Tigris through northern Mesopotamia,
nearly along the route which Alexander had traversed,
have advanced down the river upon Ctesiphon and
Seleucia. But instead of this he preferred to go in a
northerly direction at first towards Armenia, and from that
point, where he united his whole military resources and
reinforced himself in particular by the Armenian cavalry,
to the table-land of Media Atropatene (Aderbijân). The
allied king of Armenia may possibly have recommended this
plan of campaign, seeing that the Armenian rulers at all
times aspired to the possession of this neighbouring land,
and King Artavazdes of Armenia might hope now to
subdue the satrap of Atropatene of the same name, and
to add the latter’s territory to his own. But Antonius
himself cannot possibly have been influenced by such con-
siderations. He may have rather thought that he should
be able to push forward from Atropatene into the heart
of the enemy’s country, and might regard the old Persian
court-residences of Ecbatana and Rhagae as the goal of his
march. But, if this was his plan, he acted without
knowledge of the difficult ground, and altogether
underrated his opponents’ power of resistance, besides
which the short time available for operations in this
mountainous country and the late beginning of the cam-
paign weighed heavily in the scale. As a skilled and
experienced officer, such as Antonius was, could hardly
deceive himself on such points, it is probable that special
political considerations influenced the matter. The rule
of Phraates was tottering, as we have said; Monaeses,
of whose fidelity Antonius held himself assured, and whom
he hoped perhaps to put into Phraates’s place, had returned

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 29
in accordance with the wish of the Parthian king to his
native country ;} Antonius appears to have reckoned on
arising on his part against Phraates, and in expectation
of this civil war to have led his army into the interior
of the Parthian provinces. It would doubtless have been
possible to await the result of this proposal in the friendly
Armenia, and, if operations thereafter were requisite, to
have at least the full summer-time at his disposal in the
following year; but this waiting was not agreeable to the
hasty general. In Atropatene he encountered the obsti-
nate resistance of the powerful and half independent
under-king, who resolutely sustained a siege in his capital
Praaspa or Phraarta (southward from the lake of Urumia,
presumably on the lower course of the Jaghatu); and
not only so, but the hostile attack brought, as it would
seem, to the Parthians internal peace. Phraates led on
a large army to the relief of the assailed city. Antonius
had brought with him a great siege-train, but impatiently
hastening forward, he had left this behind in the custody
of two legions under the legate Oppius Statianus. Thus
he on his part made no progress with the siege ; but king
Phraates sent his masses of cavalry under that same
Monaeses to the rear of the enemy, against the corps of
Statianus laboriously pursuing its march. The Parthians
cut down the covering force, including the general himself,
took the rest prisoners, and destroyed the whole train of
300 waggons. Thereby the campaign was lost.

The Armenian, despairing of the success of the cam-
paign, collected his men and went home. Antonius did
not immediately abandon the siege, and even defeated
the royal army in the open field, but the alert horsemen
escaped without substantial loss, and it was a victory

without effect. An attempt

1 It is in itself credible that An-
tonius concealed the impending in-
vasion from Phraates as long as
possible, and therefore, when send-
ing back Monaeses, declared himself
ready to conclude peace on the basis
of the restitution of the lost standards

to obtain from the king at

(Plutarch, 37 ; Dio, xlix. 24; Florus,
ii. 20 [iv. 10]). But he knew pre-
sumably that this offer would not be
accepted, and in no case can he have
been in earnest with those proposals ;
beyond doubt he wished for the war
and the overthrow of Phraates,

Progress
of the
struggle,

30 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

least the restitution of the old and the newly lost eagles,
and thus to conclude peace, if not with advantage, at least
with honour, failed ; the Parthian did not give away his
sure success so cheaply. He only assured the envoys of
Antonius that, if the Romans would give up the siege,
he would not molest them on their return home. This
neither honourable nor trustworthy promise of the enemy
would hardly have induced Antonius to break up. It
was natural to take up quarters for the winter in the
enemy’s country, seeing that the Parthian troops were
not acquainted with continuous military service, and pre-
sumably most of their forces would have gone home at
the commencement of winter. But a strong basis was
lacking, and supplies in the exhausted land were not
secured ; above all Antonius himself was not capable of
such a tenacious conduct of the war. Consequently he
abandoned the machines, which the besieged immediately
burnt; and entered on the difficult retreat, either too early
or too late. Fifteen days’ march (300 Roman miles)
through a hostile country separated the army from the
Araxes, the border river of Armenia, whither in spite
of the ambiguous attitude of the ruler the retreat could
alone be directed. A hostile army of 40,000 horsemen,
in spite of the given promise, accompanied the returning
force, and, with the marching off of the Armenians, the
Romans had lost the best part of their cavalry. Provi-
sions and draught animals were scarce, and the season of
the year far advanced. But in the perilous position
Antonius recovered his energy and his martial skill, and
in some measure also his good fortune in war; he had
made his choice, and the general as well as the troops
solved the task in a commendable way. Had they not
had with them a former soldier of Crassus, who, having
become a Parthian, knew most accurately every step of the
way, and, instead of conducting them back through the
plain by which they had come, guided them by mountain
paths, which were less exposed to cavalry attacks—ap-
parently over the mountains about Tabreez—the army
would hardly have reached its goal; and had not Mon-

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 31

aeses, paying off in his way his debt of thanks to
Antonius, informed him in right time of the false assur-
ances and the cunning proposals of his countrymen, the
Romans would doubtless have fallen into one of the
ambushes which on several occasions were laid for them.
The soldierly nature of Antonius was often brilliantly
conspicuous during these troublesome days, in his dexterous
use of any favourable moment, in his sternness towards the
cowardly, in his power over the minds of the soldiers, in his
faithful care for the wounded and the sick. Yet the
rescue was almost a miracle; already had Antonius in-
structed a faithful attendant in case of extremity not to
let him fall alive into the hands of the enemy. Amidst
constant attacks of the artful enemy, in weather of wintry
cold, soon without adequate food and often without water,
they in twenty-seven days reached the protecting frontier,
where the enemy desisted from following them. The loss
was enormous ; there were reckoned up in those twenty-
seven days eighteen larger engagements, and in a single
one of them the Romans counted 3000 dead and 5000
wounded. It was the very best and bravest that those
constant assaults on the vanguard and on the flanks swept
away. The whole baggage, a third of the camp-followers,
a fourth of the army, 20,000 foot soldiers, and 4000
horsemen had perished in this Median campaign, in great
part not through the sword, but through famine and
disease. Even on the Araxes the sufferings of the un-
happy troops were not yet at an end. Artavazdes re-
ceived them as a friend, and had no other choice; it
would doubtless have been possible to pass the winter
there. But the impatience of Antonius did not tolerate
this; the march went on, and from the ever increasing
inclemency of the season and the state of health of the
soldiers, this last section of the expedition from the Araxes
to Antioch cost, although no enemy hampered it, other
8000 men. No doubt this campaign was a last flash of
what was brave and capable in the character of Antonius;
but it was politically his overthrow all the more, as at the
same time Caesar by the successful termination of the

Difficulties
of the
retreat,

Last years
of Antonius
in the East.

35.

32 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

Sicilian war gained the dominion in the West and the con-
fidence of Italy for the present and all the future.

The responsibility for the miscarriage, which Antonius
in vain attempted to deny, was thrown by him on the
dependent kings of Cappadocia and Armenia, and on the
latter so far with justice, as his premature marching off
from Praaspa had materially increased the dangers and
the losses of the retreat. For the plan of the campaign,
however, it was not he who was responsible, but Antonius ;’
and the failure of the hopes placed on Monaeses, the
disaster of Statianus, the breaking down of the siege
of Praaspa, were not brought about by the Armenian.
Antonius did not abandon the subjugation of the East,
but set out next year (719) once more from Egypt. The
circumstances were still even now comparatively favour-
able. A friendly alliance was formed with the Median
king Artavazdes ; he had not merely fallen into variance
with his Parthian suzerain, but was indignant above all at
his Armenian neighbour, and, considering the well-known
exasperation of Antonius against the latter, he might

_ reckon on finding a support in the enemy of his enemy.

Everything depended on the firm accord of the two
possessors of power—the victory-crowned master of the
West and the defeated ruler in the East; and, on the
news that Antonius proposed to continue the war, his
legitimate wife, the sister of Caesar, resorted from Italy
to the East to bring up to him new forces, and to
strengthen anew his relations to her and to her brother.
If Octavia was magnanimous enough to offer the hand
of reconciliation to her husband in spite of his relations
to the Egyptian queen, Caesar must—as was further con-
firmed by the commencement, which just then took place,
of the war on the north-east frontier of Italy—have been
still ready at that time to maintain the subsisting relation.

1 The account of the matter given
by Strabo, xi. 13, 4, p. 524, evidently
after the description of this war com-
piled by Antonius’s comrade in arms
Dellius, and, it may be conjectured,
at his bidding (comp. #4. xi. 13, 33
Dio, xlix. 39), is a very sorry attempt

to justify the beaten general. If
Antonius did not take the nearest
route to Ctesiphon, king Artavazdes
cannot be brought in for the blame of
it as a false guide ; it was a military,
and doubtless still more a political,
miscalculation of the general in chief.

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 33

The brother and sister subordinated their personal! interests
magnanimously to those of the commonwealth. But
loudly as interest and honour called for the acceptance
of the offered hand, Antonius could not prevail on himself
to break off the relation with the Egyptian queen; he
sent back his wife, and this was at the same time a rup-
ture with her brother, and, as we may add, an abandon-
ment of the idea of continuing the war against the
Parthians. Now, ere that could be thought of, the
question of mastery between Antonius and Caesar had to
be settled. Antonius accordingly returned at once from
Syria to Egypt, and in the following year undertook
nothing further towards the execution of his plans of
Oriental conquest; only he punished those to whom he
assigned the blame of the miscarriage. He caused
Ariarathes the king of Cappadocia to be executed,’ and
gave the kingdom to an illegitimate kinsman of his,
Archelaus, ‘The like fate was intended for the Armenian.
If Antonius in 720 appeared in Armenia, as he said,
for the continuance of the war, this had simply the object
of getting into his power the person of the king, who had
refused to go to Egypt. This act of revenge was ignobly
executed by way of surprise, and was not less ignobly
celebrated by a caricature of the Capitoline triumph ex-
hibited in Alexandria. At that time the son of Antonius,
destined for lord of the East, as was already stated, was
installed as king of Armenia, and married to the daughter
of the new ally, the king of Media; while the eldest sqn
of the captive king of Armenia executed some time after-
wards by order of queen Cleopatra, Artaxes, whom the
Armenians had proclaimed king instead of his father,
took refuge with the Parthians. Armenia and Media
Atropatene were thus in the power of Antonius or allicd
with him; the continuance of the Parthian war was
announced doubtless, but remained postponed till after
the overcoming of the western rival. Phraates on his

1 The fact of the deposition and Maximus, ix. 15, ext. 2; the cause or
execution, and he time, are attested the pretext must have been connected
by Dio, xlix. 32, and Valerius with the Armenian war.

VOL. IL 3

34-

First
arrange-
ments of
Augustus
in the East.

34 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BooK VII.

part advanced against Media, at first without success, as .

the Roman troops stationed in Armenia afforded help to
the Medians; but when Antonius, in the course of his
armaments against Caesar, recalled his forces from that
quarter, the Parthians gained the upper hand, vanquished
the Medians, and installed in Media, as well as also in
Armenia, the king Artaxes, who, in requital for the execu-
tion of his father, caused all the Romans scattered in the
land to be seized and put to death. That Phraates did
not turn to fuller account the great feud between Antonius
and Caesar, while it was in preparation and was being
fought out, was probably due to his being once more
hampered by the troubles breaking out in his own land.
These ended in his expulsion, and in his going to the
Scythians of the East. Tiridates was proclaimed as
great-king in his stead. When the decisive naval battle
was fought on the coast of Epirus, and thereupon the
overthrow of Antonius was completed in Egypt, this new
great-king sat on his tottering throne in Ctesiphon, and
at the opposite frontier of the empire the hordes of Turan
were making arrangements to reinstate the earlier ruler,
in which they soon afterwards succeeded.

The sagacious and clear-seeing man, to whom it fell to
liquidate the undertakings of Antonius and to settle the
relations of the two portions of the empire, needed modera-
tion quite as much as energy. It would have been the
gravest of errors to enter into the ideas of Antonius as to
conquering the East, or even merely making further con-
quests there. Augustus perceived this ; his military
arrangements show clearly that, while he viewed the pos-
session of the Syrian coast as well as that of Egypt as an
indispensable complement to the empire of the Mediter-
ranean, he attached no value to inland possessions there..

Armenia, however, had now been for a generation Roman, :
and could, in the nature of the circumstances, only be —

Roman or Parthian; the country was by its position, in a
military point of view, a sally-port for each of the great
powers into the territory of the other. Augustus had no
thought of abandoning Armenia and leaving it to the

+

a ia

F. m

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 35

Parthians ; and, as things stood, he could hardly think of
doing so. But, if Armenia was retained, the matter could
not end there ; the local relations compelled the Romans
further to bring under their controlling influence the basin
of the river Cyrus, the territories of the Iberians on its
upper, and of the Albanians on its lower course—that
is, the inhabitants of the modern Georgia and Shirvan,
skilled in combat on horseback and on foot—and not to
allow the domain of the Parthian power to extend to the
north of the Araxes beyond Atropatene. The expedition
of Pompeius had already shown that the settlement in
Armenia necessarily led the Romans on the one hand as
far as the Caucasus, on the other as far as the western
shore of the Caspian Sea. The initial steps were every-
where taken. The legates of Antonius had fought with
the Iberians and Albanians; Polemon, confirmed in his
position by Augustus, ruled not merely over the coast
from Pharnacea to Trapezus, but also over the territory
of the Colchians at the mouth of the Phasis. To this
general state of matters fell to be added the special cir-
cumstances of the moment, which most urgently suggested
to the new monarch of Rome not merely to show his sword
in presence of the Orientals, but also to draw it. That
king Artaxes, like Mithradates formerly, had given orders
to put to death all the Romans within his bounds, could
not be allowed to remain unrequited. The exiled king of
Media also had now sought help from Augustus, as he
would otherwise have sought it from Antonius. Not
merely did the civil war and the conflict of pretenders in
the Parthian empire facilitate the attack, but the expelled
ruler Tiridates likewise sought protection with Augustus,
and declared himself ready as a Roman vassal to accept
his kingdom in fief from the latter. The restitution of
the Romans who had fallen into the power of the Par-
thians at the defeats of Crassus and of the Antonians, and
of the lost eagles, might not in themselves seem to the
ruler worth the waging of war; the restorer of the Roman
state could not allow this question of military and political
honour to drop.

Policy open
to him,

Inadequate
measures,

36 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

The Roman statesman had to reckon with these facts ;
considering the position, which Antonius took in the East,
the policy of action was imperative generally, and doubly
so from the preceding miscarriages. Beyond doubt it was
desirable soon to undertake the organisation of matters in
Rome, but for the undisputed monarch there subsisted no
stringent compulsion to do this at once. He found him-
self after the decisive blows of Actium and Alexandria on
the spot and at the head of a strong and victorious army ;
what had to be done some day was best done at once. A
ruler of the stamp of Caesar would hardly have returned
to Rome without having restored the protectorate in
Armenia, having obtained recognition for the Roman
supremacy as far as the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea,
and having settled accounts with the Parthians. A ruler
of caution and energy would have now at once organised
the defence of the frontier in the East, as the circum-
stances required ; it was from the outset clear that the
four Syrian legions, together about 40,000 men, were not
sufficient to guard the interests of Rome simultaneously
on the Euphrates, on the Araxes, and on the Cyrus, and
that the militia of the dependent kingdoms only con-
cealed, and did not cover, the want of imperial troops.
Armenia by political and national sympathy held more
to the Parthians than to the Romans; the kings of Com-
magene, Cappadocia, Galatia, Pontus, were inclined doubt-
less on the other hand more to the Roman side, but they
were untrustworthy and weak. Even a policy keeping
within bounds needed for its foundation an energetic
stroke of the sword, and for its maintenance the near arm
of a superior Roman military power.

Augustus neither struck nor protected ; certainly not
because he deceived himself as to the state of the case,
but because it was his nature to execute tardily and feebly
what he perceived to be necessary, and to let considera-
tions of internal policy exercise a more than due influence
on the relations abroad. The inadequacy of the protec-
tion of the frontier by the client states of Asia Minor he
well perceived ; and in connection therewith, already in the

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 37

year 729, after the death of king Amyntas who ruled all
the interior of Asia Minor, he gave to him no successor,
but placed the land under an imperial legate. Presumably
the neighbouring more important client-states, and par-
ticularly Cappadocia, were intended to be in like manner
converted after the decease of the holders for the time
into imperial governorships. This was a step in advance,
in so far as thereby the militia of these countries was in-
corporated with the imperial army and placed under
Roman officers ; these troops could not exercise a serious
pressure on the insecure border-lands or even on the neigh-
bouring great-state, although they now counted among
those of the empire. But all these considerations were
outweighed by regard to the reduction of the numbers of
the standing army and of the expenditure for the military
system to the lowest possible measure.

Equally. insufficient, in presence of the relations of the
moment, were the measures adopted by Augustus on his
return home from Alexandria. He gave to the dispos-
sessed king of the Medes the rule of the Lesser Armenia,
and to the Parthian pretender Tiridates an asylum in
Syria, in order through the former to keep in check the
king Artaxes who persevered in open hostility against
Rome, by the latter to press upon king Phraates. The
negotiations instituted with the latter regarding the resti-
tution of the Parthian trophies of victory were prolonged
without result, although Phraates in the year 731 had
promised their return in order to obtain the release of a
son who had accidentally fallen into the power of the
Romans.

It was only when Augustus went in person to Syria
in the year 734, and showed himself in earnest, that the
Orientals submitted. In Armenia, where a powerful
party had risen against king Artaxes, the insurgents
threw themselves into the arms of the Romans and
sought imperial investiture for Artaxes’s younger brother
Tigranes, brought up at the imperial court and living in
Rome. When the emperor’s stepson Tiberius Claudius
Nero, then a youth of twenty-two years, advanced with

23.

Augustus

20. |
Syria.

in

Mission of
Gaius
Caesar to
the East.

6.

38 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

a military force into Armenia, king Artaxes was put to
death by his own relatives, and Tigranes received the
imperial tiara from the hand of the emperor’s representa-
tive, as fifty years earlier his grandfather of the same
name had received it from Pompeius (iv. 127). Atropa-
tene was again separated from Armenia and passed under
the sway of a ruler likewise brought up in Rome, Ario-
barzanes, son of the already-mentioned Artavazdes; yet
the latter appears to have obtained the land not as a
Roman but as a Parthian dependency. Concerning the
organisation of matters in the principalities on the
Caucasus we learn nothing ; but as they are subsequently
reckoned among the Roman client-states, probably at
that time the Roman influence prevailed here also. Even
king Phraates, now put to the choice of redeeming his
word or fighting, resolved with a heavy heart on the sur-
render—keenly as it did violence to the national feelings
of his people—of the few Roman prisoners of war still
living and the standards won.

Boundless joy saluted this bloodless victory achieved
by this prince of peace. After it there subsisted for a
considerable time a friendly relation with the king of the
Parthians, as indeed the immediate interests of the two
great states came little into contact. In Armenia, on the
other hand, the Roman vassal-rule, which rested only on
its own basis, had a difficulty in confronting the national
opposition. After the early death of king Tigranes his
children, or the leaders of the state governing under
their name, joined this opposition. Against them
another ruler Artavazdes was set up by the friends of the
Romans ; but he was unable to prevail against the
stronger opposing party. These Armenian troubles dis-
turbed also the relation to the Parthians; it was natural
that the Armenians antagonistic to Rome should seek to
lean on these, and the Arsacids could not forget that
Armenia had been formerly a Parthian appanage for the
second son. Bloodless victories are often feeble and
dangerous. Matters went so far that the Roman govern-
ment, in the year 748, commissioned the same Tiberius,

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 39

who, fourteen years before had installed Tigranes as vassal-
king of Armenia, to enter it once more with a military
force and to regulate the state of matters in case of need
by arms. But the quarrels in the imperial family, which
had interrupted the subjugation of the Germans (I. 35),
interfered also here and had the same bad effect. Tiberius
declined his stepfather’s commission, and in the absence
of a suitable princely general the Roman government for
some years looked on, inactive for good or evil, at the
doings of the anti-Roman party in Armenia under Par-
thian protection. At length, in the year 753, not merely
was the same commission given to the elder adopted son
of the emperor, Gaius Caesar, at the age of twenty, but the
subjugation of Armenia was to be, as the father hoped,
the beginning of greater things; the Oriental campaign of
the crown-prince of twenty was, we might almost say, to
continue the expedition of Alexander. Literati com-
missioned by the emperor or in close relations to the
court, the geographer Isidorus, himself at home at the
mouth of the Euphrates, and king Juba of Mauretania,
the representative of Greek learning among the princely
personages of the Augustan circle, dedicated—the former
his information personally acquired in the East, the latter
his literary collections on Arabia—to the young prince, who
appeared to burn with the desire of achieving the con-
quest of that land—over which Alexander had met his
death—as a brilliant compensation for a miscarriage of
the Augustan government which a considerable time ago
had there occurred. In the first instance for Armenia
this. mission was just as successful as that of Tiberius.
The Roman crown-prince and the Parthian great-king
Phraataces met personally on an island of the Euph-
rates; the Parthians once more gave up Armenia, the
imminent danger of a Parthian war was averted, and the
understanding, which had been disturbed, was at least out-
wardly re-established. Gaius appointed Ariobarzanes, a
prince of the Median princely house, as king over the
Armenians, and the suzerainty of Rome was once more
confirmed. The Armenians, however, opposed to Rome

Mission of
Germani-
cus to [20.
the East.

40 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIIL.

did not submit without resistance; matters came not
merely to the marching in of the legions, but even to
fighting. Before the walls of the Armenian stronghold
Artageira the young crown-prince received from a Par-
thian officer through treachery the wound (2 A.D.) of
which he died after months of sickness. The intermixture
of imperial and dynastic policy punished itself anew. The
death of a young man changed the course of great policy ;
the Arabian expedition so confidently announced to the
public fell into abeyance, after its success could no longer
smooth the way of the emperor’s son to the succession.
Further undertakings on the Euphrates were no longer
thought of; the immediate object—the occupation of
Armenia and the re-establishment of the relations with the
Parthians—was attained, however sad the shadows that
fell on this success through the death of the crown-prince.

The success had no more endurance than that of the
more brilliant expedition of 734. The rulers of Armenia
installed by Rome were soon hard pressed by those of
the counter-party with the secret or open participation
of the Parthians, and supplanted. When the Parthian
prince Vonones, reared in Rome, was called to the vacant
Parthian throne, the Romans hoped to find in him a
support ; but on that very account he had soon to vacate
it, and in his stead came king Artabanus of Media, an
energetic man, sprung on the mother’s side from the
Arsacids, but belonging to the Scythian people of the
Daci, and brought up in native habits (about Io A.D.)
Vonones was then received by the Armenians as ruler,
and thereby these were kept under Roman influence.
But the less could Artabanus tolerate his dispossessed
rival as a neighbour prince; the Roman government
must, in order to sustain a man in every respect unfitted
for his position, have applied armed force against the
Parthians as against his own subjects. Tiberius, who
meanwhile had come to reign, did not order an immediate
invasion, and for the moment the anti-Roman party in
Armenia was victorious; but it was not his intention to
abandon the important border-land. On the contrary,

= B e D

— e r ere ee T SEO

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 41

the annexation, probably long resolved on, of the king-
dom of Cappadocia was carried out in the year 17; the
old Archelaus, who had occupied the throne there from
the year 718, was summoned to Rome and was there in-
formed that he had ceased to reign. Likewise the petty,
but on account of the fords of the Euphrates important,
kingdom of Commagene came at that time under imme-
diate imperial administration. Thereby the direct frontier
of the empire was pushed forward as far as the middle
Euphrates. At the same time the crown-prince Ger-
manicus, who had just commanded with great distinction
on the Rhine, went with extended full powers to the
East, in order to organise the new province of Cappadocia
and to restore the sunken repute of the imperial authority.

This mission also attained its end soon and easily.
Germanicus, although not supported by the governor of
Syria, Gnaeus Piso, with such a force of troops as he was
entitled to ask and had asked, went nevertheless to
Armenia, and by the mere weight of his person and of
his position brought back the land to allegiance. He
allowed the incapable Vonones to fall, and, in accordance
with the wishes of the chief men favourable to Rome,
appointed as ruler of the Armenians a son of that
Polemon whom Antonius had made king in Pontus,
Zeno, or, as he was called as king of Armenia, Artaxias ;
the latter was, on the one hand, connected with the
imperial house through his mother queen Pythodoris, a
granddaughter of the triumvir Antonius, on the other
hand, reared after the manner of the country, a vigorous
huntsman and a brave carouser at the festal board. The
great-king Artabanus also met the Roman prince in a
friendly way, and asked only for the removal of his
predecessor Vonones from Syria, in order to check the
intrigues concocted between him and the discontented
_ Parthians. As Germanicus responded to this request
and sent the inconvenient refugee to Cilicia, where he
soon afterwards perished in an attempt to escape, the
best relations were established between the two great
states. Artabanus wished even to meet personally with

And its
results,

42 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIL.

Germanicus at the Euphrates, as Phraataces and Gaius
had done; but this Germanicus declined, doubtless with
reference to the easily excited suspicion of Tiberius. In
truth the same shadow of gloom fell on this Oriental
expedition as on the last preceding one; from this too
the crown-prince of the Roman empire came not home

a2 T
l` 3
L “alive.

Artabanus
and
Tiberius.

Mission of
Vitellius.

For a time the arrangements made did their work.
So long as Tiberius bore sway with a firm hand, and so
long as king Artaxias of Armenia lived, tranquillity
continued in the East; but in the last years of the old
emperor, when he from his solitary island allowed things
to take their course and shrank back from all interference,
and especially after the death of Artaxias (about 34), the
old game once more began. King Artabanus, exalted
by his long and prosperous government and by many
successes achieved against the border peoples of Iran,
and convinced that the old emperor would have no
inclination to begin a heavy war in the East, induced the
Armenians to proclaim his own eldest son, Arsaces, as
ruler; that is, to exchange the Roman suzerainty for the
Parthian. Indeed he seemed directly to aim at war with
Rome; he demanded the estate left by his predecessor
and rival Vonones, who had died in Cilicia, from the
Roman government, and his letters to it as undisguisedly
expressed the view that the East belonged to the Orientals,
as they called by the right name the abominations at the
imperial court, of which people in Rome ventured, only
to whisper in their most intimate circles. He is said
even to have made an attempt to possess himself of
Cappadocia. But he had miscalculated on the old lion.
Tiberius was even at Capreae formidable not merely to
his courtiers, and was not the man to let himself, and in
himself Rome, be mocked with impunity. He sent
Lucius Vitellius, the father of the subsequent emperor, a
resolute officer and skilful diplomatist, to the East with
plenary power similar to that which Gaius Caesar and
Germanicus had formerly had, and with the commission
in case of need to lead the Syrian legions over the

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 43

Euphrates, At the same time he applied the often tried
means for giving trouble to the rulers of the East by
insurrections and pretenders in their own land. To the
Parthian prince, whom the Armenian nationalists had
proclaimed as ruler, he opposed a prince of the royal
house of the Iberians, Mithradates, brother of the Armenian
king Pharasmanes, and directed the latter, as well as the
prince of the Albanians, to support the Roman pretender
to Armenia with military force. Large bands of the
Transcaucasian Sarmatae, warlike and easy of access to
every wooer, were hired with Roman money for the
inroads into Armenia. The Roman pretender succeeded
in poisoning his rival through bribed courtiers, and in
possessing himself of the country and of the capital
Artaxata. Artabanus sent in place of the murdered
prince another son Orodes to Armenia, and attempted
also on his part to procure Transcaucasian auxiliaries ;
but only few made good their way to Armenia, and the
bands of Parthian horsemen were not a match for the
good infantry of the Caucasian peoples and the dreaded
Sarmatian mounted archers. Orodes was vanquished in
a hard pitched battle, and himself severely wounded in
single combat with hjs rival. Then Artabanus in person
set out for Armenia. But now Vitellius also put in
motion the Syrian legions, in order to cross the Euphrates
and to invade Mesopotamia, and this brought the long
fermenting insurrection in the Parthian kingdom to an
outbreak. The energetic and, with successes, more and
more rude demeanour of the Scythian ruler, had offended
many persons and interests, and had especially estranged
from him the Mesopotamian Greeks and the powerful
urban community of Seleucia, from which he had taken
away its municipal constitution, democratic after a Greek
type. Roman gold fostered the movement which was
in preparation. Discontented nobles had already put
themselves in communication with the Roman govern-
ment, and besought from it a genuine Arsacid. Tiberius
had sent the only surviving son of Phraates, of the same
name with his father, and—after the old man, accustomed

Tiridates
superseded.

44 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

to Roman habits, had succumbed to his exertions while
still in Syria—in his stead a grandson of Phraates, likewise
living in Rome, by name Tiridates. The Parthian prince
Sinnaces, the leader of these plots, now renounced
allegiance to the Scythians and set up the banner of the
Arsacids. Vitellius with his legions crossed the Euphrates,
and in his train the new great-king by grace of Rome.
The Parthian governor of Mesopotamia, Ornospades, who
had once as an exile shared under Tiberius in the
Pannonian wars, placed himself and his troops at once
at the disposal of the new ruler; Abdagaeses, the father
of Sinnaces, delivered over the imperial treasure; very
speedily Artabanus found himself abandoned by the
whole country, and compelled to take flight to his
Scythian home, where he wandered about in the forests
without settled abode, and kept himself alive with his
bow, while the tiara was solemnly placed on the head
of Tiridates in Ctesiphon by the princes who were,
according to the Parthian constitution, called to crown
the ruler.

But the rule of the new great-king sent by the imperial
foe did not last long. The government, conducted less
by himself, young, inexperienced, and incapable, than by
those who had made him king, and chiefly by Abdagaeses,
soon provoked opposition. Some of the chief satraps
had remained absent even from the coronation festival,
and again brought forth the dispossessed ruler from his
banishment ; with their assistance and the forces supplied
by his Scythian countrymen Artabanus returned, and
already in the following year (36) the whole kingdom,
with the exception of Seleucia, was again in his power,
Tiridates was a fugitive, and was compelled to demand
from his Roman protectors the shelter which could not
be refused to him. Vitellius once more led the legions
to the Euphrates; but, as the great-king appcared in
person and declared himself ready for all that was asked,
provided that the Roman government would stand aloof
from Tiridates, peace was soon concluded. Artabanus
not merely recognised Mithradates as king of Armenia,

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 45

but presented also to the effigy of the Roman emperor
the homage which was wont to be required of vassals,
and furnished his son Darius as a hostage to the Romans.
Thereupon the old emperor died ; but he had lived long
enough to see this victory, as bloodless as — of
his policy over the revolt of the East.

What the sagacity of the old man had stined was
undone at once by the indiscretion of his successor.
Apart from the fact that he cancelled judicious arrange-
ments of Tiberius, re-establishing, eg. the annexed
kingdom of Commagene, his foolish envy grudged the
dead emperor the success which he had gained; he
summoned the able governor of Syria as well as the
new king of Armenia to Rome to answer for themselves,
deposed the latter, and, after keeping him for a time a
prisoner, sent him into exile. As a matter of course the
Parthian government took action for itself, and once more
seized possession of Armenia which was without a master.’
Claudius, on coming to reign in the year 41, had to begin
afresh the work that had been done. He dealt with it
after the example of Tiberius. Mithradates, recalled from
exile, was reinstated, and directed with the help of his
brother to possess himself of Armenia. The fraternal war

then waged among the three sons of king Artabanus III.

in the Parthian kingdom smoothed the way for the
Romans. After the murder of the eldest son, Gotarzes
and Vardanes contended over the throne for years ;
Seleucia, which had already renounced allegiance to the
father, defied him and subsequently his sons throughout
seven years ; the peoples of Turan also interfered, as they
always did, in this quarrel of princes of Iran. Mithradates
was able, with the help of the troops of his brother and

1 The account of the seizure of
Armenia is wanting, but the fact is
Clearly apparent from Tacitus, Ann.
xi. 9. To this connection probably
belongs what Josephus, Arch. xx. 3, 3,
tells of the design of the successor of
Artabanus to wage war against the
Romans, from which Izates the satrap
of Adiabene vainly dissuades him.

Josephus names this successor, pro-
bably in error, Bardanes. The im-
mediate successor of Artabanus III.
was, according to Tacitus, Ann. xi.
8, his son of the same name, whom
along with his son thereupon Gotarzes
put out of the way; and this Arta-
banus IV. must be here meant.

The East
under
Gaius.

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

46
of the garrisons of the neighbouring Roman provinces, to
overpower the Parthian partisans in Armenia and to make
himself again master there ;! the land obtained a Roman
garrison. After Vardanes had come to terms with his
brother and had at length reoccupied Seleucia, he seemed
as though he would march into Armenia; but the
threatening attitude of the Roman legate of Syria with-
held him, and very soon the brother broke the agreement
and the civil war began afresh. Not even the assassination
of the brave and, in combat with the peoples of Turan,
victorious Vardanes put an end to it; the opposition
party now turned to Rome and besought from the
government there the son of Vonones, the prince Meher-
dates then living in Rome, who thereupon was placed
by the emperor Claudius before the assembled senate at
the disposal of his countrymen and sent away to Syria
with the exhortation to administer his new kingdom well
and justly, and to remain mindful of the friendly
protectorate of Rome (49). He did not reach the
position in which these exhortations might be applied.
The Roman legions, which escorted him as far as the
Euphrates, there delivered him over to those who had
called him—the head of the powerful princely family
of the Carén and the kings Abgarus of Edessa and
Izates of Adiabene. The inexperienced and unwarlike
youth was as little equal to the task as all the other
Parthian rulers set up by the Romans; a number of his
most noted adherents left him so soon as they learned
to know him, and went to Gotarzes; in the decisive
battle the fall of the brave Carén turned the scale.
Meherdates was taken prisoner and not even executed,

1 The statement of Petrus Patricius
(fr. 3 Müll.) that king Mithradates
of Iberia had planned revolt from
Rome, but in order to preserve the
semblance of fidelity, had sent his
brother Cotys to Claudius, and then,
when the latter had given information
to the emperor of those intrigues,
had been deposed and replaced by
his brother, is not compatible with
the assured fact that in Iberia, at

least from the year 35 (Tacitus, Ass.
vi. 32) till the year 60 (Tacitus, Ann.
xiv. 26), Pharasmanes, and in the
year 75 his son Mithradates (C. Z. Z.
iii. 6052) bore rule. Beyond doubt
Petrus has confused Mithradates of
Iberia and the king of the Bosporus
of the same name (I. 316, note 1),
and here at the bottom lies the
narrative, which Tacitus, An. xii.
18, presupposes.

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 47

but only, after the Oriental fashion, rendered incapable of
government by mutilation of the ears.

Nothwithstanding this defeat of Roman policy in the
Parthian kingdom, Armenia remained with the Romans,
so long as the weak Gotarzes ruled over the Parthians.
But so soon as a more vigorous hand grasped the reins
of sovereignty, and the internal conflicts ceased, the
struggle for that land was resumed. King Vologasus,
who after the death of Gotarzes and the short reign of
Vonones II. succeeded this his father in the year 51,
ascended the throne, exceptionally, in full agreement with
his two brothers Pacorus and Tiridates. He was an
able and prudent ruler—we find him even as a founder
of towns, and exerting himself with success to divert the
trade of Palmyra towards his new town Vologasias on
the lower Euphrates—averse to quick and extreme
resolutions, and endeavouring, if possible, to keep peace
with his powerful neighbour. But the recovery of
Armenia was the leading political idea of the dynasty,
and he too was ready to make use of any opportunity
for realising it.

This opportunity seemed now to present itself. The
Armenian court had become the scene of one of the
most revolting family tragedies which history records.
The old king of the Iberians, Pharasmanes, undertook
to eject his brother Mithradates, the king of Armenia,
from the throne and to put his own son Rhadamistus in
his place. Under the pretext of a quarrel with his
father Rhadamistus appeared at the court of his uncle
and father-in-law, and entered into negotiations with
Armenians of repute in that sense. After he had secured
a body of adherents, Pharasmanes, in the year 52, under
frivolous pretexts involved his brother in war, and
brought the country into his own or rather his son’s

1 If the coins, which, it is true, gasus (we know none of Vonones
for the most part admit of being II.) begin with Sel. 362 Gorpiaeus
distinguished only by resemblance of = A.D. 51 Sept. (Percy Gardner,
effigy, are correctly attributed, those Parthian Coinage, pp. 50, 51), which
of Gotarzes reach to Sel. 362 Daesius agrees with Tacitus, da. xii, 14,
= A.D. 51 June, and those of Volo- 44.

Armenia
occupied by
the Par-
thians.

Rhada-
mistus.

48 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

power. Mithradates placed himself under the protection
of the Roman garrison of the fortress of Gorneae.'
Rhadamistus did not venture to attack this; but the
commandant, Caelius Pollio, was well known as worthless
and venal. The centurion holding command under him
resorted to Pharasmanes to induce him to recall his
troops, which the latter promised, but did not keep his
word. During the absence of the second in command
Pollio compelled the king—who doubtless guessed what
was before him—by the threat of leaving him in the
lurch, to deliver himself into the hands of Rhadamistus.
By the latter he was put to death, and with him his wife,
the sister of Rhadamistus, and their children, because they
broke out in cries of lamentation at the sight of the
dead bodies of their parents. In this way Rhadamistus
attained to sovereignty over Armenia. The Roman
government ought neither to have looked on at such
horrors, of which its officers shared the guilt, nor to have
tolerated that one of its vassals should make war on
another. Nevertheless the governor of Cappadocia, Julius
Paelignus, acknowledged the new king of Armenia. Even
in the council of the governor of Syria, Ummidius Quad-
ratus, the opinion preponderated that it might be matter
of indifference to the Romans whether the uncle or the
nephew ruled Armenia; the legate, sent to Armenia with
a legion, received only instructions to maintain the status
quo till further orders. Then the Parthian king, on the
assumption that the Roman government would not be
zealous to take part for king Rhadamistus, deemed the
moment a fit one for resuming his old claims upon
Armenia. He invested his brother Tiridates with
Armenia, and the Parthian troops marching in possessed
themselves, almost without striking a blow, of the two
capitals, Tigranocerta and Artaxata, and of the whole
land. When Rhadamistus made an attempt to retain
the price of his deeds of blood, the Armenians themselves
drove him out of the land. The Roman garrison appears

1 Gorneae, called by the Armenians Erivan) are still at present named.
Garhni, as the ruins (nearly east of (Kiepert.)

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 49

to have left Armenia after the giving over of Gorneae ;
the governor recalled the legion put upon the march
from Syria, in order not to fall into conflict with the
Parthians.

When this news came to Rome (at the end of 54)
the emperor Claudius had just died, and the ministers
Burrus and Seneca practically governed for his young
successor, seventeen years old. The procedure of
Vologasus could only be answered by a declaration of
war. In fact the Roman government sent to Cappadocia,
which otherwise was a governorship of the second rank
and was not furnished with legions, by way of exception
the consular legate Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo. He had
come rapidly into prominence as son-in-law of the
emperor Gaius, had then under Claudius been legate
of lower Germany in the year 47 (I. 125), and was
thenceforth regarded as one of the able commanders, not
at that time numerous, who energetically maintained the
stringency of discipline—in person a Herculean figure,
equal to any fatigue, and of unshrinking courage in
presence not of the enemy merely but also of his own
soldiers. It appeared to be a sign of things becoming
better that the government of Nero gave to him the first
important command which it had to fil. The incapable
Syrian legate of Syria, Quadratus, was not recalled, but
was directed to put two of his four legions at the disposal
of the governor of the neighbouring province. All the
legions were brought up to the Euphrates, and orders
were given for the immediate throwing of bridges over
the stream. The two regions bordering immediately on
Armenia to the westward, Lesser Armenia and Sophene,
were assigned to two trustworthy Syrian princes, Aristo-
bulus, of a lateral branch of the Herodian house, and
Sohaemus, of the ruling family of Hemesa, and both were
placed under Corbulo’s command. Agrippa, the king of
the remnant of the Jewish state still left at that time, and
Antiochus, king of Commagene, likewise received orders
to march. ©

At first, however, no fighting took place. The reason

VOL. II. 4

Corbulo
sent to
Cappa-
docia,

Character
of his
troops.

The aims
of the war.

50 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

lay partly in the state of the Syrian. legions; it was a
bad confession of poverty for the previous administration,
that Corbulo was compelled to describe the troops assigned
to him as quite unserviceable. The legions levied and

_ doing garrison duty in the Greek provinces had always
been inferior to the Occidentals; now the enervating

power of the East with the long state of peace and the
laxity of discipline completely demoralised them. The
soldiers abode more in. the towns than in,the camps; not
a few of them were unaccustomed to carry arms, and
knew nothing of pitching camps and of service on the
watch; the regiments were far from having their full
complement and contained numerous old and useless
men; Corbulo had, in the first instance, to dismiss a
great number of soldiers, and to levy and train recruits
in still larger numbers. The exchange of the comfortable
winter quarters on the Orontes for those in the rugged
mountains of Armenia, and the sudden introduction of
inexorably stern discipline in the camp, brought about
yarious ailments and occasioned numerous desertions.
In spite of all this the general found himself, when
matters became serious, compelled to ask that one of the
better legions of the West might be sent to him. Under
these circumstances he was in no haste to bring his
saldiers to face the enemy ; nevertheless it was political
considerations that preponderantly influenced him in this
course, l a
_ If it had been the design of the Roman government
to drive oyt the Parthian ruler at once from Armenia,
and to put in his place not indeed Rhadamistus,. with
whose blood-guiltiness the Romans had no occasion to
stain themselves, but some other prince of their choice,
the military resources of Corbulo would probably have at
once sufficed, since king Vologasus, once more recalled
by internal troubles, had led away his troops from
Armenia. But this was not embraced in the plan of
the Romans; they wished, on the contrary, rather. to
acquiesce in the government of Tiridates there, and only
to induce and, in case of need, compel him to an acknow-

‘

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 5I

ledgment of the Roman supremacy ; only for this object
were the legions, in case of extremity, to march. This in
reality came very near to the cession of Armenia to the
Parthians. What told in favour of this course, and what
prevented it, has formerly been set forth (p. 34 f.). If Ar-
menia were now arranged as a Parthian appanage for
a second son, the recognition of the Roman suzerainty
was little more than a formality, strictly taken, nothing
but a screen for military and political honour. Thus the
government of the earlier period of Nero, which, as is well
known, was equalled by few in insight and energy, in-
tended to get rid of Armenia in a decorous way; and
that need not surprise us. In fact they were in this case
pouring water into a sieve. The possession of Armenia
had doubtless been asserted and brought to recognition
within the land itself, as among the Parthians, through
Tiberius in the year 20 B.C., then by Gaius in the year 2,
_ by Germanicus in the year 18, and by Vitellius in the
year 36. But it was just these extraordinary expeditions
regularly repeated and regularly crowned with success,
and yet never attaining to permanent effect, that justified
the Parthians, when in the negotiations with Nero they
maintained that the Roman suzerainty over Armenia was
an empty name—that the land was, and could be, none
other than Parthian. For the vindication of the Roman
supreme authority there was always needed, if not the
waging of war, at least the threat of it; and the constant
irritation thereby produced made a lasting state of peace
between the two neighbouring great powers impossible.
The Romans had, if they were to act consistently, only
the choice between either bringing Armenia and the left
bank of the Euphrates in general effectively under their
power by setting aside the mere mediate government, or
leaving the matter to the Parthians, so far as was com-
patible with the supreme principle of the Roman govern-
ment to acknowledge no frontier-power with equal rights.
Augustus and the rulers hitherto acting had decidedly
declined the former alternative, and they ought therefore
to have taken the second course; but this too they had

Negotia-
tions with
Vologasus.

52 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

at least attempted to decline, and had wished to exclude
the Parthian royal house from the rule over Armenia,
without being able to do so. This the leading statesmen
of the earlier Neronian period must have regarded as an
error, since they left Armenia to the Arsacids, and re-
stricted themselves to the smallest conceivable measure of
rights thereto. When the dangers and the disadvantages,
which the retention of this region only externally attached
to the empire brought to the state, were weighed against
those which the Parthian rule over Armenia involved for
the Romans, the decision might, especially in view of the
small offensive power of the Parthian kingdom, well be
found in the latter sense. But under all the circumstances
this policy was consistent, and sought to attain in a clearer
and more rational way the aim pursued by Augustus.

From this standpoint we understand why Corbulo
and Quadratus, instead of crossing the Euphrates, entered
into negotiations with Vologasus ; and not less why the
latter, informed doubtless of the real designs of the
Romans, agreed to submit to the Romans in a similar
way with his predecessor, and to deliver to them as a
pledge of peace a number of hostages closely connected
with the royal house. The return tacitly agreed on for
this was that the rule of Tiridates over Armenia should
be tolerated, and that a Roman pretender should not be
set up. So some years passed in a de facto state of peace.
But when Vologasus and Tiridates did not agree to apply
to the Roman government for the investing of the latter
with Armenia,! Corbulo took the offensive against Tiri-
dates in the year 58. The very policy of withdrawal
and concession, if it was not to appear to friend and foe
as weakness, needed a foil, and so either a formal and
solemn recognition of the Roman supremacy or, better
still, a victory won by arms.

1 Even after the attack Tiridates
complained cur datis nuper obsidibus
redintegratague amicitia . . . vetere
Armeniae possessione defelleretur, and
Corbulo presented to him, in case of
his turning as a suppliant to the

emperor, the prospect of a regnum
stabile (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 37). Else-
where too the refusal of the oath of
fealty is indicated as the proper
ground of war (Tacitus, Arn. xii.
34).

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS.

53

In the summer of the year 58 Corbulo led an army,
tolerably fit for fighting, of at least 30,000 men, over the
Euphrates. The reoganisation and the hardening of the
troops were completed by the campaign itself, and the
first winter-quarters were taken up on Armenian soil. In
the spring of 59' he began the advance in the direction
of Artaxata. At the same time Armenia was invaded
from the north by the Iberians, whose king Pharasmanes,
to cover his own crimes, had caused his son Rhadamistus
to be executed, and now further endeavoured by good
services to make his guilt be forgotten; and not less by
their neighbours to the north-west, the brave Moschi, and
on the south by Antiochus, king of Commagene. King
Vologasus was detained by the revolt of the Hyrcanians
on the opposite side of the kingdom, and could or would
not interfere directly in the struggle. Tiridates offered
a courageous resistance, but he could do nothing against
the crushing superiority of force. In vain he sought to
throw himself on the lines of communication of the
Romans, who obtained their necessary supplies by way
of the Black Sea and the port of Trapezus. The strong-
holds of Armenia fell under the attacks of the Roman
assailants, and the garrisons were cut down to the last
man. Defeated in a pitched battle under the walls of
Artaxata, Tiridates gave up the unequal struggle, and
went to the Parthians. Artaxata surrendered, and here,
in the heart of Armenia, the Roman army passed the

The narra-

1 The report in Tacitus, Ava. xiii.
34-41, embraces beyond doubt the
campaigns of 58 and 59, since Taci-
tus under the year 59 is silent as to
the Armenian campaign, while under
the year 60, Ann. xiv. 23 joins on
immediately to xiii. 41, and evidently
describes merely a single campaign ;
generally, where he condenses in this
way, he as a rule anticipates. That
the war cannot have begun only in 59,
is further confirmed by the fact that
Corbulo observed the solar eclipse of
30th April 59 on Armenian soil (Plin.
Hf, N. ii. 70, 180); had he not en-
tered the country till 59, he could
hardly have crossed the enemy’s fron-

tier so early in the year.
tive of Tacitus, Ams. xiii. 34-41, does
not in itself show an intercalation of a
year, but with his mode of narrating it
admits the possibility that the first
year was spent in the crossing of the
Euphrates and the settling in Ar-
menia, and so the winter mentioned
in c. 35 is that of the year 58-9, espe-
cially as in view of the character of
the army such a beginning to the war
would be quite in place, and in view
of the short Armenian summer it was
militarily convenient thus to separate
the marching into the country and
the conduct proper of the war.

Corbulo in
Armenia,

aD’

\
Tigranes,
king of
Armenia.

Negotia-
tions with
the Par-
thians.

54 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

winter. In the spring of 60 Corbulo broke up from
thence, after having burnt down the town, and marched
right across the country to its second capital Tigranocerta,
above Nisibis, in the basin of the Tigris. The terrors of
the destruction of Artaxata preceded him; serious resist-
ance was nowhere offered ; even Tigranocerta voluntarily
opened its gates to the victor, who here in a well-calcu-
lated way allowed mercy to prevail. Tiridates still made
an attempt to return and to resume the struggle, but was
repulsed without special exertion. At the close of the
summer of 60 all Armenia was subdued, and stood at the
disposal of the Roman government.

It is conceivable that people in Rome now left Tiri-
dates out of account. The prince Tigranes, a great-
grandson on the father’s side of Herod the Great, on the
mother’s of king Archelaus of Cappadocia, related also to
the old Marenian royal house on the female side, and a
nephew of one of the ephemeral rulers of Armenia in the
last years of Augustus, brought up in Rome, and entirely
a tool of the Roman government, was now (60) invested
by Nero with the kingdom of Armenia, and at the em-
peror’s command installed by Corbulo in its rule. In the
country there was left a Roman garrison, 1000 legionaries,
and from 3000 to 4000 cavalry and infantry of auxiliaries.
A portion of the border land was separated from Armenia
and distributed among the neighbouring kings, Polemon
of Pontus and Trapezus, Aristobulus of Lesser Armenia,
Pharasmanes of Iberia and Antiochus of Commagene.
On the other hand the new master of Armenia advanced,
of course with consent of the Romans, into the adjacent
Parthian province of Adiabene, defeated Monobazus the
governor there, and appeared desirous of wresting this
region also from the Parthian state.

This turn of affairs compelled the Parthian govern-
ment to emerge from its passiveness ; the question now
concerned no longer the recovery of Armenia, but the
integrity of the Parthian empire. The long-threatened
collision between the two great states seemed inevitable.
Vologasus in an assembly of the grandees of the empire

CHAP. IX, -~ AND THE PARTHIANS. 55

confirmed Tiridates afresh as king of Armenia, and sent
with him the general Monaeses against the Roman usurper
of the land, who was besieged by the Parthians in Tig-
ranocerta, which the Roman troops kept in their posses-
sion. Vologasus in person collected the Parthian main
force in Mesopotamia, and threatened (at the beginning
of 61) Syria. Corbulo, who, after Quadratus’s death, held
the command for a time in Cappadocia as in Syria, but
had besought from: the government the nomination of
another governor for Cappadocia and Armenia, sent pro-
visionally two legions to Armenia to lend help to Tigranes,
while he in person moved to the: Euphrates in order to
receive the Parthian king. -Agam, however, they came
not to blows, but to an agreement. Vologasus, well
knowing how dangerous was the game which he was
beginning,’ declared himself now ready to enter into the
terms vainly offered by the Romans before the outbreak
of the Armenian war, and to allow the investiture of his
brother by the Roman emperor. Corbulo entered into the
proposal. He let Tigranes drop, withdrew the Roman
troops from Armenia, and acquiesced in Tiridates establish-
ing himself there, while the Parthian auxiliary troops like-
wise withdrew; on the other hand, Vologasus sent an
embassy to the Roman government, and declared the
readiness of his brother to take the land in fee irom
Rome.

These measures of Corbulo were of a hazardous kind,!
afid led to a bad complication. The Roman general may
possibly have been, still more thoroughly than the states-
men in Rome, impressed by the uselessness of retaining
Armenia ; but, after the Roman government had installed
Tigranes as king of Armenia, he might not of his own
accord fall back upon the conditions earlier laid down,
least of all abandon his own acquisitions and withdraw the
Roman troops from Armenia. He was the less entitled
to do so, as he administered Cappadocia and Armenia

-1 From the representation of Taci- does not venture to express the sur-
tus, Ann. xv. 6, the partiality and render of Armenia to Tiridates, and
the perplexity are clearly seen. He only leaves the reader to infer it.

P

The Par-
thian war
under Nero.

Measures
of Paetus.

56 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

merely ad interim, and had himself declared to the govern-
ment that he was not in a position to exercise the
command at once there and in Syria; whereupon the
consular Lucius Caesennius Paetus was nominated as
governor of Cappadocia and was already on the way
thither. The suspicion can hardly be avoided that Cor-
bulo grudged the latter the honour of the final subjugation
of Armenia, and wished before his arrival to establish a
definitive solution by the actual conclusion of peace with
the Parthians. The Roman government accordingly
declined the proposals of Vologasus and insisted on the
retention of Armenia, which, as the new governor who
arrived in Cappadocia in the course of the summer of 61
declared, was even to be taken under direct Roman
administration. Whether the Roman government had
really resolved to go so far cannot be ascertained ; but
this was at all events implied in the consistent following
out of their policy. The installing of a king dependent
on Rome was only a prolongation of the previous un-
tenable state of things ; whoever did not wish the cession
of Armenia to the Parthians had to contemplate the con-
version of the kingdom into a Roman province. The
war therefore took its course ; and on that account one of
the Moesian legions was sent to the Cappadocian army.
When Paetus arrived, the two legions assigned to him
by Corbulo were encamped on this side of the Euphrates
in Cappadocia; Armenia was evacuated, and had to be
reconquered. Paetus set at once to work, crossed the
Euphrates at Melitene (Malatia), advanced into Armenia,
and reduced the nearest strongholds on the border. The
advanced season of the year, however, compelled him soon
to suspend operations and to abandon for this year the in-
tended reoccupation of Tigranocerta ; nevertheless, in order
to resume his march at once next spring, he, after Corbulo’s
example, took up his winter-quarters in the enemy’s
country at Rhandeia, on a tributary of the Euphrates, the
Arsanias, not far from the modern Charput, while the
baggage and the women and children had quarters not far
from it in the strong fortress of Arsamosata. But he had

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS.

57

underrated the difficulty of the undertaking. One, and
that the best of his legions, the Moesian, was still on the
march, and spent the winter on this side of the Euphrates
in the territory of Pontus; the two others were not those
whom Corbulo had taught to fight and conquer, but the
former Syrian legions of Quadratus, not having their full
complement, and hardly capable of use without thorough
reorganisation. He had withal to confront not, like Cor-
bulo, the Armenians alone, but the main body of the
Parthians ; Vologasus had, when the war became in earn-
est, led the flower of his troops from Mesopotamia to
Armenia, and judiciously availed himself of the strategical
advantage that he commanded the inner and shorter lines.
Corbulo might, especially as he had bridged over the
Euphrates and constructed etes de pont on the other bank,
have at least hampered, or at any rate requited this march-
ing off by a seasonable incursion into Mesopotamia ; but
he did not stir from his positions and he left it to Paetus
to defend himself, as best he could, against the whole
force of his foes. The latter was neither himself military
nor ready to accept and follow military advice, not even
a man of resolute character; arrogant and boastful in onset,
despairing and pusillanimous in presence of misfortune.
Thus there came what could not but come. In the
spring of 62 it was not Paetus who assumed the aggres-
sive, but Vologasus; the advanced troops who were to
bar the way of the Parthians were crushed by the superior
force ; the attack was soon converted into a siege of the
Roman positions pitched far apart in the winter camp and
the fortress. The legions could neither advance nor
retreat ; the soldiers deserted in masses; the only hope
rested on Corbulo’s legions lying inactive far off in nor-
thern Syria, beyond doubt at Zeugma. Both generals
shared in the blame of the disaster: Corbulo on account of
the lateness of his starting to render help,’ although, when

1 This is said by Tacitus himself, this praise involves. How partial is

Ann. xv. 10: na a Corbulone pro-
peratum, guo gliscentibus periculis
etiam subsidii laus augeretur, in naive
unconcern at the severe censure which

the tone of the whole account resting
on Corbulo’s despatches, is shown
among other things by the circum-
stance that Paetus is reproached in

Capitula-
tion of
Rhandeia,

Conclusion
of peace.

58 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER Book vin.
he ‘did recognise the whole extent of the danger, he
hastened his march as much as possible; Paetus, because
he could not take the bold resolution to perish rather than
to surrender, and thereby lost the chance of rescue that was

ñear—in three: days longer the 5000 men whom Corbulo

was leading up would ‘have brought the longed-for help.

The conditions of the capitulation were free retreat for the
Romans and evacuation of Armenia, with the delivering
up of all fortresses occupied by them, and of all the
stores-thdat were in their hands, of which the Parthians
were urgently in need. On the other hand Vologasus
declared -himself ready, i in spite of this military success, to
ask Armenia as a Roman fief for his brother from the
imperial ‘government, and on that account to send envoys
to Nero! The moderation of the victor may have rested
on the fact that he had better information of Cor-
bulo’s approach than the enclosed army; but more
probably the sagacious man was not concerned to renew
the disaster ‘of Crassus and bring Roman eagles again to
Ctesiphon. The defeat of a Roman army—he knew—
was not the overpowering of Rome; and the real concession,
which was involved in the recognition of Tiridates, was
not too dearly purchased by the compliance as to form.
The Roman government once more declined the offer
of the Parthian king and ordered the continuance of the
war. It could not well do otherwise ; if the recognition
of Tiridates was hazardous before ‘the recommencement
of war, and hardly capable of being accepted after the
Parthian declaration of war, it now, as a consequence
of the capitulation of Rhandeia, appeared directly as its

one breath with the inadequate pro-
visioning of the camp (xv. 8) anq
with the surrender of it in spite of
copious supplies (xv. 16), and the
latter fact is inferred from this, that
the retiring Romans preferred to de-
stroy the stores which, according to
the capitulation, were to be delivered
to the Parthians. As the exaspera-
tion against Tiberius found its ex-
pression in the painting of Germani-
cus in fine colours, so did the exas-

peration against Nero in the picture
of Corbulo.

1 The statement of Corbulo that
Paetus bound himself on oath in
presence of his soldiers and of the
Parthian deputies to send no troops
to. Armenia till the arrival of Nero’s
answer, is declared by Tacitus, Ann.
xv. 16, unworthy of credit; it is in
keeping with the state of the case,
and nothing was done to the con-

trary.

CHAP, IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 59

ratification. From Rome the resumption of the struggle
against the Parthians was energetically promoted. Paetus
was recalled; Corbulo, in whom public opinion, aroused
by the disgraceful capitulation, saw only the conqueror
of Armenia, and whom even those who knew exactly and
judged sharply the state of the matter could not avoid
characterising as the ablest general and one uniquely
fitted for this war, took up again the governorship of
Cappadocia, and at the same time the command over all
the troops available for this campaign, who were further
reinforced by a seventh legion brought up from Pannonia ;
accordingly all the governors and princes of the East
were directed to comply in military matters with ‘his
orders, so that his official authority was nearly equivalent
to that which had been assigned to the crown- princes
Gaius and Germanicus for their missions to the East.
If these measures were intended to bring about. a' serious
reparation of the honour of the Roman arms they missed
their aim. How Corbulo looked at the state. of affairs,
is shown by the very agreement which he made with the
Parthian king not long after the disaster of Rhandeia ;
the latter withdrew the Parthian garrisons from Armenia,
the Romans evacuated the fortresses constructed on
Mesopotamian territory for the protection of the bridges.
For the Roman offensive the Parthian garrisons in
Armenia were just as indifferent as the bridges of the
Euphrates were important; whereas, if Tiridates was to
be recognised as a Roman vassal-king in Armenia, the
latter certainly were superfluous and Parthian garrisons
in Armenia impossible. In the next spring (63) Corbulo
certainly entered upon the offensive enjoined upon him,
and led the four best of his legions at Melitene over the
Euphrates against the Partho-Armenian main force
stationed in the region of Arsamosata. But not much
came of the fighting; “only some castles of Armenian
nobles opposed. to Romé were. destroyed. On the other
hand, this encounter led. also-to’ agreement. Corbulo
took up the Parthian’ proposals formerly rejected by his
government, and that, as the further’ course of things

Tiridates in
Rome.

60 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

showed, in the sense that Armenia became once for all
a Parthian appanage for the second son, and the Roman
government, at least according to the spirit of the
agreement, consented to bestow this crown in future
only on an Arsacid. It was only added that Tiridates
should oblige himself to take from his head the royal
diadem publicly bcfore the eyes of the two armies in
Rhandeia, just where the capitulation had been concluded,
and to deposit it before the effigy of the emperor, promising
not to put it on again until he should have received it
from his hand, and that in Rome itself. This was done
(63). By this humiliation there was no change in the
fact that the Roman gencral, instead of waging the war
intrusted to him, concluded peace on the terms rejected
by his government? But the statesmen who formerly
took the lead had meanwhile dicd or retired, the personal
government of the emperor was installed in their stead,
and the solemn act in Rhandcia and the spectacle in
prospect of the investiture of the Parthian prince with
the crown of Armenia in the capital of the empire failed
not to produce their effect on the public, and above all
on the emperor in person. The peacc was ratificd and
fulfilled. In the year 66 the Parthian prince appeared
according to promise in Rome, escorted by 3000 Parthian
horsemen, bringing as hostages the children of his three
brothers as well as those of Monobazus of Adiabene.
Falling on his knees he saluted his liege lord scated on

the imperial throne in the market-place of the capital,

N

The East ks

under the
Flavians.

and here the latter in presence of all the people bound
the royal chaplet round his brow.
The conduct on both sides, cautious, and we might

1 As, according to Tacitus, Ann.
xv. 25 (comp. Dio, lxii. 22), Nero
dismissed graciously the envoys of
Vologasus, and allowed them to see
the possibility of an understanding if
Tiridates appeared in person, Corbulo
may in this case have acted accord-
ing to his instructions; but this was
rather perhaps one of the turns added
in the interest of Corbulo. That
these events were brought under dis-

cussion in the trial to which he was
subjected some years after, is probable
from the statement that one of the
officers of the Armenian campaign
became his accuser. The identity
of the cohort- prefect, Arrius Varus,
in Tacitus, Azn. xiii. 9, and of the
primipilus, 7st. iii. 6, has been
without reason disputed; comp. on
C. I. L. v. 867.

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS, 61

almost say peaceful, of the last nominally ten years’ war,
and its corresponding conclusion by the actual transfer
of Armenia to the Parthians, while the susceptibilities
of the mightier western empire were spared, bore good
fruit. Armenia, under the national dynasty recognised by
the Romans, was more dependent on them than formerly
under the rulers forced upon the country. A Roman
garrison was left at least in the district of Sophene,
which most closely bordered on the Euphrates.’ For
the re-establishment of Artaxata the permission of the
emperor was sought and granted, and the building was
helped on by the emperor Nero with money and workmen.
Between the two mighty states separated from each other
by the Euphrates at no time has an equally good relation
subsisted as after the conclusion of the treaty of Rhandeia
in the last years of Nero and onward under the threc
rulers of the Flavian house. Other circumstances con-
tributed to this. The masses of Transcaucasian peoples,
perhaps allured by their participation in the last wars,
during which they had found their way to Armenia as
mercenaries, partly of the Iberians, partly of the Parthians,
began then to threaten especially the western Parthian
provinces, but at the same time the eastern provinces
of the Roman empire. Probably in order to check them,
immediately after the Armenian war in the year 63, the
annexation was ordained of the so-called kingdom of
Pontus, ze. the south-east corner of the coast of the
Black Sea, with the town of Trapezus and the region of
the Phasis. The great Oriental expedition, which this
emperor was just on the point of beginning when the
catastrophe overtook him (68), and for which he already
had put the flower of the troops of the West on the
march, partly to Egypt, partly along the Danube, was meant
no doubt to push forward the imperial frontier in other

directions ; but its proper

1 In Ziata (Charput) there have
been found two inscriptions of a fort,
which one of the legions led by
Corbulo over the Euphrates, the 3d
Gallica, constructed there by Cor-

aim was the passes of the

bulo’s orders in the year 64 (Zph.
epigr. V. Pp. 25).

2 Nero intended inter reliqua bella,
an Ethiopian one (Plin. vi. 29,
comp. 184). To this the sending

Arrange-
ments of
Vespasian.

62 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

Caucasus above Tiflis, and the Scythian tribes settled
on the northern slope, in the first instance the Alani.
These were just assailing Armenia on the one side and
Media on the other. So little was that expedition of Nero
directed against the Parthians that it might rather be
conceived of as undertaken to help them; overagainst the
wild hordes of the north a common defensive action was
at any rate indicated for the two civilised states of the
West and East. Vologasus indeed declined with equal
friendliness the amicable summons of his Roman colleague
to visit him, just as his brother had done, at Rome, since
he had no liking on his part to appear in the Roman
forum as a vassal of the Roman ruler; but he declared
himself ready to present himself before the emperor when
he should arrive in the East, and the Orientals doubtless,
though not the Romans, sincerely mourned for Nero.
King Vologasus addressed to the senate officially an
entreaty to hold Nero’s memory in honour, and, when a
pseudo-Nero subsequently emerged, he met with sympathy
above all in the Parthian state.

Nevertheless the Parthian was not so much concerned
about the friendship of Nero as about that of the Roman

of troops to Alexandria (Tacitus,
Hist. 1. 31, 70) had reference.

1 As the aim of the expedition both
Tacitus, //ist, i. 6, and Suetonius,
Ner. 19, indicate the Caspian gates,
t.e. the pass of the Caucasus between
Tiflis and Viladi-Kavkas at Darial,
which, according to the legend, Alex-
ander closed with iron gates (Plin.
H. N. vi. 11, 303 Josephus, Bet.
Jud. vii. 7, 45; Procopius, Fers. i.
10) Both from this locality and
from the whole scheme of the expedi-
tion it cannot possibly have been
directed against the Albani on the
western shore of the Caspian Sea;
here, as well as at another passage
(Ann. ii. 68,ad Armenios, inde Albanos
Heniochosque), only the Alani can be
meant, who in Josephus, Z. ¢ and
elsewhere appear just at this spot and
are frequently confounded with the
Caucasian Albani. No doubt the

account of Josephus is also confused.
If here the Albani, with consent of
the king of the Hyrcanians, invade
Media and then Armenia through the
Caspian gates, the writer has been
thinking of the other Caspian gate
eastward from Rhagae ; but this must
be his mistake, since the latter pass,
Situated in the heart of the Parthian
kingdom, cannot possibly have been
the aim of the Neronian expedition,
and the Alani had their seats not on
the eastern shore of the Caspian but
to the north of the Caucasus. On
account of this expedition the best
of the Roman legions, the 14th, was
recalled from Britain, although it
went only as far as Pannonia (Tacitus,
Hist. li. 11, comp. 27, 66), and a
new legion, the Ist Italic, was formed
by Nero (Suetonius, Ver. 19). One
sees from this what was the scale on
which the project was conceived.

CHAP. IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 63

state. Not merely did he refrain from any encroachment
during the crises of the four-emperor-year,' but correctly
estimating the probable result of the pending decisive
struggle, he offered to Vespasian, when still in Alexandria,
40,000 mounted,.archers for the conflict with Vitellius,
which, of course, was..gratefully declined. But above all
he submitted without more ado to the arrangements which
the new government made for the protection of the east
frontier. . Vespasian. had himself as.governor of Judaea
become acquainted with the inadequacy of the military
resources . statedly employed there; and, when. he ex-
changed this governorship for the imperial power, not
only was Commagene again converted, after the precedent
of. Tiberius, from a kingdom into a province, but the
number of the standing legions in Roman Asia was
raised, from. four to seven, to which number they had
been temporarily brought up for the Parthian and again
for the Jewish war. While, further,, there had been
hitherto in Asia only a single larger military command,
that of the governor of Syria, three such posts of high
command. were now instituted there. Syria, to which
Commagene was added, retained as hitherto four legions ;
the two provinces hitherto occupied only by troops of the
second order, Palestine and Cappadocia, were furnished,
the first with one the second with two legions.2, Armenia
remained a Roman dependent principality in possession

-1 In what connection he refused (new). The one legion of Palestine

to Wespasian the title of emperar
(Dio, lxvi. 11) is not clear; possibly
immediately after his insurrection,
before he had perceived that the
Flavians were the stronger. His in-
tercession for the princes of Com-
magene (Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii.
7, 3) was attended by success, and
SO was purely personal, by no means
a protest against the conversion of
the kingdom into a province.

2 The four Syrian legions were
the 3d Galica, the 6th ferrata (both
hitherto in Syria), the 4th Scythica
(hitherto in Moesia, but having al-
ready taken part in the Parthian as
in the Jewish war), and the 16th Flavia

. was the roth /refensis (hitherto in

Syria). The two of Cappadocia
were the 12th fulminata (hitherto
in Syria, moved by Titus to Meli-
tene, Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3),
and the 15th Apollinaris (hitherto in
Pannonia, but having taken part, like
the 4th Scythica, in the Parthian as
in the Jewish war). The garrisons
were thus changed as little as possible,
only two of the legions already called
earlier to Syria received fixed stations
there, and one newly instituted was
moved thither. — After the Jewish
war under Hadrian the 6th ferrata
was despatched from Syria to Pales-
tine.

64 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

of the Arsacids, but under Vespasian a Roman garrison
was stationed beyond the Armenian frontier in the Iberian
fortress Harmozika near Tiflis and accordingly at this
time Armenia also must have been militarily m the
Roman power. All these measures, however little they
contained even a threat of war, were pointed against the
eastern neighbour. Nevertheless Vologasus was after the
fall of Jerusalem the first to offer to the Roman crown-prince
his congratulations on the strengthening of the Roman
rule in Syria, and he accepted without remonstrance the
encampment of the legions in Commagene, Cappadocia,
and Lesser Armenia. Nay, he even once more incited
Vespasian to that Transcaucasian expedition, and be-
sought the sending of a Roman army against the Alani
under the leadership of one of the imperial princes ;
although Vespasian did not enter into this far-seeing
plan, that Roman force can hardly have been sent into
the region of Tiflis for any other object than for closing
the pass of the Caucasus, and in so far it represented
there also the interests of the Parthians. In spite of the
strengthening of the military position of Rome on the
Euphrates, or even perhaps in consequence of it—for to
instil respect into a neighbour is a means of preserving
the peace—the state of peace remained essentially un-
disturbed during the whole rule of the Flavians. If—
as cannot be surprising, especially when we consider the
constant change of the Parthian dynasts—collisions now
and then occurred, and war-clouds even made their
appearance, they disappeared again as quickly.2 The
emergence of a pseudo-Nero in the last years of Ves-
pasian—he it was who gave the impulse to the Revelation

1 At this time (comp. C. Z. L. v.
6988), probably falls also the Cap-
padocian governorship of C. Rutilius
Gallicus, of which it is said (Statius,
i 4, 78): Aunc... lismit...
armenia et patiens Latii tam pontis
Araxes, with reference presumably
to a bridge-structure executed by
this Roman garrison. That Gal-
licus served under Corbulo, is

from the silence of Tacitus hot prob-
able.

2 That war threatened to break
out under Vespasian in the year 75
on the Euphrates, while M. Ulpius
Trajanus, the father of the emperor,
was governor of Syria, is stated by
Pliny in his panegyric on the son,
C. 14, probably with strong exaggera-
tion ; the cause is unknown,

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 65

of John—might almost have led to such a collision. The
pretender, in reality a certain Terentius Maximus from
Asia Minor, but strikingly resembling the poet-emperor
in face, voice, and address, found not merely a conflux of
adherents in the Roman region of the Euphrates, but also
support among the Parthians. Among these at that time,
as so often, several rulers seem to have been in conflict
with each other, and one of them, Artabanus, because
the emperor Titus declared against him, seems to have
adopted the cause of the Roman pretender. This, how-
ever, had no consequences ; on the contrary, soon after-
wards the Parthian government delivered up the pretender
to the emperor Domitian." The commercial intercourse,
advantageous for both parties between Syria and the
lower Euphrates, where just then king Vologasus called
into existence the new emporium Vologasias or Vologaso-
certa, not far from Ctesiphon, must have contributed its
part towards promoting the state of peace.

Things came to a conflict under Trajan. In the
earlier years of his government he had made no essential
change in eastern affairs, apart from the conversion of
the two client-states hitherto subsisting on the border
of the Syrian desert—the Nabataean of Petra and the
Jewish of Caesarea Paneas—into administrative districts
directly Roman (A.D. 106). The relations with the ruler of
the Parthian kingdom at that time, king Pacorus, were
not the most friendly,? but it was only under his brother

1 There are coins dated, and pro- 2 This is proved by the detached
vided with the individual names of notice from Arrian in Suidas (s. v.

the kings, of (V)ologasus from the
years 389 and 390=77-78; of
Pacorus from the years 389-394=
77-82 (and again 404-407 = 92-
95); of Artabanus from the year 392
=80-1. The corresponding historical
dates are lost, with the exception of
the notice connecting Titus and Arta-
banus in Zonaras, xi. 18 (comp.
Suetonius, Ner. 57 ; Tacitus, //7s¢.
1. 2), but the coins point to an epoch
of rapid changes on the throne, and,
apparently, of simultaneous coinage
by rival pretenders,

VOL. II.

érix\nua) : 6 ðè Iláxopos 6 Iapévalwy
Bacw\evs kal Gd\XNa Tia émixA\nyara
émépepe Tpasavy re Baoire?, and by
the attention which is devoted in
Pliny’s report to the emperor, written
about the year 112 (ad Trai. 74), to
the relations between Pacorus and the
Dacian king Decebalus. The time of
the reign of this Parthian king cannot
be sufficiently fixed. There are no
Parthian coins with the king’s name
from the whole period of Trajan; the
coining of silver seems to have been
in abeyance during that period.

5

The Par-
thian war
of Trajan.

66 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK Vill.

and successor Chosroes that a rupture took place, and
that again concerning Armenia. The Parthians were to
blame for it. When Trajan bestowed the vacated throne
of the Armenian king on Axidares the son of Pacorus,
he kept within the limits of his right; but king Chosroes
described this personage as incapable of governing, and
arbitrarily installed in his stead another son of Pacorus,
Parthomasiris, as king.1 The answer to this was the
Roman declaration of war. Trajan left the capital to-
wards the end of the year 114,? to put himself at the
head of the Roman troops of the East, which were cer-
tainly once more found in the deepest degeneracy, but
were reorganised in all haste by the emperor, and rein-
forced besides by better legions brought up from Pannonia.’

1 That Axidares (or Exedares) was
a son of Pacorus and king of Armenia
before Parthomasiris, but had been
deposed by Chosroes, is shown by
the remnants of Dio’s account, lxviii.
173 and to this point also the two
fragments of Arrian (16 Müller),
the first, probably from an address
of a supporter of the interests of
Axidares to Trajan: ‘Adiddpny dé dre
dpxew xph Appevlas, oð uot oxe? elval
ce dudiroyov, whereupon doubtless
the complaints brought against Par-
thomasiris followed ; and the answer,
evidently of the emperor, that it is
not the business of Axidares, but his,
to judge as to Parthomasiris, because
he—apparently Axidares—had first
broken the treaty and suffered for it.
What fault the emperor imputes to
Axidares is not clear; but in Dio
also Chosroes says that he has not
satisfied either the Romans or the
Parthians.

2 The remnants of Dio’s account
ìn Xiphilinus and Zonaras show
clearly that the Parthian expedition
falls into two campaigns, the first
(Dio, lvi. 17, I, I8, 2, 23-25),
which is fixed at 115 A.D. by the
consulate of Pedo (the date also of
Malalas, p. 275, for the earthquake
of Antioch, 13 Dec. 164 of the An-
tiochene era=I15 A.D. agrees there-
with), and the second (Dio, c. 26-

32, 3), which is fixed at 116 A.D. by
the conferring of the title Parthicus
(c. 28, 2), took place between April
and August of that year (see my
notice in Droysen, //edlenismus, iii. 2,
361). That at c. 23 the titles Offi-
mus (conferred in the course of
II4 A.D.) and Parthicus are men-
tioned out of the order of time, is
shown as well by their juxtaposition
as by the later recurrence of the
second honour. Of the fragments
most belong to the first campaign ;
C. 22, 3 and probably also 22, 1, 2
to the second.—The acclamations
of imperator do not stand in the
way. Trajan was demonstrably in
the year 113 imp. VI. (C. Z. L. vi.
960); in the year 114 imp. VII.
(C. Z. L. ix. 1558 et al.); in the
year 115 imp. IX. (C. I. Z. ix.
5894 e¢ al.), and imp. XI. (Fabretti,
398, 289 et al.); in the year 116
imp. XII. (C. Z LZ. viii. 621, x.
1634), and XIII. (C. Z. Z. iii. D.
xxvii.). Dio attests an acclamation
from the year 115 (lxviii. 19), and
one from the year 116 (lxviii. 28);
there is ample room for both, and
there is no reason to refer imp. VII.
precisely, as has been attempted, to
the subjugation of Armenia.

3 The pungent description of the
Syrian army of Trajan in Fronto
(p. 206 f. Naber) agrees almost

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 67
Envoys of the Parthian king met him at Athens; but
they had nothing to offer except the information that
Parthomasiris was ready to accept Armenia as a ‘Roman
fief, and were dismissed. The war began. In the first
conflicts on the Euphrates the Romans fared worst ;! but
when the old emperor, ready to fight and accustomed to
victory, placed himself at the head of the troops in the
spring of 115, the Orientals submitted to him almost
without resistance. Moreover, among the Parthians civil
war once more prevailed, and a pretender, Manisarus, had
appeared against Chosroes. From Antioch the emperor
marched to the Euphrates and farther northward as far as
the most northerly legion-camp Satala in Lesser Armenia,
whence he advanced into Armenia and took the direction of
Artaxata. On the way Parthomasiris appeared in Elegeia
and took the diadem from his head, in the hope of pro-
curing investiture through this humiliation, as Tiridates
had once done. But Trajan was resolved to make this
vassal-state a province, and to shift the eastern frontier of
the empire generally. This he declared to the Parthian
prince before the assembled army, and directed him with
his suite to quit at once the camp and the kingdom ;
thereupon a tumult took place, in which the pretender lost

literally with that of the army of
Corbulo in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 35.
“The Roman troops generally had
sadly degenerated (ad ignaviam re-
dactus) through being long disused
to military service; but the most
wretched of the soldiers were the
Syrian, insubordinate, refractory, un-
punctual at the call to arms, not
to be found at their post, drunk from
midday onward ; unaccustomed even
to carry arms and incapable of
fatigue, ridding themselves of one
piece of armour after another, half
naked like the light troops and the
archers. Besides they were so de-
moralised by the defeats they had
suffered that they turned their backs
at the first sight of the Parthians,
and the crescents were regarded by
them, as it were, as giving the signal
to run away.” In the contrasting

description of Trajan it is said among
other things: ‘‘ He did not pass
through the tents without closely
conceming himself as to the soldiers,
but showed his contempt for the
Syrian luxury, and looked closely
into the rough doings of the Pan-
nonians (sed contemnere—so we must
read— Syrorum munditias, tntrospi-
cere Pannoniorum inscttias); so he
judged of the serviceableness (én-
genium) of the man according to his
bearing (cultus). In the Oriental
army of Severus also the ‘‘ European”
and the Syrian soldiers are dis-
tinguished (Dio, lxxv. 12).

1 This is shown by the mala proelia
in the passage of Fronto quoted, and
by Dio’s statement, lxvii 19, that
Trajan took Samosata without a
struggle ; thus the 16th legion sta-
tioned there had lost it.

Revolt of
Seleucia,
and its
siege.

68 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

his life. Armenia yielded to its fate, and became a
Roman governorship. The princes also of the Caucasian
tribes, the Albani, the Iberi, farther on toward the Black
Sea the Apsilae, the Colchi, the Heniochi, the Lazi, and
various others, even those of the trans-Caucasian Sarmatae
were confirmed ‘in the relation of vassalage, or now sub-
jected to it. Trajan thereupon advanced into the terri-
tory of the Parthians and occupied Mesopotamia. Here,
too, all submitted without a blow; Batnae, Nisibis, Sin-
gara came into the power of the Romans; in Edessa the
emperor received not merely the subjection of Abgarus,
the ruler of the land, but also that of the other dynasts,
and, like Armenia, Mesopotamia became a Roman pro-
vince. Trajan took up once more his winter quarters in
Antioch, where a violent earthquake demanded more
victims than the campaign of the summer. In the next
spring (116) Trajan, the “victor of the Parthians,” as the
senate now saluted him, advanced from Nisibis over the
Tigris, and occupied, not without encountering resistance
at the crossing and subsequently, the district of Adiabene;
this became the third new Roman province, named
Assyria. The march went onward down the Tigris to
Babylonia; Seleucia and Ctesiphon fell into the hands
of the Romans, and with them the golden throne of the
king and his daughter; Trajan reached even the Persian
satrapy of Mesene, and the great mercantile town at the
mouth of the Tigris, Charax Spasinu. This region also
seems to have been incorporated with the empire in such
a way that the new province Mesopotamia embraced the
whole region enclosed by the two rivers.

Full of longing, Trajan is said now to have wished
for himself the youth of Alexander, in order to carry from
the margin of the Persian Sea his arms into the Indian
land of marvels. But he soon learned that he needed
them for nearer opponents. The great Parthian empire
had hitherto scarcely confronted in earnest his attack, and
ofttimes sued in vain for peace. But now on the way
back at Babylon news reached the emperor of the revolt
of Babylonia and Mesopotamia; while he tarried at the

a re re

CHAP, IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 69

mouth of the Tigris the whole population of these new
provinces had risen against him ;’ the citizens of Seleucia
on the Tigris, of Nisibis, indeed of Edessa itself, put the
Roman garrisons to death or chased them away and
closed their gates. The emperor saw himself compelled
to divide his troops, and to send separate corps against
the different seats of the insurrection ; one of these legions
under Maximus was, with its general, surrounded and cut
to pieces in Mesopotamia. Yet the emperor mastered
the insurgents, particularly through his general Lusius
Quietus, already experienced in the Dacian war, a native
sheikh of the Moors. Seleucia and Edessa were besieged
and burnt down. Trajan went so far as to declare
Parthia a Roman vassal-state, and invested with it at
Ctesiphon a partisan of Rome, the Parthian Parthamas-
pates, although the Roman soldiers had not set foot on
more than the western border of the great-kingdom.
Then he began his return to Syria by the route along
which he had come, detained on the way by a vain attack
on the Arabs in Hatra, the residence of the king of the
brave tribes of the Mesopotamian desert, whose mighty
works of fortification and magnificent buildings are still at
the present day imposing in their ruins. He intended to
continue the war next year, and so to make the subjection
of the Parthians a reality. But the combat in the desert
of Hatra, in which the sixty-year-old emperor had bravely
fought with the Arab horsemen, was to be his last. He
sickened and died on the journey home (8th Aug. 117),
without being able to complete his victory and to hold

1 It may be that at the same time
Armenia also revolted. But when
Gutschmid (quoted by Dierauer in
Biidinger’s Untersuchungen, i. 179),
makes Meherdotes and Sanatrukios,
whom Malalas adduces as kings of
Persia in the Trajanic war, into kings
of Armenia again in revolt, this result
is attained by a series of daring con-
jectures, which shift the names of
persons and peoples as much as they
transform the causal nexus of events.
There are certainly found in the con-

fused coil of legends of Malalas some
historical facts, e.g. the installation of
Parthamaspates (who is here son of
king Chosroes of Armenia) as king
of Parthia by Trajan; and so, too,
the dates of Trajan’s departure from
Rome in October (114), of his landing
in Seleucia in December, and of his
entrance into Antioch on the 7th
Jan. (115) may be correct. But, as
this report stands, the historian can
only decline to accept it ; he cannot
rectify it.

Death of
Trajan,

Trajan’s
Oriental
policy.

70 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

the celebration of it in Rome; it was in keeping with his
spirit that even after death the honour of a triumph was
accorded to him, and hence he is the only one of the
deified Roman emperors who even as god still bears the
title of victory.

Trajan had not sought war with the Parthians, but it
had been forced upon him; not he, but Chosroes had
broken the agreement as to Armenia, which during the
last forty years had been the basis of the state of peace
in the region of the Euphrates. If it is conceivable that

_ the Parthians did not acquiesce in it, since the continuing

suzerainty of the Romans over Armenia carried in itself
the stimulus to revolt, we must on the other hand acknow-
ledge that in the way hitherto followed further steps could
not be taken than were taken by Corbulo; the uncondi-
tional renunciation of Armenia, and—which was the
necessary consequence of it——the recognition of the
Parthian state on a footing of full equality, lay indeed
beyond the horizon of Roman policy as much as the
abolition of slavery and similar ideas that could not be
thought of at that time. But if permanent peace could
not be attained by this alternative, there was left in the
great dilemma of Roman Oriental policy only the other
course—the extension of direct Roman rule to the left
bank of the Euphrates. Therefore Armenia now became
a Roman province, and no less Mesopotamia. This was
only in keeping with the nature of the case. The con-
version of Armenia from a Roman vassal-state with a
Roman garrison into a Roman governorship made not much
change externally ; the Parthians could only be effectively
ejected from Armenia when they lost possession of the
neighbouring region; and above all, the Roman rule as
well as the Roman provincial constitution found a far
more favourable soil in the half-Greek Mesopotamia than

in the thoroughly Oriental Armenia. Other considera-

tions fell to be added. The Roman customs-frontier in
Syria was badly constituted, and to get the international
traffic from the great commercial marts of Syria towards
the Euphrates and the Tigris entirely into its power was

CHAP. IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 7I

an essential gain to the Roman state, as indeed Trajan
immediately set to work to institute the new customs-dues
at the Euphrates and Tigris.’ Even in a military point
of view the boundary of the Tigris was easier of defence
than the previous frontier-line which ran along the Syrian
desert and thence along the Euphrates. The conversion
of the region of Adiabene beyond the Tigris into a Roman
province, whereby Armenia became an inland one, and
the transformation of the Parthian empire itself into a
Roman vassal-state were corollaries of the same idea. It
is not meant to be denied that in a policy of conquest
consistency is a dangerous praise, and that Trajan after
his fashion yielded in these enterprises more than was
reasonable to the effort after external success, and went
beyond the rational goal;? but wrong is done to him
when his demeanour in the East is referred to blind lust
of conquest. He did what Caesar would have done had
he lived. His policy is but the other side of that of Nero’s
statesmen, and the two are as opposite, as they are equally
consistent and equally warranted. Posterity has justified
more the policy of conquest than that of concession.

For the moment no doubt it was otherwise. The
Oriental conquests of Trajan lit up the gloomy evening of
the Roman empire like flashes of lightning in the dark-
ness of the night; but, like these, they brought no new
morning. His successor found himself compelled to
choose between completing the unfinished work of sub-
duing the Parthians or allowing it to drop. The exten-
sion of the frontier could not be carried out at all without
a considerable increase of the army and of the budget ;
and the shifting of the centre of gravity to the East, there-
by rendered inevitable, was a dubious strengthening of the
empire. Hadrian and Pius therefore returned entirely

1 Fronto, Princ. Aist. p. 209 2 Nearly with equal warrant, Julian

Naber : cum praesens Traianus Eu-
phratis et Tigridis portoria equorum
ef camelorum trib[utaque ordinaret,
Ma)cer (?) caesus est. This applies to
the moment when Babylonia and
Mesopotamia revolted, while Trajan
was tarrying at the mouth of the Tigris.

(Caes. p. 328) makes the emperor say
that he had not taken up arms against
the Parthians before they had violated
right, and Dio (lxviii. 17) reproaches
him with having waged the war from
ambition.

Reaction
under
Hadrian
and Pius,

Armenia a
vassal-
state.

72 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIIL.

into the paths of the earlier imperial period. Hadrian
allowed the Roman vassal-king of Parthia, Parthamas-
pates, to drop, and portioned him off in another way.
He evacuated Assyria and Mesopotamia, and voluntarily
gave back these provinces to their earlier ruler. He sent
to him as well his captive daughter ; the permanent token
of the victory won, the golden throne of Ctesiphon, even
the pacific Pius refused to deliver up again to the Par-
thians. Hadrian as well as Pius earnestly endeavoured to
live in peace and friendship with their neighbour, and at
no time do the commercial relations between the Roman
entrepôts on the Syrian east frontier and the mercantile
towns on the Euphrates seem to have been more lively

than at this epoch.

Armenia ceased likewise to be a Roman province, and
returned to its former position as a Roman vassal-state
and a Parthian appanage of the second son! The
princes of the Albani, and the Iberians on the Caucasus,
and the numerous small dynasts in the south-eastern
corner of the Black Sea likewise remained dependent.?

1 Hadrian cannot possibly have re-
leased Armenia from the position of a
Roman dependency. The notice of
his biographer, c. 21 : Armeniis regem
habere permisit, cum sub Traiano
legutum habuissent points rather to
the contrary, and we find at the end
of Hadrian’s reign a contingent of
Armenians in the army of the gover-
nor of Cappadocia (Arrian. c. Alan.
29). Pius did not merely induce the
Parthians by his representations to
desist from the intended invasion of
Armenia (vča, 9), but also in fact
invested them with Armenia (coins
from the years 140-144, Eckhel, vii.
p. 15). The fact also that Iberia
certainly stood in the relation of de-
pendence under Pius, because other-
wise the Parthians could not have
brought complaints as to its king in
Rome (Dio, Ixix. 15), presupposes a
like dependent relation for Armenia.
The names of the Armenian kings of
this period are not known. If the
proximae gentes, with the rule of

which Hadrian compensated the Par-
thian prince nominated as Parthian
king by Trajan (v/a, c. 5), were in
fact Armenians, which is not impro-
bable, there lies in it a confirmation
as well of the lasting dependence of
Armenia on Rome as of the continu-
ous rule of the Arsacids there. Even
the’Avpýňos IIdxopos BactAveds peydadns
"Apuevlas, who erected a monument in
Rome to his brother Aurelius Meri-
thates who died there (C. Z. Gr.
6559), belongs from his name to the
house of the Arsacids. But he was
hardly the king of Armenia installed
by Vologasus IV. and deposed by the
Romans (p. 74); if the latter had
come to Rome as a captive, we should
know it, and even he would hardly have
been allowed to call himself king of
Great Armenia ina Roman inscription.

? As vassals holding from Trajan
or Hadrian, Arrian (/ertpl. c. 15)
adduces the Heniochi and Machelones
(comp. Dio, lxviii. 18; lxxi. 14); the
Lazi (comp. Suidas, s. v. Aopueriavés),

— =

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 73

Roman garrisons were stationed not merely on the coast
in Apsarus' and on the Phasis, but, as can be shown,
under Commodus in Armenia itself, not far from Artaxata ;
in a military point of view all these states belonged to the
district of the commandant of Cappadocia.? This supre- .
macy, however, very indefinite in its nature, seems to have
been dealt with generally, and in particular by Hadrian,
in such a way that it appeared more as a right of protec-
tion than as subjection proper, and at least the more
powerful of these princes did, and left undone, in the main
what pleased them. The common interest—which we have
formerly brought out—in warding off the wild trans-
Caucasian tribes became still more definitely prominent in
this epoch, and evidently served as a bond in particular-
between Romans and Parthians. Towards the end of the
reign of Hadrian the Alani, in agreement apparently with
the king of Iberia, at that time Pharasmanes II., on whom
it primarily devolved to bar the pass of the Caucasus
against them, invaded the southern regions, and pillaged
not only the territory of the Albanians and Armenians,
but also the Parthian province of Media and the Roman
province of Cappadocia, though matters did not come to '
a waging of war in common, but the gold of the ruler
then reigning in Parthia, Vologasus III., and the mobilis-
ing of the Cappadocian army on the part of the Romans,‘

over whom also Pius put a king (vita, »

9); the Apsilae; the Abasgi; the
. Sanigae, these all within the imperial
frontier reaching as far as Dioscu-
rias = Sebastopolis ; beyond it, in the
region of the Bosporan vassal-state,
the Zichi or Zinchi (74. c. 27).

1 This is confirmed not only by
Arrian, Peripl. c. 7, but by the officer
of Hadrian’s time pracpositus nume-
rorum tendentium in Ponto Absaro
(C. 7. Z. x, 1202).

2 Comp. p. 75 note 2. The de-
tachment probably of 1000 men (be-
cause under a tribune) doing garrison
duty in the year 185 in Valarshapat
(Etshmiazin) not far from Artaxata,
belonged to one of the Cappadocian
legions (C. Z. Z. iii, 6052).

3 Hadrian’s efforts after the friend-
ship of the Oriental vassal-princes are
often brought into prominence, not
without a hint that he was more than
fairly indulgent to them (vifa, c. 13,
17, 21). Pharasmanes of Iberia did
not come to Rome on his invitation,
but ‘complied with that of Pius (vita
Hadr., 13, 21; vita Pii, 9; Dio, lxix.
15, 2, which excerpt belongs to Pius),

t We still possess the remarkable
report of the governor of Cappadocia -
under Hadrian, Flavius Arrianus,
upon the mobilising of the Cappa-
docian army against the ‘‘Scythians”
among his minor writings; he was
himself at the Caucasus and visited
the passes there (Lydus, de Mag. iii.
53).

Parthian
war under
Marcus and
Verus.

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

74

induced the barbarians to return, yet their interests coin-
cided, and the complaint which the Parthians lodged in
Rome as to Pharasmanes of Iberia, shows the concert of
the two great powers.’

The disturbances of the status quo came again from
the Parthian side. The suzerainty of the Romans over
Armenia played a part in history similar to that of the
German empire over Italy ; unsubstantial as it was, it was
yet constantly felt as an encroachment, and carried within
it the danger of war. Already under Hadrian the con-
flict was imminent ; the emperor succeeded in keeping the
peace in a personal interview with the Parthian prince.
Under Pius the Parthian invasion of Armenia seemed
once more impending; his earnest dissuasive was in the
first instance successful. But even this most pacific of all
emperors, who had it more at heart to save the life of a
burgess than to kill a thousand foes, was obliged in the
last period of his reign to prepare himself for the attack
and to reinforce the armies of the East. Hardly had he
closed his eyes (161), when the long-threatening thunder-
cloud discharged itself. By command of Vologasus IV.
the Persian general Chosroes? advanced into Armenia, and
placed the Arsacid prince Pacorus on the throne. The
governor of Cappadocia Severianus did what was his duty,
and led on his part the Roman troops over the Euphrates.
At Elegeia, just where a generation before the king Par-
thomasiris, likewise placed by the Parthians on the
Armenian throne, had humbled himself in vain before
Trajan, the armies encountered each other; the Roman
was not merely beaten but annihilated in a three days’
conflict ; the unfortunate general put himself to death, as
Varus had formerly done. The victorious Orientals were
not content with the occupation of Armenia, but crossed

1 This we learn from the frag-
ments of Dio’s account in Xiphilinus,
Zonaras, and in the Excerpts; Zon-
aras has preserved the correct reading
*Adavol instead of "AXSavol; that the
Alani pillaged also the territory of the
Albani, is shown by the setting of
the exc. Ursin. lxxii.

2 So he is named in Lucian, A/zs¢,
consecr, 213; if the same calls him
(Alex. 27) Othryades, he is drawing
here from a historian of the stamp
of those whom he ridicules in that
treatise, and of whom another Hel-
lenised the same man as Oxyroes
(Hist. conser. c. 18).

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 75

the Euphrates and invaded Syria; the army stationed
there was also defeated, and there were fears as to the
fidelity of the Syrians. The Roman government had no
choice. As the troops of the East showed on this occasion
their small capacity for fighting, and were besides weak-
ened and demoralised by the defeat which they had
suffered, further legions were despatched to the East from
the West, even from the Rhine, and levies were ordered in
Italy itself. Lucius Verus, one of the two emperors who
shortly before had come to govern, went in person to the
East (162) to take up the chief command, and if he,
neither warlike nor yet even faithful to his duty, showed
himself unequal to the task, and of his deeds in the East
hardly anything else is to be told than that he married
his niece there and was ridiculed for his theatrical enthu-
siasm even by the Antiochenes, the governors of Cappa-
docia and Syria—in the former case first Statius Priscus,
then Martius Verus, in the latter Avidius Cassius,’ the
best generals of this epoch—managed the cause of Rome
better than the wearer of the crown. Once more, before
the armies met, the Romans offered peace; willingly
would Marcus have avoided the severe war. But Volo-
gasus abruptly rejected the reasonable proposals ; and this
time the pacific neighbour was also the stronger. Ar-
menia was immediately recovered ; already, in the year
163, Priscus took the capital Artaxata, and destroyed it.
Not far from it the new capital of the country, Kainepolis,
in Armenia Nor-Khalakh or Valarshapat (Etshmiazin)
was built by the Romans and provided with a strong
garrison.” In the succeeding year instead of Pacorus

1 Syria was administered when the
war broke out by L. Attidius Cor-
nelianus (C. Z. Gr. 4661 of the year
160; vita Marci, 8; C. J. L. iit
129 of the year 162), after him by
Julius Verus (C. /. Z. iii. 199, pro-
bably of the year 163) and then by
Avidius Cassius presumably from the
year 164. The statement that the
other provinces of the East were
assigned to Cassius’s command (Philo-
stratus, vit. Soph. i. 133 Dio, lxxi.

3), similarly to what was done to Cor-
bulo as legate of Cappadocia, can
only relate to the time after the de-
parture of the emperor Verus; so
long as the latter held the nominal
chief command there was no room
for it.

2 A fragment probably of Dio (in
Suidas s. v. Mdprcos), tells that Priscus
in Armenia laid out the Kawh mós
and furnished it with a Roman gar-
rison, his successor Martius Verus

Conflicts in
Syria and
Mesopo-
tamia.

76 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

Sohaemus, by descent also an Arsacid, but a Roman
subject and Roman senator, was nominated as king of
Great Armenia.’ In a legal point of view nothing was
changed in Armenia; yet the bonds which joined it to
Rome were drawn tighter.

The conflicts in Syria and Mesopotamia were more
serious. The line of the Euphrates was obstinately
defended by the Parthians; after a keen combat on the

right bank at Sura the fortress of Nicephorium (Ragga) on
the left was stormed by the Romans. Still more vehe-
mently was the passage at Zeugma contested; but here too
victory remained with the Romans in the decisive battle
at Europus (Djerabis to the south of Biredjik). They
now advanced on their part into Mesopotamia. Edessa
was besieged, Dausara not far from it stormed; the
Romans appeared before Nisibis; the Parthian general
saved himself by swimming over the Tigris. The Romans
might from Mesopotamia undertake the march to Babylon.

The satraps forsook in part

silenced the national movement that
had arisen there, and declared this
city the first of Armenia. This was
Valarshapat (OvaAapoamrdr or Ovanep-
oxrigTn in Agathangelos) thenceforth
the capital of Armenia. Kaw) mós
was, as Kiepert informs me, already
recognised by Stilting as translation
of the Armenian Nér-Khalakh, which
second name Valarshapat constantly
bears in Armenian authors of the fifth
century alongside of the usual one.
Moses of Chorene, following Barde-
sanes, makes the town originate from
a Jewish colony brought thither under
king Tigranes VI., who according to
him reigned 150-188; he refers the
enclosing of it with walls and the
naming of it to his son Walarsch II.
188-208. That the town had a
strong Roman garrison in 185 is
shown by the inscription C. Z. Z. iii.
6052.

1 That Sohaemus was Achaemenid
and Arsacid (or professed to be) and
king’s son and king, as well as Roman
senator and consul, before he became

the banners of the defeated

king of Great Armenia, is stated by
his contemporary Jamblichus (c. 10
of the extract in Photius). Probably
he belonged to the dynastic family of
Hemesa (Josephus, Arch. xx. 8, 4,
et al.) If Jamblichus the Babylonian
wrote ‘‘ under him,” this can doubt-
less only be understood to the effect
that he composed his romance in
Artaxata. That Sohaemus ruled over
Armenia before Pacorus is nowhere
stated, and is not probable, since
neither Fronto’s words (p. 127 Naber),
quod Sohacmo potius quam Vologaeso
regnum Armeniae dedisset aut quod
Pacorum regno privasset, or those of
the fragment from Dio (?) lxxi. 1:
Mdprios Ovnpos tiv Oovxvdliny èx-
wéume karayayev Zóaiuov és Apyevlay
point to reinstatement, and the coins
with rex Armeniis datus (Eckhel, vil.
91, comp. vita Veri, 7, 8) in fact
exclude it. We do not know the
predecessor of Pacorus, and are not
even aware whether the throne which
he took possession of was vacant or
occupied,

CHAP, IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 77

great-king; Seleucia, the great capital of the Hellenes
on the Euphrates, voluntarily opened its gates to the
Romans, but was afterwards burnt down by them, because
the burgesses were rightly or wrongly accused of an
understanding with the enemy. The Parthian capital,
Ctesiphon, was also taken and destroyed; with good
reason at the beginning of the year 165 the senate could
salute the two rulers as the Parthian grand-victors. In
the campaign of this year Cassius even penetrated into
Media ; but the outbreak of a pestilence, more especially
in these regions, decimated the troops and compelled
them to return, accelerating perhaps even the conclusion
of peace. The result of the war was the cession of the
western district of Mesopotamia; the princes of Edessa
and of Osrhoene became vassals of Rome, and the town
of Carrhae, which had for long Greek leanings, became
a free town under Roman protection.’ As regards extent,
especially in presence of the complete success of the war,
the increase of territory was moderate, but yet of import-
ance, inasmuch as thereby the Romans gained a footing
on the left bank of the Euphrates. We may add that
the territories occupied were given back to the Parthians
and the status quo was restored. On the whole, therefore,
the policy of reserve adopted by Hadrian was now
abandoned once more, and there was a return to the
course of Trajan. This is the more remarkable, as the
government of Marcus certainly cannot be reproached
with ambition and longing after aggrandisement ; what
it did it did under compulsion and in modest limits.

The emperor Severus pursued the same course further
and more decidedly. The year of the three emperors,
193, had led to the war between the legions of the West
and those of the East, and with Pescennius Niger the
latter had succumbed. The Roman vassal-princes of the
East, and as well the ruler of the Parthians, Vologasus V.,
son of Sanatrucius, had, as was natural, recognised Niger,
and even put their troops at his disposal; the latter

1 This is shown by the Mesopo- are no accounts in our tradition as to
tamian royal and urban coins. There the conditions of peace.

Parthian
wars under
Severus.

Province of
Meso-
potamia,

78 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

had at first gratefully declined, and then, when his cause
took a turn to the worse, invoked their aid. The other
Roman vassals, above all the prince of Armenia, cautiously
kept back; only Abgarus, the prince of Edessa, sent the
desired contingent. The Parthians promised aid, and it
came at least from the nearest districts, from the prince
Barsemias of Hatra in the Mesopotamian desert, and
from the satrap of the Adiabeni beyond the Tigris.
Even after Niger’s death (194) these strangers not
merely remained in the Roman Mesopotamia, but even
demanded the withdrawal of the Roman garrisons
stationed there and the giving back of this territory.
Thereupon Severus advanced into Mesopotamia and
took possession of the whole extensive and important
region, From Nisibis an expedition was conducted against
the Arab prince of Hatra, which, however, did not succeed
in taking the fortified town; even beyond the Tigris
against the satrap of Adiabene the generals of Severus
accomplished nothing of importance.? But Mesopotamia,

1 The beginning of the Ursinian adherents of Niger. Thus is ex-

excerpt of Dio, lxxv. I, 2, is con-
fused. Ol 'Opponvol, it is said, xal ol
"AdiaBnvol dmrogrdvres xal Nio:Bw
woXtopxouwres xal nrrmOdvres urd
Leovrjpou ewrpecBevocavro mpds avrov
perà tov rod Nlypov O@dvarov.
Osrhoene was then Roman, Adiabene
Parthian; from whom did the two
districts revolt ? and whose side did
the Nisibenes take? That their
opponents were defeated by Severus
before the sending of the embassy is
inconsistent with the course of the
narrative ; for the latter makes war
upon them because their envoys
make unsatisfactory offers to him.
Probably the supporting of Niger by
subjects of the Parthians and their
concert with Niger’s Roman partisan
are now strictly apprehended as a
revolt from Severus; the circum-
stance that the people afterwards
maintain that they had intended rather
to support Severus, is clearly indicated
as a makeshift. The Nisibenes may
have refused to co-operate, and there-
fore have been attacked by the

plained what is clear from the extract
given by Xiphilinus from Dio, Ixxv.
2, that the left bank of the Euphrates
was for Severus an enemy’s land, but
not Nisibis; therefore the town need
not have been Roman at that time;
on the contrary, according to all
indications, it was only made Roman
by Severus.

2 As the wars against the Arabians
and the Adiabenians were in fact
directed against the Parthians, it
was natural that the titles Parthicus,
Arabicus, and Parthicus Adtabenicus,
should on that account be conferred
on the emperor; they are also so
found, but usually Parthicus is
omitted, evidently because, as the
biographer of Severus says (c. 9),
excusavit Parthicum nomen, ne Pare
thos lacesseret, With this agrees the
notice certainly belonging to the year
195 in Dio, lxxv. 9, 6, as to the
peaceful agreement with the Parthians
and the cession of a portion of
Armenia to them.

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 79

z.e. the whole region between the Euphrates and Tigris
as far as the Chaboras, became a Roman province, and
was occupied with two legions newly created on account
of this extension of territory. The principality of Edessa
continued to subsist as a Roman fief, but was now no
longer border-territory but surrounded by land directly
imperial. The considerable and strong city of Nisibis,
thenceforth called after the name of the emperor and
organised as a Roman colony, became the capital of the new
province and seat of the governor. After an important
portion of territory had thus been torn from the Parthian
kingdom, and armed force had been used against two
satraps dependent on it, the great-king made ready with
his troops to oppose the Romans. Severus offered peace,
and ceded for Mesopotamia a portion of Armenia. But
the decision of arms was thereby only postponed. As
soon as Severus had started for the West, whither the
complication with his co-ruler in Gaul recalled him, the
Parthians broke the peace’ and advanced into Meso-
potamia; the prince of Osrhoene was driven out, the
land was occupied, and the governor, Laetus, one of the
most excellent warriors of the time, was besieged in
Nisibis. He was in great danger, when Severus once
more arrived in the East in the year 198, after Albinus
had succumbed. Thereupon the fortune of war turned.
The Parthians retreated, and now Severus took the
offensive. He advanced into Babylonia, and won
Seleucia and Ctesiphon ; the Parthian king saved himself
with a few horsemen by flight, the crown-treasure became
the spoil of the victors, the Parthian capital was abandoned
to the pillage of the Roman soldiers, and more than
100,000 captives were brought to the Roman slave
market. The Arabians indeed in Hatra defended them-
selves better than the Parthian state itself; in vain
Severus endeavoured in two severe sieges to reduce the
desert-stronghold. But in the main the success of the
two campaigns of 198 and 199 was complete. By the

1 That Armenia also fell into their 9, 2; no doubt his representation is
power is indicated by Herodian, v. warped and defective. |

The change
of govern-
ment in the
West and
in the East.

80 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK vin.

erection of the province of Mesopotamia and of the
great command there, Armenia lost the intermediate
position which it hitherto had; it might remain in its
previous relations and apart from formal incorporation.
The land retained thus its own troops, and the imperial
government even paid for these subsequently a contribution
from the imperial chest.’

The further development of these relations as neigh-
bours was essentially influenced by the changes which
internal order underwent in the two empires. If under
the dynasty of Nerva, and not less under Severus, the
Parthian state, often torn asunder by civil war and
contention for the crown, had been confronted by the
relatively stable Roman monarchy as superior, this order
of things broke down after Severus’s death, and almost
for a century there followed in the western empire mostly
wretched and thoroughly ephemeral regents, who in
presence of other countries were constantly hesitating
between arrogance and weakness. While the scale of the
West thus sank that of the East rose. A few years
after the death of Severus (211) a revolution took place
in Iran, which not merely, like so many earlier crises,
overthrew the ruling regent, nor even merely called to
the government another dynasty instead of the decayed
Arsacids, but, unchaining the national and religious
elements for a mightier upward flight, substituted for
the bastard civilisation—pervaded by Hellenism—of the
Parthian state the state-organisation, faith, manners, and
princes of that province which had created the old
Persian empire, and, since its transition to the Parthian

1 When at the peace in 218 the old
relation between Rome and Armenia
was renewed, the king of Armenia
gave himself the prospect of a renewal
of the Roman annual moneys (Dio,
lxxviii. 27 : Tod Tipdarou Tò apytprov
ô kar Eros wapd roy ‘Pwpalwy
evploxero édmloavros AjWeoOa). Pay-
ment of tribute proper by the Romans
to the Armenians is excluded for the
period of Severus and the time before
Severus, and by no means agrees

with the words of Dio; the connec-
tion must be what we have indicated.
In the fourth and fifth centuries the
fortress of Biriparach in the Caucasus,
which barred the Dariel pass, was
maintained by the Persians, who
played the part of masters here after
the peace of 364, with a Roman
contribution, and this was likewise
conceived as payment of tribute
(Lydus, de Alag. iii. §2, 53; Priscus,
Jfr. 31, Müll).

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 81

dynasty, preserved within it as well the tombs of Darius
and Xerxes as the germs of the regeneration of the
people. The re-establishment of the great-kingdom of
the Persians overthrown by Alexander ensued through
the emergence of the dynasty of the Sassanids. Let us
cast a glance at this new shape of things before we
pursue further the course of Romano- Parthian relations
in the East. '

It has already been stated that the Parthian dynasty,
although it had wrested Iran from Hellenism, was yet
regarded by the nation as, so to speak, illegitimate.
Artahshatr, or in new Persian Ardashir—so the official
biography of the Sassanids reports—came forward to
revenge the blood of Dara murdered by Alexander, and
to bring back the rule to the legitimate family and
re-establish it, such as it had been at the time of his
forefathers before the divisional kings. Under this

The
Sassanids.

legend lies a good deal of reality. The dynasty which

bears the name of Sasan, the grandfather of Ardashir,
was no other than the royal dynasty of the Persian
province; Ardashir’s father, Papak or Pabek,’ and a
long list of his ancestors had, under the supremacy of
the Arsacids, swayed the sceptre in this ancestral land
of the Iranian nation,? had resided in Istachr, not far
from the old Persepolis, and marked their coins with
Iranian language and Iranian writing, and with the
sacred emblems of the Persian national faith, while the
great-kings had their abode in the half-Greek border-
land, and had their coins stamped in the Greek language
and after the Greek style. The fundamental organisation
of the Iranian state-system—the great-kingdom holding

1 Artaxares names his father Papa-
cus in the inscription, quoted at p.
83, note 1, king; how it is to be
reconciled with this, that not merely
does the native legend (in Agathias
ii. 27) make Pabek a shoemaker, but
also the contemporary Dio (if in
reality Zonaras, xii. 15, has borrowed
these words from him) names Artax-
ares ¿i ddavay kal dddtwy, we do

VOL. II.

not know. Naturally the Roman
authors take the side of the weak
legitimate Arsacid against the danger-
ous usurper.

2 Strabo (under Tiberius) xv. 3,
24: viv Än nad’ avrovs cuvecrwres
of Ilépoat Baciiéas Exovow úmnKéovs
érépas Basics, wpdrepoy pèv Maxe-
Odor, viv è Ilaphvalois.

6

82 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

superiority over the divisional kings—was under the
two dynasties as little different as that of the empire
of the German nation under the Saxon and the Suabian
emperors. Only for this reason in that official version
the time of the Arsacids is designated as that of the
divisional-kings, and Ardashir as the first common head
of all Iran after the last Darius, because in the old Persian
empire the Persian province stood related alike to the
other provinces and to the Parthians, as in the Roman
state Italy stood related to the provinces, and the Persian
disputed with the Parthian the legitimate title to the
great-kingdom connected de jure with his province.}

Extent of What was the relation of the Sassanid kingdom to
the Sas- e ° e . e

sanid king- that of the Arsacids in point of extent, is a question to
dom. which tradition gives no sufficient answer. The provinces

of the west collectively remained subject to the new
dynasty after it sat firm in the saddle, and the claims
which it set up against the Romans went, as we shall see,
far beyond the pretensions of the Arsacids. But how
far the rule of the Sassanids reached towards the West,
and when it advanced to the Oxus which was subsequently
regarded as the legitimate boundary between Iran and
Turan, are matters withdrawn from our field of vision.?

1 When Nöldeke says (Tabari, p.
449), ‘The subjection of the chief
lands of the monarchy directly to the
crown formed the chief distinction
of the Sassanid kingdom from the
Arsacid, which had real kings in its
various provinces,” the power of the
great - kingdom beyond doubt is
thoroughly dependent on the per-
sonality of the possessor, and under
the first Sassanids must have been
much stronger than under the last
decayed Arsacids, But a contrast in
principle is not discoverable. From
Mithradates I., the proper founder
of the dynasty, onward the Arsacid
ruler names himself ‘‘ king of kings,”
just as did subsequently the Sassanid,
while Alexander the Great and the
Seleucids never bore this title. Even
under them individual vassal- kings
ruled, e.g. in Persis (p. 81, note 2);

but the vassal-kingdom was not then
the regular form of imperial adminis-
tration, and the Greek rulers did not
name themselves according to it, any
more than the Caesars assumed the
title of great-king on account of
Cappadocia or Numidia. The satraps
of the Arsacid state were essentially
the Marzbans of the Sassanids. Per-
haps rather the great imperial offices,
which in the Sassanid polity cor-
respond to the supreme administrative
posts of the Diocletiano-Constantinian
constitution, and probably were the
model for the latter, were wanting to
the Arsacid state; then certainly the
two would be related to each other
much as the imperial organisation of
Augustus to that of Constantine. But
we know too little of the Arsacid or-
ganisation to affirm this with certainty.

2 According to the Persian records

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 83

The state-system of Iran did not undergo quite a
fundamental transformation in consequence of the coming
in of the new dynasty. The official title of the first
Sassanid ruler, as it is given uniformly in three languages
under the rock-relief of Nakshi-Rustam, “The Mazda-
servant God Artaxares, king of kings of the Arians, of
divine descent,”! is substantially that of the Arsacids,
except that the Iranian nation, as already in the old
native regal title, and the indigenous god are now expressly
named. That a dynasty having its home in Persis came
in lieu of one originally alien in race and only nationalised,
was a work and a victory of national reaction; but the
force of circumstances placed various insurmountable
barriers in the way of the consequences thence resulting.
Persepolis, or, as it is now called, Istachr, becomes again
nominally the capital of the empire, and there on the
same rock-wall, alongside of the similar monuments of
Darius, the remarkable statues and still more remarkable
inscriptions just mentioned proclaim the fame of Ardashir
and Shapur; but the administration could not well be con-
ducted from this remote locality, and Ctesiphon continued
still to be its centre. The new Persian government did

of the last Sassanid period preserved
in the Arabic chronicle of Tabari
Ardashir, after he has cut off with his
own hand the head of Ardawan and
has assumed the title Shahan-shah,
king of kings, conquers first Hamad-
han (Ecbatana) in Great Media, then
Aderbijan (Atropatene), Armenia,
Mosul (Adiabene) ; and further Suris-
tan or Sawad (Babylonia). Thence
he returns to Istachr unto his Persian
home, and then starting afresh con-
quers Sagistan, Gurgan (Hyrcania),
Abrashahr (Nisapur in the Parthian
land), Merv (Margiane), Balkh
(Bactra), and Charizm (Khiva) up
to the extreme limits of Chorasan.
“ After he had killed many people
and had sent their heads to the fire-
temple of Anahedh (in Istachr), he
returned from Merv to Pars and
settled in Gor” (Feruzabad). How
much of this is legend, we do not

know (comp. Noldeke, Zadari, p.
17, 116).

1 The title runs in Greek (C. Z. Gr.
4675), Mdoédacvos (Mazda - servant,
treated as a proper name) eds
"Apratdpns Bacieds Baor\éwy ’Apraydy
ék yévovs OeGv; with which closely
agrees the title of his son Sapor I.
(ib. 4676), only that after ’Apavyay
there is inserted xa? ‘Avapıavôv, and
so the extension of the rule to foreign
lands is brought into prominence.
In the title of the Arsacids, so far as
it is clear from the Greek and Persian
legends of coins, 0¢6s, Bactheds Bacı-
Aéwy, Ocomdrwp (= èx yévous Oewyr)
recur, whereas there is no prominence
given to the Arians and, significantly,
to the ‘‘ Mazda-servant”; by their
side appear numerous other titles
borrowed from the Syrian kings,
such as émipdyns, Slxaos, wxdrwp,
also the Roman avroxpdrwp.

The state
of the
Sassanids.

Church and
priesthood
under the
Sassanids.

84 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

not resume the de jure prerogative of the Persians, as it had
subsisted under the Achaemenids; while Darius named
himself “a Persian son of a Persian, an Arian from Arian
stock,” Ardashir named himself, as we saw, simply king of
the Arians. We do not know whether Persian elements
were introduced afresh into the great houses apart from
the royal ; in any case several of them remained, like the
Surén and the Carén; only under the Achaemenids, not
under the Sassanids these were exclusively Persian.

Even in a religious point of view no change, strictly
so called, set in; but the faith and the priests gained
under the Persian great-kings an influence and a power
such as they had never possessed under the Parthian. It
may well be that the twofold diffusion of foreign worships
in the direction of Iran—of Buddhism from the East and
of the Jewish-Christian faith from the West—brought by
their very hostility a regeneration to the old religion of
Mazda. The founder of the new dynasty, Ardashir, was,
as is credibly reported, a zealous fire-worshipper, and him-
self took priestly orders ; therefore, it is further said, from
that time the order of the Magi became influential and
arrogant, while it had hitherto by no means had such
honour and such freedom, but on the contrary had not
been held in much account by the rulers. “Thenceforth
all the Persians honour and revere the priests; public
affairs are arranged according to their counsels and
oracles; each treaty and each law-dispute undergoes
their inspection and their judgment, and nothing appears
to the Persian right and legal which has not been con-
firmed by a priest.” Accordingly we encounter an ar-
rangement of spiritual administration which reminds us
of the position of the Pope and the bishops alongside of
the Emperor and the princes. Each circle is placed under
a chief-Magian (Magupat, lord of Magians, in new Persian
Mobedh), and these all in turn under the chiefest of the
chief Magians (Mobedhan-Mobedh), the counterpart of
“the king of kings,” and now it is he who crowns the
king. The consequences of this priestly dominion did
not fail to appear: the rigid ritual, the restrictive precepts

CHAP. IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 85

as to guilt and expiation, science resolving itself into a
wild system of oracles and of magic, while belonging
from the first to Parsism, in all probability only attained
to their full development at this epoch.

Traces of the national reaction appear also in the use
of the native language and the native customs. The largest
Greek city of the Parthian empire, the ancient Seleucia,
continued to subsist, but it was thenceforth called not
after the name of the Greek marshal, but after that of
its new master Beh, or better, Ardashir. The Greek
language hitherto at any rate always in use, although
debased and no longer ruling alone, disappears on the
emergence of the new dynasty at once from the coins,
and only on the inscriptions of the first Sassanids is
it still to be met with by the side of, and behind, the
language proper of the land. The “ Parthian writing,” the
Pahlavi, maintains its ground, but alongside of it comes
a second little different and indeed, as the coins show,
as properly official, probably that used hitherto in the
Persian province, so that the oldest monuments of the
Sassanids, like those of the Achaemenids, are trilingual,
somewhat as in the German middle ages Latin, Saxon,
and Franconian were employed side by side. After king
Sapor I. (f 272) the bilingual usage disappears, and the
second mode of writing alone retains its place, inheriting
the name Pahlavi. The year of the Seleucids, and the
names of the months belonging to it, disappear with the
change of dynasty ; in their stead come, according to old
Persian custom, the years of the rulers and the native
Persian names of months! Even the old Persian legend
is transferred to the new Persia. The still extant “ history
of Ardashir, son of Papak,” which makes this son of
a Persian shepherd arrive at the Median court, perform
menial offices there, and then become the deliverer of his
people, is nothing but the old tale of Cyrus changed to

1 Frawardin, Ardhbehesht, etc. of the Roman province Cappadocia
(Ideler, Chronologie, ii. 515). It is (Ideler, i. 443); they must proceed
remarkable that essentially the same from the time when it was a Persian

names of the months have maintained satrapy.
themselves in the provincial calendar

The lan-
guages of
the country
under the
Sassanids.

Govern-
ment of the
Sassanids.

86 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

the new names. Another fable-book of the Indian
Parsees is able to tell how king Iskander Rumi, ze. “ Alex-
ander the Roman,” had caused the holy books of Zara-
thustra to be burnt, and how they were then restored by
the pious Ardaviraf when king Ardashir had mounted
the throne. Here the Romano-Hellene confronts the
Persian ; the legend has, as might be expected, forgotten
the illegitimate Arsacid.

In other respects the state of things remained essen-
tially the same. In a military point of view in particular,
the armies of the Sassanids were certainly not regular
and trained troops, but the levy of men capable of arms,

- into which with the national movement a new spirit may

The new
Persians
and the

Romans,

doubtless have passed, but which afterwards, as before,
was based in the main on the cavalry-service of the
nobility. The administration too remained as it was;
the able ruler took steps with inexorable sternness against
the highway-robber as against the exacting official, and,
compared at least with the later Arabic and the Turkish
rule, the subjects of the Sassanid empire found themselves
prosperous and the state-chest full.

But the alteration in the position of the new kingdom
with reference to the Roman is significant. The Arsacids
never felt themselves quite on a level with the Caesars.
Often as the two states encountered each other in war
and peace as powers equal in weight, and decidedly
as the view of two great-powers dominated the Roman
East (p. 1), there remained with the Roman power a
precedence similar to that which the holy Roman empire
of the German nation possessed throughout centuries, very
much to its hurt. Acts of subjection, such as the Par-
thian kings took upon themselves in presence of Tiberius
(p. 44) and of Nero (52), without being compelled to
them by extreme necessity, cannot be at all conceived
of on the Roman side. It cannot be accident that a gold
coin was never struck under the government of the Arsa-
cids, and the very first Sassanid ruler practised coining in
gold ; this is the most palpable sign of sovereignty un-
restricted by any duties of a vassal. To the claim of the

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 87

empire of the Caesars alone to the power of coining
money for universal circulation the Arsacids without
exception yielded, at least in so far that they themselves
refrained generally from coining, and left coinage in silver
and copper to the towns or the satraps ;-the Sassanids again
struck gold pieces, as did king Darius. The great-
kingdom of the East at length demanded its full right;
the world no longer belonged to the Romans alone. The
submissiveness of the Orientals and the supremacy of the
Occidentals were of the past. Accordingly, in place of
the relations between Romans and Parthians, as hitherto,
always reverting afresh to peace, there now came for
generations embittered hostility.

After having set forth the new state organisation,
with which the sinking Rome was soon to contend, we
resume the thread of our narrative. Antoninus, son and
successor of Severus, not a warrior and statesman like his
father, but a dissolute caricature of both, must have had
the design—so far as in the case of such personages we
can speak of design at all—to bring the East entirely into
the Roman power. It was not difficult to place the
princes of Osrhoene and of Armenia, after they had been
summoned to the imperial court, under arrest, and to
declare these lives forfeited. But on the arrival of the
news a revolt broke out in Armenia. The Arsacid prince
Tiridates was proclaimed king, and invoked the protection
of the Parthians. Thereupon Antoninus put himself at
the head of a large military force, and appeared in the
East in the year 216, to put down the Armenians, and
in case of need also the Parthians. Tiridates himself at
once gave up the cause as lost, although the division sent
to Armenia subsequently encountered vehement resistance
there; and he fled to the Parthians. The Romans de-
manded his surrender. The Parthians were not inclined on
his account to enter into a war, the more especially as just
then the two sons of king Vologasus V., Vologasus VI.
and Artabanus, were in bitter feud over the succession to
the throne. The former yielded when the Roman demand
was imperiously repeated, and delivered up Tiridates.

e
e? o

Parthian
war of
Severus
Antoninus,

88 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

Thereupon the emperor desired from Artabanus, who had
meanwhile obtained recognition, the hand of his daughter
for the express object of thus obtaining the kingdom
by marriage, and of bringing East and West under one
rule. ‘The rejection of this wild proposal! was the signal
for war; the Romans declared it, and crossed the Tigris.
The Parthians were unprepared ; without encountering re-
sistance the Romans burnt down the towns and villages
in Adiabene, and ruthlessly destroyed even the old royal
tombs at Arbela.? But Artabanus made the utmost ex-
ertions for the next campaign, and put into the field
a powerful force in the spring of 217. Antoninus, who
had spent the winter in Edessa, was assassinated by his
officers just as he was setting out for this second cam-
paign. His successor Macrinus, unconfirmed in the
government and held in little repute, at the head, more-
over, of an army defective in discipline and tone and
shaken by the murder of the emperor, would gladly have
rid himself of a war wantonly instigated and assuming
very serious proportions. He sent the prisoners back to
the Parthian king, and threw the blame of the outrages
committed on his predecessor. But Artabanus was not
content with this; he demanded compensation for all the
devastation committed,and the evacuation of Mesopotamia.
Thus matters came to a battle at Nisibis, in which the
Romans had the worst. Nevertheless the Parthians,
partly because their levy seemed as though it would
break up, perhaps also under the influence of Roman
money, granted peace (218) on comparatively favourable
terms. Rome paid a considerable war compensation
(50,000,000 denarii), but retained Mesopotamia. Ar-
menia remained with Tiridates, but the latter took it as
in dependency on the Romans. In Osrhoene also the
old princely house was reinstated.

1 Such is the account of the trust- 2 If there is any truth in the men-
worthy Dio, lxxviii. 1; the version tion of the Cadusians in the biography,
of Herodian, iv. 11, that Artabanus c. 6, the Romans induced this wild
promised his daughter, and at the tribe, not subject to the government in
celebration of the betrothal- allowed the south-west of the Caspian Sea, to
Antoninus to cut down the Parthians fall at the same time upon the Par-
present, is unauthenticated. thians.

~~

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 89

This was the last treaty of peace which the Arsacid
dynasty concluded with Rome. Almost immediately after-
wards, and perhaps partly in consequence of this bargain,
which certainly, as things stood, might be looked upon
by the Orientals as an abandonment by their own govern-
ment of the victories achieved, the insurrection began,
which converted the state of the Parthians into a state
of the Persians. Its leader, king Ardashir or Artaxares
(A.D. 224-241) strove for several years with the adher-
ents of the old dynasty before he attained full success ;?
after three great battles, in the last of which king Arta-
banus fell, he was master in the Parthian empire proper,
and could march into the Mesopotamian desert to subdue
the Arabs of Hatra and thence to advance against the
Roman Mesopotamia. But the brave and independent
Arabs defended themselves now against the Persians as
formerly against the Roman invasion, in their huge walls
with good success ; and Artaxares found himself led to
operate in the first instance against Media and Armenia,
where the Arsacids still maintained themselves, and the
sons of Artabanus had found a refuge. It was not till
about the year 230 that he turned against the Romans,
and not merely declared war against them, but demanded
back all the provinces which had formerly belonged to the
kingdom of his predecessors, Darius and Xerxes—in other
words, the cession of all Asia. To emphasise his threaten-
ing words, he led a mighty army over the Euphrates;
Mesopotamia was occupied and Nisibis besieged; the
enemy’s cavalry appeared in Cappadocia and in Syria.

The Roman throne was then occupied by Severus

Alexander, a ruler in whom

1 The subsequently received chron-
ology puts the beginning of the Sas-
sanid dynasty in the Seleucid year
§38=Ist Oct. 226-7 A.D., or the
fourth (full) year of Severus Alex-
ander, reigning since spring 222
(Agathias, iv. 24). According to
other data king Ardashir numbered
the year from the autumn 223-4 A.D.
as his first, and so doubtless assumed

nothing was warlike but the

in this the title of great-king (Nol-
deke, Tabari, p. 410). The last

King
Ardashir.

Severus
Alexander,

dated coin as yet known of the older °

system is of the year 539. When Dio
wrote between 230 and 234, Arta-
banus was dead and his adherents were
overpowered, and the advance of
Artaxares into Armenia and Mesopo-
tamia was expected.

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII

90
name, and for whom in reality his mother Mamaea con-
ducted the government. Urgent, almost humble proposals
of peace on the part of the Roman government remained
without effect; nothing was left but the employment of
arms. The masses of the Roman army gathered together
from all the empire were divided ; the left wing took the
direction of Armenia and Media, the right that of Mesene
at the mouth of the Euphrates and Tigris, perhaps in the
calculation that they might in the former as in the latter
quarter have the support of the adherents of the Arsacids;
the main army went to Mesopotamia. The troops were
numerous enough, but without discipline and tone; a
Roman officer of high position at this time himself testifies
that they were pampered and insubordinate, refused to
fight, killed their officers, and deserted in crowds. The
main force did not get beyond the Euphrates, for his
mother represented to the emperor that it was not his
business to fight for his subjects, but theirs to fight for
him. The right wing, assailed in the level country by the
Persian main force and abandoned by the emperor, was
cut up. Thereupon, when the emperor issued orders to the
wing which had pushed forward towards Media to draw
back, the latter also suffered severely in the winter retreat
through Armenia. If the matter went no further than
this sorry return of the great Oriental army to Antioch,
if no complete disaster occurred, and even Mesopotamia
remained in Roman power, this appears due, not to the
merit of the Roman troops or their leaders but to the fact
that the Persian levy was weary of the conflict and went
home.? But they went not for long, the more especially

1 The emperor remained probably in
Palmyra ; at least a Palmyrene inscrip-
tion, C. Z. Gr. 4483, mentions the
émcdnula Ocot’ AdeEdvdpou.

2 The incomparably wretched ac-
counts of this war (relatively the best
is that drawn from a common source
in Herodian, Zonaras, and Syncellus,
p. 674) do not even decide the ques-
tion who remained victor in these
conflicts. While Herodian speaks
of an unexampled defeat of the

Romans, the Latin authorities, the
Biography as well as Victor, Eutro-
pius, and Rufius Festus, celebrate
Alexander as the conqueror of Ar-
taxerxes or Xerxes, and according to
these latter the further course of things
was favourable. Herodian vi. 6, $,
offers the means of adjustment. Ac-
cording to the Armenian accounts
(Gutschmid, Zeitschr. der deutschen
morgenlind. Gesellschaft, xxxi. 47) the
Arsacids with the support of the

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 9t
as soon after, upon the murder of the last offshoot of the
dynasty of Severus, the several army-commanders and the
government in Rome began to fight about the occupation
of the Roman throne, and consequently were at one in
their concern for the affairs of external foes. Under
Maximinus (235-238) the Roman Mesopotamia fell into
the power of Ardashir, and the Persians once more pre-
pared to cross the Euphrates.’

After the internal troubles were in some measure
pacified, and Gordian III., almost still a boy, under the
protection of the commandant of Rome and soon of his
father-in-law Furius Timesitheus, bore undisputed sway in
the whole empire, war was solemnly declared against the
Persians, and in the year 242 a great Roman army
advanced under the personal conduct of the emperor, or
rather of his father-in-law, into Mesopotamia. It had
complete success ; Carrhae was recovered, at Resaina
between Carrhae and Nisibis the army of the Persian king
Shahpuhr or Sapor (reigning 241-272), who shortly before
had followed his father Ardashir, was routed, and in con-
sequence of this victory Nisibis was occupied. All Meso-
potamia was reconquered ; it was resolved to march back
to the Euphrates, and thence down the stream against the
enemy’s capital Ctesiphon. Unhappily Timesitheus died,
and his successor, Marcus Julius Philippus, a native of
Arabia from the Trachonitis, used the opportunity to set
aside the young ruler. When the army had accomplished
the difficult march through the valley of the Chaboras
towards the Euphrates, the soldiers in Circesium, at the
confluence of the Chaboras with the Euphrates, did not
find—in consequence, it is alleged, of arrangements made
by Philippus—the provisions and stores which they had
expected, and laid the blame of this on the emperor.

tribes of the Caucasus held their
ground in Armenia down to the year
237 against Ardashir ; this diversion
may be correct and may have tended
to the advantage of the Romans,

1 The best account is furnished by
Syncellus, p. 683 and Zonaras, xii. 18,
drawing from the same source. With

this accord the individual statements
of Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 7, 17, and
nearly so the forged letter of Gordian
to the Senate in the Biography, c. 27,
from which the narrative, c. 26, is
ignorantly prepared ; Antioch was in
danger, but not in the hands of the
Persians.

The Per-
sian war of
Gordian.

Palmyra.

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

92
Nevertheless the march in the direction of Ctesiphon was
begun, but at the very first station, near Zaitha (somewhat
below Mejadin), a number of insurgent guards killed the
emperor (in the spring or summer of 244), and proclaimed
their commandant, Philippus, as Augustus in his stead.
The new ruler did what the soldiers or at least the
guardsmen desired, and not merely gave up the intended
expedition against Ctesiphon, but led the troops at once back
to Italy. He purchased the permission to do so from the
conquered enemy by the cession of Mesopotamia and
Armenia, and so of the Euphrates frontier. But this con-
clusion of peace excited such indignation that the emperor
did not venture to put it in execution, and allowed the
garrisons to remain in the ceded provinces! The fact
that the Persians, at least provisionally, acquiesced in this,
gives the measure of what they were then able to do. It
was not the Orientals, but the Goths, the pestilence that
raged for fifteen years, and the dissensions of the corps-
leaders quarrelling with one another for the crown, that
broke the last strength of the empire.

At this point, when the Roman East in its struggle
with the Persian is left to its own resources, it will be
appropriate to make mention of a remarkable state, which,
created by and for the desert-traffic, now for a short time
takes up a leading part in political history. The oasis of
Palmyra, in the native language Tadmor, lies half-way
between Damascus and the Euphrates. It is of import-
ance solely as intermediate station between the Euph-
rates and the Mediterranean ; this significance it was late
in acquiring, and early lost again, so that the flourishing
time of Palmyra coincides nearly with the period which
we are here describing. As to the rise of the town there
is an utter absence of tradition.? It is mentioned first on

1 So Zonaras, xii. 19, represents so far as the dependence of the vassal-

the course of affairs; with this Zosi-
mus, iii. 33, agrees, and the later
course of things shows that Armenia
was not quite in Persian possession,
If, according to Euagrius, v. 7, at that
time merely Lesser Armenia remained
Roman, this may not be incorrect, in

king of Great Armenia after the peace
was doubtless merely nominal.

2 The Biblical account (1 Kings ix.
18) as to the building of the town
Thamar in Idumaea by king Solomon
has only been transferred to Tadmor
by a misunderstanding doubtless old;

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 93

occasion of the abode of Antonius in Syria in the year

713, when he made a vain attempt to possess himself of 4r.

its riches ; the documents found there—the oldest dated
Palmyrene inscription is of the year 745—hardly reach
much further back. It is not improbable that its flourish-
ing was connected with the establishment of the Romans
in the Syrian coast-region. So long as the Nabataeans
and the towns of Osrhoene were not directly Roman, the
Romans had an interest in providing another direct com-
munication with the Euphrates, and this thereupon led
necessarily by way of Palmyra. Palmyra was not a
Roman foundation; Antonius took as the occasion for
that predatory expedition the neutrality of the merchants
who were the medium of traffic between the two great

states, and the Roman horsemen turned back, without hav-

ing performed their work, before the chain of archers which
the Palmyrenes opposed to the attack. But already in
the first imperial period the city must have been reckoned
as belonging to the empire, because the tax-ordinances of
Germanicus and of Corbulo issued for Syria applied also
for Palmyra; in an inscription of the year 80 we meet
with a Claudian p/y/e there ; from Hadrian’s time the city
calls itself Hadriana Palmyra, and in the third century it
even designates itself a colony.

The subjection of the Palmyrenes to the empire was,
however, of a different nature to the ordinary one, and
similar in some measure to the client-relation of the
dependent kingdoms. Even in Vespasian’s time Palmyra
is called an intermediate region between the two great
powers, and in every collision between the Romans and
Parthians the question was asked, what policy the Pal-
myrenes would pursue. We must seek the key to its
distinctive position in the relations of the frontier and
the arrangements made for frontier-protection. The
Syrian troops, so far as they were stationed on the
Euphrates itself, had their chief position at Zeugma,

at all events the erroneous reference the oldest testimony for its existence
of it to this town among the later (Hitzig, Zeitschr. der deutschen mor-
Jews (2 Chron. viii. 4, and the Greek genl. Gesellschaft, viii. 222).
translation of 1 Kings, ix. 18) form

Military in-
depend-
ence of
Palmyra.

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

94

opposite to Biredjik, at the great passage of the Euphrates.
Further down the stream, between the immediately Roman
and the Parthian territory was interposed that of Palmyra,
which reached to the Euphrates and included the next
important place of crossing at Sura opposite to the Mesopo-
tamian town Nicephorium (later Callinicon, now er-Ragga).
It is more than probable that the guarding of this import-
ant border-fortress as well as the securing of the desert-road
between the Euphrates and Palmyra, and also perhaps of
a portion of the road from Palmyra to Damascus, was
committed to the community of Palmyra, and that it was
thus entitled and bound to make the military arrange-

ments necessary for this far from slight task.

1 This is nowhere expressly stated ;
but all the circumstances tell in favour
of it. That the Romano- Parthian
frontier, before the Romans estab-
lished themselves on the left bank of
the Euphrates, was on the right a
little below Sura, is most distinctly
said by Pliny (Æ. N. v. 26, 89: a
Sura proxime est Philiscum—comp.
P. 95, note 1—oppidum Parthorum
ad Euphratem; ab eo Seleuciam di-
erum decem navigatio), and there it
remained till the erection of the pro-
vince of Mesopotamia under Severus.
The Palmyrene of Ptolemy (v. 15,
24, 25) is a district of Coele-Syria,
which seems to embrace a good part
of the territory to the south of Pal-
myra, but certainly reaches as far as
the Euphrates and includes Sura;
other urban centres besides Palmyra
seem not to be mentioned, and there
is nothing to stand in the way of our
taking this large district as civic terri-
tory. So long in particular as Meso-
potamia was Parthian, but subse-
quently also with reference to the
adjoining desert, a permanent protec-
tion of the frontier could not here be
dispensed with; as indeed in the
fourth century, according to the tenor
of the Notitia, Palmyrene was strongly
occupied, the northern portion by the
troops of the Dux of Syria, Palmyra
itself and the southern half by those
of the Dux of Phoenice. That in

Subse-

the earlier imperial period no Roman
troops were stationed here, is vouched
for by the silence of authors and the
absence of inscriptions, which in Pal-
myra itself are numerous, If in the
Tabula Peutingeriana it is remarked
under Sura: fines exercitus Syriatict
ct commercium barbarorum, that is,
‘here end the Roman garrisons and
here is the place of exchange for the
trafic of the barbarians,” this is only
saying, what at a later time is repeated
by Ammignus (xxiii. 3, 7: Cadlintcum
munimentum robustum et commer-
candi opimitate gratissimum) and
further by the emperor Honorius
(Cod. Just. iv. 63, 4), that Callinicon
was one of the few entrepots devoted
to the Romano-barbarian frontier-
trafic; but it does not at all follow
from this as regards the time when
the Tabula originated, that these im-
perial troops were stationed there,
since in fact the Palmyrenes in general
belonged to the Syrian army and
might be thought of in using the
expression exercitus Syriaticus, The
city must have furnished a force of its
own in a way similar to that of the
princes of Numidia and of Pantica-
paeum. By this means alone we
come to understand as well the
rejection of the troops of Antonius as
the attitude of the Palmyrenes in the
troubles of the third century, and not
less the emergence of the numeri Pal-

Taan AND THE PARTHIANS, 95

quently doubtless the imperial troops were brought up
closer to Palmyra, and one of the Syrian legions was
moved to Danava between Palmyra and Damascus, and
the Arabian legion to Bostra ; after Severus united Meso-
potamia with the empire, even here both banks of the
Euphrates were in the Roman power, and the Roman
territory on the Euphrates ended no longer at Sura but
at Circesium, at the confluence of the Chaboras with the
Euphrates above Mejadin. Then Mesopotamia also was
strongly occupied with imperial troops. But the Mesopo-
tamian legions lay on the great road in the north near
Resaina and Nisibis, and even the Syrian and Arabian
troops did not supersede the need for the co-operation of
the Palmyrenes. Even the protection of Circesium and of
this part of the bank of the Euphrates may have been
entrusted to the Palmyrenes. It was not till after the
decline of Palmyra, and perhaps in compensation for it,
that Circesium! was made by Diocletian a strong fortress,
which thenceforth was here the basis of frontier-defence.
The traces of this distinctive position of Palmyra are
demonstrable also in its institutions. The absence of the
emperors name on the Palmyrene coins is probably to be
explained not from it, but from the fact that the com-
munity issued almost nothing but small money. But the
treatment of the language speaks clearly. From the rule
elsewhere followed almost without exception by the
Romans—of allowing in their immediate territory only
the use of the two imperial languages—Palmyra was
excepted. Here that language, which in the rest of Syria
and not less after the exile in Judaea was the usual
medium of private intercourse, but was restricted to the
latter, maintained its ground in public use, so long as the
city existed at all. Essential differences cannot be shown
between the Palmyrene Syriac and that of the other

myrenorum among the military novel-
ties of this epoch,

1 Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 2: Cercu-
sium .. . Diocletianus exiguum ante
hoc et suspectum muris turribusque
circumdedit celsis, . . . ne vagaren-
tur per Syriam Persae ita ut paucis

ante annis cum magnis provinciarum
contigerat damnis. Comp. Procopius
de aed, ii. 6, Perhaps this place is
not different from the #ddAya or
$áùya of Isidorus of Charax (mans.
Parth. 1; Stephanus Byz. s. v.) and
the Philiscum of Pliny (p. 94, note).

Adminis-
trativeinde-
pendence
of Palmyra.

Palmyrene
magis-
trates.

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

96
regions just named ; the proper names, having not
seldom an Arabic or Jewish, or even Persian form, show
the striking mixture of peoples, and numerous words bor-
rowed from Greek or Latin show the influence of the
Occidentals. It becomes subsequently a rule to append
to the Syrian text a Greek one, which in a decree of the
Palmyrene common-council of the year 137 is placed
after the Palmyrene, but afterwards usually precedes it;
but mere Greek inscriptions of native Palmyrenes are rare
exceptions, Even in votive inscriptions which Palmyrenes
set up to their native gods in Rome, and in tombs of
Palmyrene soldiers that died in Africa or Britain, the Pal-
myrene rendering is added. So too in Palmyra—while the
Roman year was made the basis of dating as in the rest
of the empire—the names of the months were not the
Macedonian officially received in Roman Syria, but those
which were current in it in common intercourse at least
among the Jews, and were in use, moreover, among the
Aramaean tribes living under Assyrian and subsequently
Persian rule.”

The municipal organisation was moulded in the main
after the pattern of the Greek municipality of the Roman
empire ; the designations for magistrates and council? and
even those of the colony are in the Palmyrene texts re-

they then remained in use within the
sphere of the Syrian language, Varia-

1 Of the seven dedications, hitherto
found outside of Palmyra, to the

Palmyrene Malach Belos the three
brought to light in Rome (C. Z. LZ.
vi. 51, 710; C. Z. Gr. 6015) have
along with a Greek or Latin also a
Palmyrene text, two African (C. Z. Z.
viii. 2497, 8795 add.) and two Dacian
(Arch. epig. Mitth. aus Oesterreich,
vi. 109, 111) merely Latin. One of
the latter was set up by P. Aelius
Theimes a duoviralis of Sarmizegetusa,
evidently a native of Palmyra, diis
patriis Malagtel et Bebellahamon et
Bencfal et Manavat,

2 Whence these names of the
months come, is not clear ; they first
appear in the Assyrian cuneiform
writing, but are not of Assyrian origin.
In consequence of the Assyrian rule

tions are found; the second month,
the Dios of the Greek-speaking Syri-
ans, our November, is called among
the Jews Markeshvan, among’ the
Palmyrenes Kanun (Waddington, n.
25746). We may add that these
names of the months, so far as they
came to be applied within the Roman
empire, are adapted, like the Mace-
donian, to the Julian calendar, so that
only the designation of the month
differs, the year-beginning (1 Oct.) of
the Syro-Roman year finds uniformly
application to the Greek as to the
Aramaean appellations.

3 E.g. Archon, Grammateus, Proe-
dros, Syndikos, Dekaprotoi.

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 97

tained for the most part from the imperial languages. But
in administration the district retained a greater independ-
ence than is elsewhere assigned to urban communities.
Alongside of the civic officials we find, at least in the third
century, the city of Palmyra with its territory under a
separate “headman” of senatorial rank and Roman ap-
pointment, but chosen from the family of most repute in
the place ; Septimius Hairanes, son of Odaenathus, is sub-
stantially a prince of the Palmyrenes,! who was doubtless
not otherwise dependent on the legate of Syria than were
the client-princes on the neighbouring imperial governors
generally. A few years later we meet with his son,?
Septimius Odaenathus, in the like position—Zindeed
even raised in rank—of hereditary prince. Nevertheless
Palmyra formed a customs-district apart, in which the
customs were leased on account, not of the state, but of

the community.‘

1 This is shown by the inscription
of Palmyra (C. Z. Gr. 4491, 4492=
Waddington 2600 = Vogue, Znsc. sém.
Paim. 22)set up to this Hairanes in the
year 251 by a soldier of the legion sta-
tioned in Arabia. His title is in Greek
Ò Aauwpéraros ouvKAnTixds, čča[pxos
(=frincep~s) Tladpujpqvav, in Pal-
myrene ‘‘ illustrious senator, head of
Tadmor.” The epitaph (C. Z. Gr.
4507 = Waddington 2621 = Vogué,21)
of the father of Hairanes, Septimios
Odaenathos, son of Hairanes, grand-
son of Vaballathos, great-grandson of
Nassoros, gives to him also senatorial
rank.

3 Certainly the father of this
Odaenathus is nowhere named; but
it is as good as certain that he was
the son of the Hairanes just named,
and bore the name of his grandfather.
Zosimus, too, i. 39, terms him a
Palmyrene distinguished from the
days of his forefathers by the govern-
ment (4ydpa Ilañuvpnvòv kal éx xpo-
yvu TIS wapa TOV Baciéwy aiiwhévra
Tluns).

3 In the inscription Waddington
2603 = Vogué 23, which the guild of
gold and silver workers of Palmyra
set up in the year 257 to Odaenathus

VOL. II.

he is called ó ħaurpóraros brarixéds,
and so vir consularis, and in Greek
deonérns, in Syriac máran. The
former designation is not a title of
office, but a statement of the class
in which he ranked ; so vir consularis
stands not unfrequently after the name
quite like wir clarissimus (C. J. L. x.
p. 1117 and elsewhere), and 6 Naur pó-
raros umrarixds is found alongside of
and before official titles of various
kinds, e.g. that of the proconsul of
Africa (C. Z7. Gr. 2979, where ^au-
wpéraros is absent), of the imperial
legate of Pontus and Bithynia (C. Z. Gr.
3747, 3748, 3771) and of Palestine
(C. Z. Gr. 4151), of the governor of
Lycia and Pamphylia (C. /. Gr. 4272);
it is only in the age after Constan-
tine that it is in combination with the
name of the province employed as an
official title (e.g. C. Z. Gr. 2596, 4266¢).
From this, therefore, no inference is
to be drawn as to the legal position of
Odaenathus. Likewise, in the Syriac
designation of ‘‘lord,” we may not
find exactly the ruler ; it is also given
to a procurator (Waddington 2606 =
Vogue 25).

4 Syria in the imperial period
formed an imperial customs-district of

7

Com-
mercial
position of
Palmyra.

98 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER

BOOK VIII,

The importance of Palmyra depended on the caravan-

traffic.

The heads of the caravans (cuvvodidpyar), which

went from Palmyra to the great entrepots on the Eu-
phrates, to Vologasias, the already mentioned Parthian
foundation not far from the site of the ancient Babylon,
and to Forath or Charax Spasinu, twin towns at its
mouth, close on the Persian Gulf, appear in the inscriptions
as the most respected city-burgesses,! and fill not merely

its own, and the imperial dues were
levied not merely on the coast but
also at the Euphrates-frontier, in par-
ticular at Zeugma. Hence it neces-
sarily follows that farther to the south,
where the Euphrates was no longer in
the Roman power, similar dues were
established on the Roman eastern
frontier. Now a decree of the coun-
cil of Palmyra of the year 137 informs
us that the city and its territory formed
a special customs-district, and the dues
were levied for the benefit of the town
upon all goods imported or exporteu.
That this territory lay beyond the
imperial dues, is probable—first, be-
cause, if there had existed an imperial
customs-line enclosing the Palmyrene
territory, the mention of it could not
well be omitted in that detailed enact-
ment ; secondly, because a community
of the empire enclosed by the imperial
customs-lines would hardly have had
the right of levying dues at the bound-
ary of its territory to this extent. We
shall thus have to discern in the levy-
ing of dues by the community of Pal-
myra the same distinctive position
which must be attributed to it in a
military point of view. Perhaps, on
the other hand, there was an impost
laid on it for the benefit of the im-
perial exchequer, possibly the deliver-
ing up of a quota of the produce of the
dues or a heightened tribute. Arrange-
ments similar to those for Palmyra
may have existed also for Petra and
Bostra ; for goods were certainly not
admitted here free of dues, and ac-
cording tg’Pliny, Æ. N. xii. 14, 65,
imperial dies from the Arabic frankin-
cense exported by way of Gaza seem
only to have been levied at Gaza on

the coast. The indolence of Roman
administration was stronger than its
fiscal zeal; it may frequently have
devolved the inconvenient tolls of the
land-frontier away from itself on the
communities.

1 These caravans (cvvodla:) appear
on the Palmyrene inscriptions as fixed
companies, which undertake the same
journeys beyond doubt at definite in-
tervals under their foreman (cvvo-
didpxns, Waddington, 2589, 2590,
2596); thus a statue is erected to
such a one by ‘the merchants who
went down with him to Vologasias ”
(ol oly adr KareNOdvres els 'ONoyecidða
Evropo, Waddington 2599 of the year
247), or ‘‘up from Forath (comp.
Pliny, Æ. N. vi. 28, 145) and Volo-
gasias” (ol cuvavaBdyres per’ avrod
Eumopo. dd Popddou xé Ordoyacrdéos,
Waddington, 2589 of the year 142),
or ‘‘ up from Spasinu Charax ” (ol ùv
ary dvaBdyres dd Zraclvou Xdpaxos,
Waddington, 2596 of the year 193;
similarly 2590 of the year 155). All
these conductors are men of stand-
ing furnished with lists of ancestors;
their honorary monuments stand in the
great colonnade beside those of queen
Zenobia and her family. Specially
remarkable is one of them, Septimius
Vorodes, of whom there exists a series
of honorary pediments of the years 262-
267 (Waddington, 2606-2610); he,
too, was a caravan-head (dvaxouloavra
Tas cuvodlas ék rwy ldlwy kal paprupn-
Gévra wd rev dpxeuwopwv, Wadding-
ton, n. 2606 a; consequently he de-
frayed the costs of the journey back
for the whole company, and was on
account of this liberality publicly
praised by the wholesale traders). But

- A

d

Í- —— ee

CHAP. 1X. AND THE PARTHIANS. 99

the magistracies of their home, but in part also imperial
offices; the great traders (apyéumopor) and the guild of
workers in gold and silver testify to the importance of the
city for trade and manufactures, and not less is its pros-
perity attested by the still standing temples of the city and
the long colonnades of the city halls,as well as the massy and
richly decorated tombs. The climate is little favourable to
agriculture—the place lies near to the northern limit of
the date palm, and does not derive its Greek name from
it—but there are found in the environs the remains of
great subterranean aqueducts and huge water-reservoirs
artificially constructed of square blocks, with the-help of
which the ground, now destitute of all vegetation, must
once upon a time have artificially developed a rich culture.
This riches, this national idiosyncrasy not quite set aside
even under Roman rule, and this administrative independ-
ence, explain in some measure the part of Palmyra about
the middle of the third century in the great crisis, to the
presentation of which we now return.

After the emperor Decius had fallen in the year 251
when fighting against the Goths in Europe, the government
of the empire, if at that time there was still an empire
and a government at all, left the East entirely to its fate.
While the pirates from the Black Sea ravaged the coasts
far and wide and even the interior, the Persian king Sapor
again assumed the aggressive. While his father had been
content with calling himself lord of Iran, he first desig-
nated himself—as did the succeeding rulers after his ex-
ample—the great-king of Iran and non-Iran (p. 83, note),
and thereby laid &§wn, as it were, the programme of his
policy of conquest. In the year 252 or 253 he occupied
Armenia, or it submitted to him voluntarily, beyond doubt
carried likewise away by that resuscitation of the old Per-
sian faith and Persian habits ; the legitimate king Tiridates
sought shelter with the Romans, the other members of the
royal house placed themselves under the banners of the

he filled not merely the civic offices of (ducenarius) and argapetes (p. 104,
strategos and agoranomos, he was even note 1).
imperial procurator of the second class

Capture of
the emperor
Valerian,

100 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIL.

Persian.! After Armenia thus had become Persian, the
hosts of the Orientals overran Mesopotamia, Syria, and
Cappadocia ; they laid waste the level country far and
wide, but the inhabitants of the larger towns, first of all
the brave Edessenes, repelled the attack of enemies little
equipped for besieging. In the West, meanwhile at least,
a recognised government had been set up. The emperor
Publius Licinius Valerianus, an honest and well-disposed
ruler, but not resolute in character or equal to dealing
with difficulties, appeared at length in the East and re-
sorted to Antioch. Thence he went to Cappadocia, which
the Persian roving hordes evacuated. But the plague
decimated his army, and he delayed long to take up the
decisive struggle in Mesopotamia. At length he resolved
to bring help to the sorely pressed Edessa, and crossed
the Euphrates with his forces. There, not far from Edessa,
occurred the disaster which had nearly the same signi-
ficance for the Roman East as the victory of the Goths at
the mouth of the Danube and the fall of Decius—the
capture of the emperor Valerianus by the Persians (end
of 259 or beginning of 260)? As to the more precise cir-
cumstances the accounts are conflicting. According to one
version, when he was attempting with a weak band to reach
Edessa, he was surrounded and captured by the far superior
Persians. According to another, he, although defeated,
reached the beleaguered town, but, as he brought no suffi-
cient help and the provisions came to an end only the
more rapidly, he dreaded the outbreak of a military insur-
rection, and therefore delivered himself voluntarily into the
hands of the enemy. According to a third, he, reduced
to extremities, entered into negotiations with Sapor ; when

1 According to the Greek account
(Zonaras, xii. 21)king Tiridates takes
refuge with the Romans, but his sons
take the side of the Persians ; accord-
ing to the Armenian, king Chosro
is murdered by his brethren, and
Chosro’s son, Tiridates, fled to the
Romans (Gutschmid, Zeitschrift der
deutschen morgenl, Gesellsch. xxxi. 48).
Perhaps the latter is to be preferred.
4 The. only fixed chronological

basis is furnished by the Alexandrian
coins, according to which Valerian
was captured between 29th August 259
and 28th August 260, That after his
capture he was no longer regarded as
emperor, is easily explained, seeing
that the Persians compelled him in
their interest to issue orders to his
former subjects (continuation of Dio,

Jr. 3).

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. IOI

the Persian king declined to treat with envoys, he ap-
peared personally in the enemy’s camp, and was perfidiously
made a prisoner.

Whichever of these narratives may come nearest to
the truth, the emperor died in the captivity of the enemy,!
and the consequence of this disaster was the forfeiture
of the East to the Persians. Above all Antioch, the
largest and richest city of the East, fell for the first time
since it was Roman into the power of the public foe,
and in good part through the fault of its own citizens.
Mareades, an Antiochene of rank, whom the council had
expelled for the embezzlement of public monies, brought
the Persian army to his native town; whether it be a
fable that the citizens were surprised in the theatre itself
by the advancing foes, there is no doubt that they not
merely offered no resistance, but that a great part of the
lower population, partly in consideration of Mareades, partly
in the hope of anarchy and pillage, saw with pleasure
the entrance of the Persians. Thus the city with all its
treasures became the prey of the enemy, and fearful
ravages were committed in it; Mareades indeed also was
—we know not why—condemned by king Sapor to
perish by fire? Besides numerous smaller places, the
capitals of Cilicia and Cappadocia—Tarsus and Caesarea,
the latter, it is stated, a town of 400,000 inhabitants—
suffered the same fate. Endless trains of captives, who
were led like cattle once a day to the watering, covered
the desert-routes of the East. On the return home the
Persians, it is alleged, in order the more rapidly to cross

a ravine, filled it up with

1 The better accounts simply know
the fact that Valerian died in Persian
captivity. That Sapor used him as
a footstool in mounting his horse
(Lactantius, de Mort. persec. 53
Orosius, vii. 22, 4; Victor, Zp. 33),
and finally caused him to be flayed
(Lactantius, /. ¢.; Agathias, iv. 23;
Cedrenus, p. 454) is a Christian
invention —a requital for the per-
secution of the Christians ordered by
Valerian.

the bodies of the captives

2 The tradition according to which
Mareades (so Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 35
Mariades in Malalas, 12, p. 295;
Mariadnes in contin. of Dio, fr. 1),

The East
without an
emperor.

or, as he is here called, Cyriades, °

had himself proclaimed as Augustus
(Vit. trig. tyr. 1) is weakly at-
tested ; otherwise there might doubt-
less be found in it the occasion
why Sapor caused him to bé put to
death,

102 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER _ BOOK YII

whom they brought with them. It is more credible that
the great “imperial dam” (Bend-i-Kaiser) at Sostra
(Shuster) in Susiana, by which still at the present day
the water of the Pasitigris is conveyed to the higher-lying
regions, was built by these captives; as indeed the
emperor Nero’s architects had helped to build the capital
of Armenia, and generally in this domain the Occidentals
always maintained their superiority. The Persians
nowhere encountered resistance from the empire; but
Edessa still held out, and Caesarea had bravely defended
itself, and had only fallen by treachery. The local
resistance gradually passed beyond a mere defensive
behind the walls of towns, and the breaking up of the
Persian hosts, brought about by the wide extent of the
conquered territory, was favourable to the bold partisan.
A self-appointed Roman leader, Callistus,’ succeeded in
a happy coup de main; with the vessels which he had
brought together in the ports of Cilicia he sailed for
Pompeiopolis—which the Persians were just besieging,
while they at the same time laid waste Lycaonia,—killed
several thousand men, and possessed himself of the royal
harem. This induced the king, under pretext of celebrating
a festival that might not be put off, to go home at once
in such haste that, in order not to be detained, he
purchased from the Edessenes free passage through their
territory in return for all the Roman gold money which
he had captured as booty. Odaenathus, prince of
Palmyra, inflicted considerable losses on the bands
returning home from Antioch before they crossed the
Euphrates. But hardly was the most urgent danger
from the Persians obviated, when two of the most noted
among the army leaders of the East, left to themselves,
Fulvius Macrianus, the officer who administered the
chest and the depot of the army in Samosata? and the

1 He is called Callistus in the

one tradition, doubtless traceable to
Dexippus, in Syncellus, p. 716, and
Zonaras, xii. 23, on the other hand,
Ballista in the biographies of the
empcrors and in Zonaras, xii. 24.

* He was, according to the most
trustworthy account, procurator sum-
marum (érl Tv Kabddov Adyww
Baocdéws ; Dionysius in Eusebius, Z.
Æ. vii, 10, §), and so finance-minister
with equestrian rank; the continu-

CHAP, IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 103

Callistus just mentioned, renounced allegiance to the
son and co-regent and now sole ruler Gallienus—for
whom, it is true, the East and the Persians were non-
existent—and, themselves refusing to accept the purple,
proclaimed the two sons of the former, Fulvius Macrianus
and Fulvius Quietus, emperors (261). This step taken
by the two distinguished generals had the effect of
obtaining recognition for the two young emperors in
Egypt and‘in all the East, with the exception of Palmyra,
the prince of which took the side of Gallienus. One
of them, Macrianus, went off with his father to the West,
in order to install this new government also there. But
soon fortune turned ; in Illyricum Macrianus lost a battle
and his life, not against Gallienus, but against another
pretender. Odaenathus turned against the brother who
remained behind in Syria; at Hemesa, where the armies
met, the soldiers of Quietus replied to the summons to
surrender that they would rather submit to anything
than deliver themselves into the hands of a barbarian.
Nevertheless Callistus, the general of Quietus, betrayed
his master to the Palmyrene,! and thus ended also his
short government.

Therewith Palmyra stepped into the free place in the
East. Gallienus, more than sufficiently occupied by the
barbarians of the West and the military insurrections
everywhere breaking out there, gave to the prince of
Palmyra, who alone had preserved fidelity to him in the
crisis just mentioned, an exceptional position without a
parallel, but under the prevailing circumstances readily
intelligible ; he, as hereditary prince, or, as he was now
called, king of Palmyra, became, not indeed joint ruler,
but independent lieutenant of the emperor for the East.”

ator of Dio (fr. 3 Müll.) expresses
this in the language of the later age
by xéuns Trav Onoavpwy Kral épecrus
TR dyope rod alrov.

1 At least according to the report,
which forms the basis of the imperial
biographies (vita Gallieni, 3, and
elsewhere). According to Zonaras,
xii, 24, the only author who mentions

besides the end of Callistus, Odae-
nathus caused him to be put to death.

2 That Odaenathus, as well as
after him his son Vaballathus (apart,
of course, from the time after the
rupture with Aurelian), were by no
means Augusti (as the vit. Gallieni, 12,
erroneously states), is shown both by
the absence of the name of Augustus

Govern-
ment of
Odaena-
thus in the
East.

104 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

The local administration of Palmyra was conducted under
him by another Palmyrene, at the same time as imperial
procurator and as his deputy.’ Therewith the whole
imperial power, so far as it still subsisted at all in the
East, lay in the hand of the “barbarian,” and the latter with
his Palmyrenes, who were strengthened by the remains of
the Roman army corps and the levy of the land, re-estab-
lished the sway of Rome alike rapidly and brilliantly.
Asia and Syria were already evacuated by the enemy.
Odaenathus crossed the Euphrates, relieved at length
the brave Edessenes, and retook from the Persians the
conquered towns Nisibis and Carrhae (264). Probably
Armenia also was at that time brought back under

on the coins and by the title possible
only for a subject, v(i”) clonsularis)
= v(wartixés), which, like the father
(p. 97, note 3), the son still bears.
The position of governor is designated
on the coins of the son by z#( perator)
a(ux) R(omanorum) = avr(oxpdrwp)
o(rparnyds) ; in agreement therewith
Zonaras (xii. 23, and again xii. 24)
and Syncellus (p. 716) state that
Gallienus appointed Odaenathus, on
account of his victory over the Persians
and Ballista, as orparnyds rijs éwas,
or mdons avaro\ys; and the biographer
of Gallienus, 10, that he obtinuit
totius Orientis imperium, By this is
meant all the Asiatic provinces and
Egypt; the added imperator = abtro-
xpdrwp (comp. Trig. tyr. 15, 6, fost
reditum de Ferside—Herodes son of
Odaenathus—cum patre imperator est
appellatus) is intended beyond doubt
to express the freer handling of power,
different from the usual authority of
the governor.—To this was added
further the now formally assumed title
of a king of Palmyra (7rig. tyr. 15,
2: adsumpto nomine regalt), which
also the son bears, not on the
Egyptian, but on the Syrian coins.
The circumstance that Odaenathus is
probably called melekh malki, ‘king
of kings,” on an inscription set up in
August 271, and so after his death
and during the war of his adherents
with Aurelian (Vogue, n. 28), belongs

to the revolutionary demonstrations
of this period and forms no proof for
the earlier time.

1 The numerous inscriptions of
Septimius Vorodes, set up in the
years 262 to 267 (Waddington, 2606-
2610), and so in the lifetime of
Odaenathus, all designate him as
imperial procurator of the second
class (ducenarius), but at the same
time partly by the title dpyaxérns,
which Persian word, current also
among the Jews, signifies ‘‘ lord of a
castle,” ‘‘ viceroy” (Levy, Zestsch.
der deutschen morgenl, Gesellschaft,
xviii, 90; Noldeke, 7d. xxiv. 107),
partly as dixasodd7ns ris pnTpo-
ko\wvlas, which, beyond doubt, is in
substance at any rate, if not in
language, the same office. Presumably
we must understand by it that office
on account of which the father of
Odaenathus is called the ‘‘head of
Tadmor” (p. 97, note 2); the one chief
of Palmyra competent for martial law
and for the administration of justice ;
only that, since extended powers were
given to the position of Odaenathus,
this post as a subordinate office is
filled by a man of equestrian rank.
The conjecture of Sachau (Zettschr.
der d, morgenl, Gesellsch. xxxv. 738)
that this Vorodes is the ‘* Wurud”
of a copper coin of the Berlin cabinet,
and that both are identical with the
elder son of Odaenathus, Herodes,

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 105

Roman allegiance.! Then he took—for the first time since
Gordianus—the offensive against the Persians, and marched
on Ctesiphon. In two different campaigns the capital of
the Persian kingdom was invested by him, and the neigh-
bouring region laid waste, and there was a successful
battle with the Persians under its walls.? Even the Goths,
whose predatory raids extended into the interior, retired
when he set out for Cappadocia A development of
power of this sort was a blessing for the hard-pressed
empire, and at the same time a serious danger. Odae-
nathus no doubt observed all due formalities towards his
Roman lord-paramount, and sent the captured officers of
the enemy and the articles of booty to Rome for the
emperor, who did not disdain to triumph over them ; but
in fact the East under Odaenathus was not much less
independent than the West under Postumus, and we can
easily understand how the officers favourably disposed
towards Rome made opposition to the Palmyrene vice-
emperor, and on the one hand there was talk of attempts

who was killed at the same time
with his father, is liable to serious
difficulties. Herodes and Orodes are
different names (in the Palmyrene
inscription, Waddington, 2610, the
two stand side by side); the son of
a senator cannot well fill an equestrian
ofice; a procurator coining money
with his image is not conceivable
even for this exceptional state of
things. Probably the coin is not
Palmyrene at all. ‘‘It is,” von
Sallet writes to me, ‘‘ probably older
than Odaenathus, and belongs per-
haps to an Arsacid of the second
century A.D.; it shows a head with
a headdress similar to the Sassanid ;
the reverse, S C ina chaplet of laurel,
appears imitated from the coins of
Antioch. ”—If subsequently, after the
breach with Rome in 271, on an
inscription of Palmyra (Waddington,
2611) two generals of the Palmyrenes
are distinguished, 6 péyas orparn-
Adrys, the historically known Zabdas,
and ò év@dde orparnddrns, Zabbaeos,
the latter is, it may be presumed, just

the Argapetes.

1 The state of the case speaks in
favour of this; evidence is wanting.
In the imperial biographies of this
epoch the Armenians are wont to be
adduced among the border peoples
independent of Rome (Valer. 6;
Trig. tyr. 30, 7, 183; Aurel 11,
27, 28, 41); but this is one of their
quite untrustworthy elements of em-
bellishment.

2 This more modest account (Eu-
tropius, ix. 10; wita Gallient, 10;
Trig. tyr. 1§, 43 Zos. i. 39, who
alone attests the two expeditions)
must be preferred to that which men-
tions the capture of the city (Syn-
cellus, p. 716).

3 This is shown by the accounts as
to Carinus (cont. of Dio, p. 8) and as
to Rufinus (p. 106, note 2). That after
the death of Odaenathus Heraclianus,
a general acting on Gallienus’s orders
against the Persians, was attacked
and conquered by Zenobia (vita Gal-
lieni, 13, 5), is in itself not impossible,
seeing that the princes of Palmyra
possessed de sure the chief command
in all the East, and such an action,

Govern-
ment of
Zenobia.

106 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIIL
of Odaenathus to attach himself to the Persians, which
were alleged to have broken down only through Sapor’s
arrogance,' while on the other hand the assassination of
Odaenathus at Hemesa in 266-7 was referred to instigation
of the Roman government.2, The real murderer was a
brother’s son of Odaenathus, and there are no proofs of
the participation of the government. At any rate the
crime made no change in the position of affairs.

The wife of the deceased, the queen Bat Zabbai, or
in Greek, Zenobia, a beautiful and sagacious woman of
masculine energy,’ in virtue of the hereditary right to the
principate claimed for the son of herself and Odaenathus,
still in boyhood, Vaballathus or Athenodorus*—the elder,
Herodes, had perished with his father—the position of the
deceased, and in fact carried her point as well in Rome as
in the East: the regnal years of the son are reckoned
from the death of the father. For the son, not capable
of government, the mother took part in counsel and
action and she did not restrict herself to preserving the

even if it were suggested by Gallienus,
might be treated as offending against
this right, and this would clearly in-
dicate the strained relation; but the
authority vouching it is so bad that
little stress can be laid on it.

1 This we learn from the charac-
teristic narrative of Petrus, Jr. 10,
which is to be placed before fr. 11.

2 The account of the continuator
of Dio, fr. 7, that the old Odaenathus
was put to death, as suspected of
treason, by one (not elsewhere men-
tioned) Rufinus, and that the younger,
when he had impeached this person
at the bar of the emperor Gallienus,
was dismissed on the declaration of
Rufinus that the accuser deserved
the same fate, cannot be correct as it
stands. But Waddington's proposal
to substitute Gallus for Gallienus, and
to recognise in the accuser the hus-
band of Zenobia, is not admissible,
since the father of this Odaenathus
was Hairanes, in whose case there
existed no ground at all for such an
execution, and the excerpt in its
whole character undoubtedly applies

to Gallienus. Rather must the old
Odaenathus have been the husband
of Zenobia, and the author have
erroneously assigned to Vaballathus,
in whose name the charge was
brought, his father’s name.

3 All the details which are current
in our accounts of Zenobia originate
from the imperial biographies ; and
they will only be repeated by such as
do not know this source.

4 The name Vaballathus is given,
in addition to the coins and inscrip-
tions, by Polemius Silvius, p. 243 of
my edition, and the biographer of
Aurelian, c. 38, while he describes
as incorrect the statement that Odaen-
athus had left two sons, Timolaus
and Herennianus. In reality these
two persons emerging simply in the
imperial biographies appear along
with all that is connected with them
as invented by the writer, to whom
the thorough falsification of these
biographies is to be referred. Zosimus
too, i. 59, knows only of one son, who
went into captivity with his mother.

5 Whether Zenobia claimed for her-

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 107

state of possession, but on the contrary her courage or
her arrogance aspired to mastery over the whole imperial
domain of the Greek tongue. In the command over the
East, which was committed to Odaenathus and inherited
from him by his son, the supreme authority over Asia
Minor and Egypt may doubtless have been included ;
but de facto Odaenathus had in his power only Syria and
Arabia, and possibly Armenia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia.
Now an influential Egyptian, Timagenes, summoned the
queen to occupy Egypt; accordingly she despatched her
chief general Zabdas with an army of, it is alleged, 70,000
men to the Nile. The land resisted with energy ; but
the Palmyrenes defeated the Egyptian levy and possessed
themselves of Egypt. A Roman admiral Probus attempted
to dislodge them again, and even vanquished them, so
that they set out for Syria; but, when he attempted to
bar their way at the Egyptian Babylon not far from
Memphis, he was defeated by the better local knowledge
of the Palmyrene general Timagenes, and he put himself
to death! When about the beginning of the year 270,
after the death of the emperor Claudius Aurelian came in
his stead, the Palmyrenes bore sway over Alexandria.
In Asia Minor too they made preparations to establish
themselves ; their garrisons were pushed forward as far as
Ancyra in Galatia, and even in Chalcedon opposite Byzan-

to Vaballathus. This is so far intel-
ligible, as Augusta was an honorary

self formal joint-rule, cannot be cer-
tainly determined. In Palmyra she

names herself still after the rupture
with Rome merely BaoiMoon (Wad-
dington, 2611, 2628), in the rest of
the empire she may have laid claim
to the title Augusta, LeBaor} ; for,
though there are no coins of Zenobia
from the period prior to the breach
with Rome, yet on the one hand the
Alexandrian inscription with BaowWlc-
ons kal Bacihéws xpooratdvrew (Eph.
epigr. iv. p. 25, p. 33) cannot lay
any claim to official redaction, and
on the other hand the inscription of
Byblos, C. Z. Gr. 4503 b= Wadding-
ton, n. 2611, gives in fact to Zenobia
the title Zeßaorńh alongside of Clau-
dius or Aurelian, while it refuses it

designation, Augustus an official one,
and thus that might well be conceded
to the wife which was refused to the
husband. |

1 So Zosimus, i. 44, narrates the
course of events with which Zonaras,
xii. 27 and Syncellus, p. 721, in the
main agree. The report in the life
of Claudius, c. 11, is more displaced
than properly contradictory ; the first
half is only indicated by the naming
of Saba; the narrative begins with
the successful attempt of Timagenes
to ward off the attack of Probus (here
Probatus). The view taken of this
by me in Sallet (/2/myra, p. 44) is
not tenable.

Aurelian
against the
Palmy-
renes.

108 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VII.

tium they had attempted to assert the rule of their queen.
All this happened without the Palmyrenes renouncing the
Roman government, nay probably on the footing that the
control of the East committed by the Roman government
to the prince of Palmyra was realised in this way, and
they taxed the Roman officers, who resisted the extension
of the Palmyrene rule, with rebellion against the imperial
orders ; the coins struck in Alexandria name Aurelianus
and Vaballathus side by side, and give the title of
Augustus only to the former. In substance, no doubt,
the East here detached itself from the empire, and the
latter was divided into two in the execution of an ordi-
nance wrung from the wretched Gallienus by necessity.
The vigorous and prudent emperor, to whom the
dominion now had fallen, broke at once with the Pal-
myrene co-ordinate government, which then could not
but have and had as its consequence, that Vaballathus
himself was proclaimed by his people as emperor. Egypt
was already, at the close of the year 270, brought back
to the empire after hard struggles by the brave general
Probus, afterwards the successor of Aurelian.’ It is true
that the second city of the empire, Alexandria, paid for
this victory almost with its existence, as will be set forth
in the following section. More difficult was the reduction
of the remote Syrian oasis. All other Oriental wars of
the imperial period had chiefly been waged by imperial
troops having their home in the East; here, where the
West had once more to subdue the revolted East, there
fought once more, as in the time of the free republic,

1 The determination of the date p. 32 Vall.) is put by Eusebius in

depends on the fact that the usurpa-
tion-coins of Vaballathus cease already
in the fifth year of his Egyptian reign,
#.¢. 29th August 270-71 ; the fact that
they are very rare speaks for the
beginning of the year. With this
essentially agrees the circumstance
that the storming of the Prucheion
(which, we may add, was no part of the
city, but a locality close by the city on
the side of the great oasis; Hierony-
mus, vit. Hilarionis, C. 33, 34, vol. ii.

his Chronicle in the first year of
Claudius, by Ammianus, xxii. 16, 15,
under Aurelian; the most exact re-
port in Eusebius, Æ. Zcc/. vii. 32, is
not dated. The reconquest of Egypt
by Probus stands only in his bio-
graphy, c. 9; it may have happened
as it is told, but it is possible also
that in this thoroughly falsified source
the history of Timagenes has been
mutatis mutandis transferred to the
emperor.

CHAP. IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. 109

Occidentals against Orientals,' the soldiers of the Rhine
and of the Danube with those of the Syrian desert. The
mighty expedition began, apparently towards the close of
the year 271 ; without encountering resistance the Roman
army arrived at the frontier of Cappadocia; here the
town of Tyana, which barred the Cilician passes, gave
serious opposition. After it had fallen, and Aurelian, by
gentle treatment of the inhabitants, had smoothed his
way to further successes, he crossed the Taurus, and,
passing through Cilicia, arrived in Syria. If Zenobia, as
is not to be doubted, had reckoned on active support
from the side of the Persian king, she found herself de-
ceived. The aged king Shapur did not interfere in this
war, and the mistress of the Roman East continued to be
left to her own military resources, of which perhaps even
a portion took the side of the legitimate Augustus. At
Antioch the Palmyrene chief force under the general
Zabdas stopped the emperor’s way ; Zenobia herself was
present. A successful combat against the superior Pal-
myrene cavalry on the Orontes delivered into the hands
of Aurelian the town, which not less than Tyana received
full pardon—he justly recognised that the subjects of
the empire were hardly to be blamed, when they had
submitted to the Palmyrene prince appointed as com-
. mander in chief by the Roman government itself. The
Palmyrenes, after having engaged in a conflict on their
retreat at Daphne, the suburb of Antioch, marched off, and
struck into the great route which leads from the capital
of Syria to Hemesa and thence through the desert to
Palmyra.

Aurelian summoned the queen to submit, pointing to
the notable losses endured in the conflicts on the Orontes.
These were Romans only, answered the queen; the
Orientals did not yet admit that they were conquered.

1 This is perhaps what the report MRaetians, Mauretanians, and the
on the battle of Hemesa, extracted guard. When he associates with
by Zosimus, i. 52, wished to bring these the troops of Tyana and some
out, when it enumerates among the divisions from Mesopotamia, Syria,
troops of Aurelian the Dalmatians, Phoenice, Palestine, this applies be-
Moesians, Pannonians, Noricans, yond doubt to the Cappadocian gar-

Battle at
Hemesa.

THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII.

IIO

At Hemesa! she took her stand for the decisive battle. It
was long and bloody ; the Roman cavalry gave way and
broke up in flight ; but the legions decided, and victory
remained with the Romans, The march was more diffi-
cult than the conflict. The distance from Hemesa to
Palmyra amounts in a direct line to seventy miles, and,
although at that epoch of highly developed Syrian civilis-
ation the region was not waste in the same degree as at
present, the march of Aurelian still remains a considerable
feat, especially as the light horsemen of the enemy
swarmed round the Roman army on all sides. Aurelian,
however, reached his goal, and began the siege of the
strong and well-provisioned city ; more difficult than the
siege itself was the bringing up of provisions for the
besieging army, At length the courage of the princess
sank, and she escaped from the city to seek aid from the
Persians. Fortune still further helped the emperor. The
pursuing Roman cavalry took her captive with her son,
just when she had arrived at the Euphrates and was
about to embark in the rescuing boat; and the town,
discouraged by her flight, capitulated (272). Aurelian
granted here too, as in all this campaign, full pardon to
the subdued burgesses. But a stern punishment was
decreed over the queen and her functionaries and officers.
Zenobia, after she had for years borne rule with mascu-
line energy, did not now disdain to invoke a woman’s
privileges, and to throw the responsibility on her advisers,
of whom not a few, including the celebrated scholar,
Cassius Longinus, perished under the axe of the execu-
tioner. She herself might not be wanting from the
triumphal procession of the emperor, and she did not

risons, which had joined after the
capture of Tyana, and to some
divisions of the armies of the East
favourably disposed to Rome, who
went over to Aurelian upon his
marching into Syria.

1 By mistake Eutropius, ix. 13,
places the decisive battle Aaud longe
ab Antiochia: the mistake is height-
ened in Rufius, c. 24 (on whom

Hieronymus, chron. a. Abr. 2289
depends), and in Syncellus, p. 721,
by the addition apud Lmmas, ¿v “Tp-
pas, which place, lying 33 Roman
miles from Antioch on the road to
Chalcis, is far away from Hemesa,
The two chief accounts, in Zosimus
and the biographer of Aurelian, agree
in all essentials.

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS. III

take the course of Cleopatra, but marched in golden
chains, as a spectacle to the Roman multitude, before the
chariot of the victor to the Roman capitol. But before
Aurelian could celebrate his victory he had to repeat it.
A few months after the surrender the Palmyrenes once
more rose, killed the small Roman garrison serving there,
and proclaimed one Antiochus! as ruler, while they at
the same time attempted to induce the governor of Meso-
potamia, Marcellinus, to revolt. The news reached the
emperor when he had just crossed the Hellespont. He
returned at once, and stood, earlier than friend or foe had
anticipated, once more before the walls of the insurgent
city. The rebels had not been prepared for this; there
was this time no resistance, but also no mercy. Palmyra
was destroyed, the commonwealth dissolved, the walls
razed, the ornaments of the glorious temple of the sun
transferred to the temple which, in memory of this victory,
the emperor built to the sun-god of the East in Rome ;
only the forsaken halls and walls remained, as they still
stand in part at the present day. This occurred in the
year 273? The flourishing of Palmyra was artificial,
produced by the routes assigned to traffic and the great
public buildings dependent on it. Now the government
withdrew its hand from the unhappy city. Traffic sought
and found other paths ; as Mesopotamia was then viewed
as a Roman province and soon came again to the empire,

1 This is the name given by Zosi- by the conquest. According to the

mus, i. 60, and Polemius Silvius,
p. 243; the Achilleus of the bio-
grapherof Aurelian, c. 31,seems acon-
fusion with the usurper of the time of
Diocletian. —That at the same time in
Egypt a partisan of Zenobia and at
the same time robber-chief, by name
Firmus, rose against the government,
is doubtless possible, but the statement
rests only on the imperial biographies,
and the details added sound very
suspiciously.

2 The chronology of these events
is not quite settled. The rarity of
the Syrian coins of Vaballathus as
Augustus shows that the rupture with
Aurelian (end of 270) wassoon followed

dated inscriptions of Odaenathus and
Zenobia of August 271 (Waddington,
2611), the rule of the queen was at
that time still intact. As an expe-
dition of this sort, from the condi-
tions of the climate, could not well
take place otherwise than in spring,
the first capture of Palmyra must
have ensued in the spring of 272.
The most recent (merely Palmyrene)
inscription which we know from that
quarter (Vogue, n. 116) is of August
272. The insurrection probably falls at
this time ; the second capture and the
destruction somewhere in the spring of
the year 273 (in accordance with which,
I. 166, note 1, is to be corrected).

Destruction
of Palmyra.

Persian war
of Carus.

112 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIII

and the territory of the Nabataeans as far as the port of
Aelana was in Roman hands, this intermediate station
might be dispensed with, and the traffic may have betaken
itself instead to Bostra or Beroea (Aleppo). The short
meteor-like splendour of Palmyra and its princes was
immediately followed by the desolation and silence which,
from that time down to the present day, enwrap the
miserable desert-village and the ruins of its colonnades.
The ephemeral kingdom of Palmyra was in its origin
as in its fall closely bound up with the relations of the
Romans to the non-Roman East, but not less a part of
the general history of the empire. For, like the western
empire of Postumus, the eastern empire of Zenobia was
one of those masses into which the mighty whole seemed
then about to resolve itself. If during its subsistence its
leaders endeavoured earnestly to set limits to the onset
of the Persians, and indeed the development of its power
was dependent on that very fact, not merely did it in its
collapse seek deliverance from those same Persians, but
probably in consequence of the revolt of Zenobia
Armenia and Mesopotamia were lost to the Romans,
and after the subjugation of Palmyra the Euphrates
again for a time formed the frontier. The queen, when
she arrived at it, hoped to find a reception among the
Persians ; and Aurelian omitted to lead the legions over
it, seeing that Gaul, along with Spain and Britain, still at
that time refused to recognise the government. He and
his successor Probus were not able to take up this struggle.
But when in the year 282, after the premature end of the
latter, the troops proclaimed the commander next in rank,
Marcus Aurelius Carus, as emperor, it was the first saying
of the new ruler that the Persians should remember this
choice, and he kept it. Immediately he advanced with
the army into Armenia and re-established the earlier
order there. At the frontier of the land he was met by
Persian envoys, who declared themselves ready to grant
all that was reasonable ;' but they were hardly listened

1 It throws no light on the position tions otherwise thoroughly apocryphal
of the Armenians, that in descrip- (zza Valer. 63 vita Aurel. 27, 28)

CHAP, IX. AND THE PARTHIANS.

113

to, and the march went on incessantly. Mesopotamia
too became once more Roman, and the Parthian residential
cities Seleucia and Ctesiphon were again occupied by
the Romans without encountering lengthened resistance—
to which the war between brothers then raging in the
Persian empire contributed its part! The emperor had
just crossed the Tigris, and was on the point of penetrating
into the heart of the enemy’s country, when he met his
death by violence, presumably by the hand of an assassin,
and thereby the campaign also met its end. But his
successor obtained in peace the cession of Armenia and
Mesopotamia ;? although Carus wore the purple little
more than a year, he re-established the imperial frontier

of Severus.

Some years afterwards (293) a new ruler, Narseh,
son of king Shapur, ascended the throne of Ctesiphon,
and declared war on the Romans in the year 296 for the

the Armenians after the catastrophe
of Valerian keep to the Persians,
and appear in the last crisis of the
Palmyrenes as allies of Zenobia by
the side of the Persians; both are
obvious consequences from the general
position of things. That Aurelian
did not subdue Armenia any more
than Mesopotamia, is supported in
this case partly by the silence of the
authorities, partly by the account of
Synesius (de regno, p. 17) that the
emperor Carinus (rather Carus) had
in Armenia, close to the frontier of
the Persian territory, summarily dis-
missed a Persian embassy, and that
the young Persian king, alarmed by
its report, had declared himself ready
for any concession. I do not see
how this narrative can be referred to
Probus, as von Gutschmid thinks
(Zeitschr. d. deutsch. morgenl. Gesell.
xxxi. 50); on the other hand it suits
very well the Persian expedition of
Carus. ;

1 The reconquest of Mesopotamia
is reported only by the biographer,
c. 8; but at the outbreak of the
Persian war under Diocletian it is
Roman. There is; mention at the
same place of internal troubles in the

VOL. II.

Persian empire; also in a discourse
held in the year 289 (Paneg. iii. c.
17) there is mention of the war,
which is waged against the king of
Persia—this was Bahram II.—by his
own brother Ormies or rather Hor-
mizd adscetis Sacis et Ruffis (?) et
Gellis (comp. Noldeke, Zaéarf, p.
479). We have altogether only some
detached notices as to this important
campaign.

2 This is stated clearly by Mamer-
tinus (Paneg. ii. 7, comp. ii. 10, iii. 6)
in the oration held in 289: Syriam
velut amplexu suo tegebat Euphrates
antequam Diocletiano sponte (that is,
without Diocletian needing to have
recourse to arms, as is then further
set forth) se dederent regna Persarum ;
and further by another panegyrist of
the year 296 (Paneg. v. 3): Partho
ultra Tigrim reducto. Turns like
that in Victor, Caes. xxxix. 33, that
Galerius relictis finibus had marched
to Mesopotamia, or that Narseh, ac-
cording to Rufus Festus, c. 25, ceded
Mesopotamia in peace, cannot on the
other hand be urged; and as little,
that Oriental authorities place the
Roman occupation of Nisibis in 609
Sel, =297/8 A.D. (Noldeke, Tabaré,

8

Persian war
under Dio-
cletian,

114 THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER BOOK VIIL

possession of Mesopotamia and Armenia.’ Diocletian, who
then had the supreme conduct of the empire generally,
and of the East in particular, entrusted the management
of the war to his imperial colleague Galerius Maximianus, a
rough but brave general. The beginning was unfavourable.
The Persians invaded Mesopotamia and reached as far
as Carrhae; the Caesar led against them the Syrian
legions over the Euphrates at Nicephorium; between
these two positions the armies encountered each other,
and the far weaker Roman force gave way. It was a
hard blow, and the young general had to submit to
severe reproaches, but he did not despair. For the next
campaign reinforcements were brought up from the
whole empire, and both rulers personally took the field ;
Diocletian took his position in Mesopotamia with the
chief force, while Galerius, reinforced by the flower of the
Illyrian troops that had in the meantime come up, met,
with a force of 25,000 men, the enemy in Armenia, and
inflicted on him a decisive defeat. The camp and the
treasure, nay, even the harem, of the great-king fell into
the hands of the warriors, and with difficulty Narseh -
himself escaped from capture. In order to recover the
women and the children the king declared himself ready
to conclude peace on any terms; his envoy Apharban
conjured the Romans to spare the Persians, saying that
the two empires, the Roman and the Parthian, were, as it
were, the two eyes of the world, and neither could dispense
with the other. It would have lain in the power of the
Romans to add one more to their Oriental provinces ;
the prudent ruler contented himself with regulating the
state of possession in the north-east. Mesopotamia
remained, as a matter of course, in the Roman possession ;
the important commercial intercourse with the neigh-

p. 50). If this were correct, the
exact account as to the negotiations
for peace of 297 in Petrus Patricius,
jr. 14, could not possibly be silent as
to the cession of Mesopotamia and
merely make mention of the regula-
tion of the frontier-traffic.

1 That Narseh broke into Armenia

at that time Roman, is stated by
Ammianus, xxiii, 5, II; for Meso-
potamia the same follows from Eu-
tropius, ix. 24. On the Ist March
296 peace was still subsisting, or at
any rate the declaration of war was
not yet known in the west (Paneg.
v. 10).

CHAP, IX, AND THE PARTHIANS. 115

bouring foreign land was placed under strict state-
control and essentially directed to the strong city of
Nisibis, the basis of the Roman frontier-guard in eastern
Mesopotamia. The Tigris was recognised as boundary
of the direct Roman rule, to such an extent, however,
that the whole of southern Armenia as far as the lake
Thospitis (lake of Van) and the Euphrates, and so the
whole upper valley of the Tigris, should belong to the
Roman empire. This region lying in front of Mesopotamia
did not become a province proper, but was administered
after the previous fashion as the Roman satrapy of
Sophene. Some decades later the strong fortress of
Amida (Diarbekir) was constructed here, thenceforth the
chief stronghold of the Romans in the region of the upper
Tigris. At the same time the frontier between Armenia
and Media was regulated afresh, and the supremacy of
Rome over that land, as over Iberia, was once more
confirmed. The peace did not impose important cessions
of territory on the conquered, but it established a frontier
favourable to the Romans, which for a considerable time
served in these much contested regions as a demarcation
of the two empires.’ The polity of Trajan thereby
obtained its complete accomplishment ; at all events the
centre of gravity of the Roman rule shifted itself just at
this time from the West to the East.

1 The differences in the exception-
ally good accounts, particularly of
Petrus Patricius, fr. 14, and Ammianus,
xxv. 7, 9, are probably only of a formal
kind. The fact that the Tigris was
to be the proper boundary of the
empire, as Priscus says, does not
exclude, especially considering the
peculiar character of its upper course,
the possibility of the boundary there
partially going beyond it; on the
contrary, the five districts previously
named in Petrus appear to be adduced
just as beyond the Tigris, and to be
excepted from the following general
definition. The districts adduced by
Priscus here and, expressly as beyond
the Tigris, by Ammianus—these are
in both Arzanene, Carduene, and
Zabdicene, in Priscus Sophene and

Intilene (‘‘rather Ingilene, in Ar-
menia Angel, now Egil”; Kiepert),
in Ammianus Moxoene and Rehi-
mene (?)—cannot possibly all have
been looked on by the Romans as
Persian before the peace, when at
any rate Armenia was already Romano
iurt obnoxia (Ammianus, xxiii. 5, II);
beyond doubt the more westerly of
them already then formed a part of
Roman Armenia, and stand here only
in so far as they were, in consequence
of the peace, incorporated with the
empire as the satrapy of Sophene.
That the question here concerned not
the boundary of the cession, but that
of the territory directly imperial, is
shown by the conclusion, which settles
the boundary between Armenia and
Media,

Conquest
of Syria.

116 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIIE.

CHAPTER X.
SYRIA AND THE LAND OF THE NABATAEANS.

IT was very gradually that the Romans, after acquiring the
western half of the coasts of the Mediterranean, resolved
on possessing themselves also of the eastern half. Not the
resistance, which they here encountered in comparatively
slight measure, but a well-founded fear of the denatéonal-
ising consequences of such acquisitions, led to as prolonged
an effort as possible on their part merely to preserve de-
cisive political influence in those regions, and to the incor-
poration proper at least of Syria and Egypt taking place
only when the state was already almost a monarchy.
Doubtless the Roman empire became thereby geographi-
cally compact ; the Mediterranean Sea, the proper basis of
Rome after it was a great power, became on all sides a
Roman inland lake; the navigation and commerce on its
waters and shores formed politically an unity to the ad-
vantage of all that dwelt around. But by the side of geo-
graphical compactness went national bipartition. Through
Greece and Macedonia the Roman state would never have
become binational, any more than the Greek cities of
Neapolis and Massalia had Hellenised Campania and
Provence. But, while in Europe and Africa the Greek
domain vanishes in presence of the compact mass of the
Latin, so much of the third continent as was drawn, with
the Nile-valley rightfully pertaining to it, into this cycle of
culture belonged exclusively to the Greeks, and Antioch
and Alexandria in particular were the true pillars of the
Hellenic development that attained its culmination in

è

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 117

Alexander—centres of Hellenic life and Hellenic culture,
and great cities, as was Rome. After having set forth in
the preceding chapter the conflict between the East and
West in and around Armenia and Mesopotamia, that filled
the whole period of the empire, we turn to describe the
relations of the Syrian regions, as they took shape at the
same time. What we mean is the territory -which is
separated by the mountain-chain of Pisidia, Isauria, and
Western Cilicia from Asia Minor; by the eastern continua-
tion of these mountains and the Euphrates from Armenia
and Mesopotamia, by the Arabian desert from the Parthian
empire and from Egypt; only it seemed fitting to deal
with the peculiar fortunes of Judaea in a special section.
In accordance with the diversity of political development
under the imperial government, we shall speak in the first
instance of Syria proper, the northern portion of this ter-
ritory, and of the Phoenician coast that stretches along
under the Libanus, and then of the country lying behind
Palestine—the territory of the Nabataeans. What was to
be said about Palmyra has already found its place in the
preceding chapter.

After the partition of the provinces between the em-
peror and the senate, Syria was under imperial adminis-
tration, and was in the East, like Gaul in the West,
the central seat of civil and military control. This
governorship was from the beginning the most esteemed
of all, and only became in course of time all the more
thought of. Its holder, like the governor of the two Ger-
manies, wielded the command over four legions, and
while the administration of the inland Gallic districts was
taken away from the commanders of the Rhine-army and
a certain restriction was involved in the very fact of their
coordination, ‘the governor of Syria retained the civil
administration of the whole large province undiminished,
and held for long alone in all Asia a command of the first
rank. Under Vespasian, indeed, he obtained in the
governors of Palestine and Cappadocia two colleagues
likewise commanding legions ; but, on the other hand,
through the annexation of the kingdom of Commagene,

Provincial
govern-
ment.

Syrian
troops.

118 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

and soon afterwards of the principalities in the Libanus,
the field of his administration was increased. It was only
in the course of the second century that a diminution of
his prerogatives occurred, when Hadrian took one of the
four legions from the governor of Syria and handed it
over to the governor of Palestine. It was Severus who
at length withdrew the first place in the Roman military
hierarchy from the Syrian governor. After having subdued
the province—which had wished at that time to make
Niger emperor, as it had formerly done with its governor
Vespasian—amidst resistance from the capitalsAntioch in
particular, he ordained its partition into a northern aad a
southern half, and gave to the governor of the forme
which was called Coele-Syria, two legions, to the governor
of the latter, the province of Syro-Phoenicia, one.

Syria may also be compared with Gaul, in so far as
this district of imperial administration was divided more
sharply than most into pacified regions and border-dis-
tricts needing protection. While the extensive coast of
Syria and the western regions generally were not exposed
to hostile attacks, and the protection on the desert frontier
against the roving Bedouins devolved on the Arabian and
Jewish princes, and subsequently on the troops of the
province of Arabia as also on the Palmyrenes, more than
on the Syrian legions, the Euphrates-frontier required,
particularly before Mesopotamia became Roman, a watch
against the Parthians similar to that on the Rhine against
the Germans. But if the Syrian legions came to be em-
ployed on the frontier, they could not be dispensed with
in western Syria as well! The troops of the Rhine were

nr a a

1 We cannot exactly determine the
standing quarters of the Syrian le-
gions ; yet what is here said is sub-
stantially assured. Under Nero the 10th
legion lay at Raphaneae, north-west
from Hamath (Josephus, Bell. Jud.
vii, I, 3); and at that same place, or
at any rate nearly in this region under
Tiberius the 6th (Tacitus, Ann. ii,
79); probably in or near Antioch the
12th under Nero (Josephus, Bell. Jud.
li, 18, 19). At least one legion lay

on the Euphrates ; for the time before
the annexation of Commagene Jose-
phus attests this (Be//. Jud. vii. 1, 3),
and subsequently one of the Syrian
legions had its headquarters in Samo-
sata (Ptolemaeus, v. 15, II; inscrip-
tion from the time of Severus, C. Z. Z.
vi. 1409; Zlin. Antonini, p. 186).
Probably the staffs of most of the
Syrian legions had their seat in the
western districts, and the ever-recur-
ring complaint that encamping in the

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS.

119
certainly there also on account of the Gauls; yet the
Romans might say with justifiable pride that for the great
capital of Gaul and the three Gallic provinces a direct
garrison of 1200 men sufficed. But for the Syrian popu-
lation, and especially for the capital of Roman Asia, it was
not enough to station legions on the Euphrates. Not
merely on the edge of the desert, but also in the retreats
of the mountains there lodged daring bands of robbers,
who roamed in the neighbourhood of the rich fields and
large towns—not to the same extent as now, but constantly
even then—and, often disguised as merchants or soldiers,
pillaged the country houses and the villages. But even
the towns themselves, above all Antioch, required like
Alexandria garrisons of their own. Beyond doubt this
was the reason why a division into civil and military dis-
tricts, like that enacted for Gaul by Augustus, was never
even so much as attempted in Syria, and why the large
self-subsistent camp-settlements, out of which e.g. originated
Mentz on the Rhine, Leon in Spain, Chester in England,
were altogether wanting in the Roman East. But beyond
doubt this was also the reason why the Syrian army was
so much inferior in discipline and spirit to that of the
Western provinces; why the stern discipline, which was
exercised in the military standing camps of the West,
never could take root in the urban cantonments of the
East. When stationary troops have, in addition to their
more immediate destination, the task of police assigned
to them, this of itself has a demoralising effect ; and only
too often, where they are expected to keep in check turbu-
lent civic masses, their own discipline in fact is thereby
undermined. The Syrian wars formerly described furnish
the far from pleasant commentary on this; none of them
found an army capable of warfare in existence, and regu-

towns disorganised the Syrian army,
applies chiefly to this arrangement. It
is doubtful whether in the better times
there existed headquarters proper of
the legions on the edge of the desert;
at the frontier-posts there detachments
of the legions were employed, and in

particular the specially disturbed dis-
trict between Damascus and Bostra
was strongly furnished with legion-
aries provided on the one hand by
the command of Syria, on the other
by that of Arabia after its institution
by Trajan.

Hellenising
of Syria.

120 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

larly there was need to bring up Occidental troops in order
to give the turn to the struggle.

Syria in the narrower sense and its adjoining lands,
the Plain Cilicia and Phoenicia, never had under the Roman
emperors a history properly so called. The inhabitants -
of these regions belonged to the same stock as the inhabi-
tants of Judaea and Arabia, and the ancestors of the
Syrians and the Phoenicians were settled in a remote age
at one spot with those of the Jews and the Arabs, and
spoke one language. But while the latter clung to their
peculiar character and to their language, the Syrians and
the Phoenicians became Hellenised even before they
came under Roman rule. This Hellenising took effect
throughout in the formation of Hellenic polities. The
foundation for this had indeed been laid by the native
development, particularly by the old and great mercantile
cities on the Phoenician coast. But above all the forma-
tion of states by Alexander and the Alexandrids, just like
that of the Roman republic, had as its basis not the tribe,
but the urban community ; it was not the old Macedonian
hereditary principality, but the Greek polity that Alex-
ander carried into the East ; and it was not from tribes, but
from towns that he designed, and the Romans designed, to
constitute their empire. The idea of the autonomous
burgess-body is an elastic one, and the autonomy of
Athens and Thebes was a different thing from that of the
Macedonian and Syrian city, just as in the Roman circle
the autonomy of free Capua had another import than that
of the Latin colonies of the republic or even of the urban
communities of the empire ; but the fundamental idea is
everywhere that of self-administering citizenship sovereign
within its own ring-wall. After the fall of the Persian
empire, Syria, along with the neighbouring Mesopotamia,
was, as the military bridge of connection between the West
and the East, covered more than any other land with
Macedonian settlements. The Macedonian names of places
transferred thither to the greatest extent, and nowhere
else recurring in the whole empire of Alexander, show
that here the flower of the Hellenic conquerors of the East

CHAP, X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 121

was settled, and that Syria was to become for this state
the New-Macedonia ; as indeed, so long as the empire of
Alexander retained a central government, this had there its
seat. Then the troubles of the last Seleucid period had
helped the Syrian imperial towns to greater independence.

These arrangements the Romans found existing. Of
non-urban districts administered directly by the empire
there were probably none at all in Syria according to the
organisation planned by Pompeius, and, if the dependent
principalities in the first epoch of the Roman rule embraced
a great portion of the southern interior of the province,
these were withal mostly mountainous and poorly inhabited
districts of subordinate importance. Taken as a whole,
for the Romans in Syria not much was left to be done as
to the increase of urban development—less than in Asia
Minor. Hence there is hardly anything to be told from
the imperial period of the founding of towns in the strict
sense as regards Syria. The few colonies which were laid
out here, such as Berytus under Augustus and probably
also Heliopolis, had no other object than those conducted
to Macedonia, namely, the settlement of veterans.

How the Greeks and the older population in Syria
stood to one another, may be clearly traced by the very
local names. The majority of districts and towns here
bear’ Greek names, in great part, as we have observed,
derived from the Macedonian home, such as Pieria, An-
themusias, Arethusa, Beroea, Chalcis, Edessa, Europus,
Cyrrhus, Larisa, Pella, others named after Alexander or
the members of the Seleucid house, such as Alexandria,
Antioch, Seleucis and Seleucia, Apamea, Laodicea,
Epiphaneia. The old native names maintain themselves
doubtless side by side, as Beroea, previously in Aramaean
Chalep, is also called Chalybon, Edessa or Hierapolis, pre-
viously Mabog, is called also Bambyce, Epiphaneia, pre-
viously Hamat, is also called Amathe. But for the most
part the older appellations give way before the foreign
ones, and only a few districts and larger places, such as
Commagene, Samosata, Hemesa, Damascus, are without
newly-formed Greek names, Eastern Cilicia has few

Continu-
ance of the
native
language
and habits
under Hel-
lenism.

122 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

Macedonian foundations to show; but the capital Tarsus
became early and completely Hellenised, and was long
before the Roman time one of the centres of Hellenic
culture. It was somewhat otherwise in Phoenicia; the
mercantile towns of old renown, Aradus, Byblus, Berytus,
Sidon, Tyrus, did not properly lay aside the native names;
but how here too the Greek gained the upper hand, is
shown by the Hellenising transformation of these same
names, and still more clearly by the fact that New-Aradus
is known to us only under the Greek name Antaradus,
and likewise the new town founded by the Tyrians, the
Sidonians, and the Aradians in common on this coast
only under the name Tripolis, and both have developed
their modern designations Tartus and Tarabulus from the
Greek. Already in the Seleucid period the coins in Syria
proper bear exclusively, and those of the Phoenician towns
most predominantly, Greek legends; and from the be-
ginning of the imperial period the sole rule of Greek is
here an established fact The oasis of Palmyra alone,
not merely separated by wide stretches of desert, but also
preserving a certain political independence, formed, as we
saw (p. 95), an exception in this respect. But in inter-
course the native idioms were retained. In the mountains
of the Libanus and the Anti-Libanus, where in Hemesa
(Homs), Chalcis, Abila (both between Berytus and Dam-
ascus) small princely houses of native origin ruled till
towards the end of the first century after Christ, the
native language had probably the sole sway in the im-
perial period, as indeed in the mountains of the Druses
so difficult of access the language of Aram has only in
-recent times yielded to Arabic. But two thousand years
ago it was in fact the language of the people in all Syria.?
That in the case of the double-named towns the Syrian

designation predominated in

1 There is a coin of Byblus from
the time of Augustus with Greek and
Phoenician legend (Imhoof-Blumer,
Monnaies grecques, 1883, p. 443).

2 Johannes Chrysostomus of An-
tioch (t 407) points on several occa-

common life just as did the

sions (de sanctis martyr. Opp. ed.
Paris, 1718, vol. ii. p. 6513 Homil.
xix. zbid. p. 188) to the érepopwrla,
the BdpSapos pwvń of the Aads in con-
trast to the language of the cultured.

————— r

CHAP, X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 123

Greek in literature, appears from the fact that at the pre-
sent day Beroea-Chalybon is named Haleb (Aleppo),
Epiphaneia-Amathe Hamat, Hierapolis- Bambyce-Mabog
Membid, Tyre by its Aramaean name Sur; that the
Syrian town known to us from documents and authors
only as Heliopolis still bears at the present day its primitive
native name Baalbec, and, in general, the modern names
of places have come, not from the Greek, but from the
Aramaean.

In like manner the worship shows the continued life
of Syrian nationality. The Syrians of Beroea bring. their
votive gifts with Greek legend to Zeus Malbachos, those
of Apamea to Zeus Belos, those of Berytus as Roman
citizens to Jupiter Balmarcodes—all deities, in which
neither Zeus nor Jupiter had real part. This Zeus Belos
is no other than the Malach Belos adored at Palmyra in
the Syriac language (p. 96, note 1). How vivid was, and
continued to be, the hold of the native worship of the gods
in Syria, is most clearly attested by the fact that the lady
of Hemesa, who by her marriage-relationship with the
house of Severus obtained for her grandson the imperial
dignity at the beginning of the third century, not content
with the boy’s being called supreme Pontifex of the
Roman people, urged him also to entitle himself before
all Romans the chief priest of the native sun-god Elagab-
alus. The Romans might conquer the Syrians; but the
Roman gods had in their own home yielded the field to
those of Syria.

No less are the numerous Syrian proper names that
have come to us mainly non-Greek, and double names are
not rare ; the Messiah is termed also Christus, the apostle
Thomas also Didymus, the woman of Joppa raised up by
Peter “the gazelle,” Tabitha or Dorcas. But for litera-
ture, and presumably also for business-intercourse and
the intercourse of the cultured, the Syrian idiom was as
little in existence as the Celtic in the West; in these
circles Greek exclusively prevailed, apart from the Latin
required also in the East for the soldiers. A man of
letters of the second half of the second century, whom

Worship.

Jam-

blichus,

Later
Syriac
literature.

-124 SYRIA AND THE

BOOK VIII,

Sohaemus the king of Armenia formerly mentioned (p. 76)
brought to his court, has inserted in a romance, which
has its scene in Babylon, some points of the history of
his own life that illustrate this relation. He is, he says,
a Syrian, not, however, one of the immigrant Greeks,
but of native lineage on the father’s and mother’s side,
Syrian by language and habits, acquainted also with the
Babylonian language and with Persian magic. But this
same man, who in a certain sense declines the Hellenic
character, adds that he had appropriated Hellenic culture ;
and he became an esteemed teacher of youth in Syria,
and a notable romance-writer of the later Greek literature.

If subsequently the Syrian idiom again became a
written language and developed a literature of its own,
this is to be traced not to an invigoration of national feel-
ing, but to the immediate needs of the propagation of
Christianity. That Syriac literature, which began with the
translation of the writings of the Christian faith into
Syriac, remained confined to the sphere of the specific
culture of the Christian clergy, and hence took up only
the small fragments of general Hellenic culture which the
theologians of that time found conducive to, or compatible
with, their ends ;? this authorship did not attain, and
doubtless did not strive after, any higher aim than the
transference of the library of the Greek monastery to the
Maronite cloisters. It hardly reaches further back than
to the second century of our era, and had its centre,

1 The extract of Photius from the (for it was doubtless as ‘* good rhetor ”

romance of Jamblichus, c. 17, which
erroneously makes the author a Baby-
lonian, is essentially corrected and sup-
plemented by the scholiom upon it.
The private secretary of the great-
king, who comes among Trajan’s
captives to Syria, becomes there
tutor of Jamblichus, and instructs
him in the ‘* barbarian wisdom,” is
naturally a figure of the romance
running its course in Babylon, which
Jamblichus professes to have heard
from this his instructor; but charac-
teristic of the time is the Armenian
court-man-of-letters and princes’ tutor

that he was called by Sohaemus to
Valarshapat) himself, who in virtue of
his magical art not merely understands
the charming of flies and the conjuring
of spirits, but also predicts to Verus
the victory over Vologasus, and at the
same time narrates in Greek to the
Greeks stories such as might stand in
the Thousand and One Nights.

2 Syriac literature consists almost
exclusively of translations of Greek
works. Among profane writings
treatises of Aristotle and Plutarch
stand in the first rank, then practical
writings of a juristic or agronomic

cHap.x. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 125

not in Syria, but in Mesopotamia, particularly in Edessa,1
where the native language had not become so entirely a
dialect as in the older Roman territory.

Among the manifold bastard forms which Hellenism
assumed in the course of its diffusion at once civilising and
degenerating, the Syro-Hellenic is doubtless that in which
the two elements are most equally balanced, but perhaps
at the same time that which has most decisively influenced
the collective development of the empire. The Syrians
received, no doubt, the Greek urban organisation and appro-
priated Hellenic language and habits; nevertheless they

did not cease to feel themselves as Orientals, or rather as.

organs of a double civilisation. Nowhere is this perhaps
more sharply expressed than in the colossal tomb-temple,
which at the commencement of the imperial period
Antiochus king of Commagene erected for himself on a
solitary mountain-summit not far from the Euphrates. He
names himself in the copious epitaph a Persian ; the priest
of the sanctuary is to present to him the memorial-offering
in the Persian dress, as the custom of his family demands;
but he calls the Hellenes also, like the Persians, the blessed
roots of his race, and entreats the blessing of all the gods
of Persis as of Macetis, that is of the Persian as well
as of the Macedonian land, to rest upon his descendants.
For he is the son of a native king of the family of the
Achaemenids and of a Greek prince’s daughter of the
house of Seleucus ; and, in keeping with this, the images
on the one hand of his paternal ancestors back to the first
Darius, on the other hand of his maternal back to Alex-
ander’s . marshal, embellished the tomb in a long double
row. But the gods, whom he honours, are at the same
time Persian and Greek, Zeus Oromasdes, Apollon Mithras
Helios Hermes, Artagnes Herakles Ares, and the effigy
of this latter, for example, bears the club of the Greek hero
and at the same time the Persian tiara. This Persian
character, and books of popular en- Testament,. the oldest text of the
tertainment, such as the romance of Syriac language known to us, probably
Alexander, the fables of Aesop, the originated in Edessa; the ovparwirace

sentences of Menander. of the Acts of the Apostles are here
1 The Syriac translation of the New called ‘“ Romans.”

Syro- Hel-
lenic mixed
culture,

Tomb of
Antiochus
of Com-
magene,

Christi-
anity and
Neopla-
tonism,

Antioch,

126 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

prince, who calls himself at the same time a friend of the
Hellenes, and as loyal subject of the emperor a friend of
the Romans, as not less that Achaemenid called by Marcus
and Lucius to the throne of Armenia, Sohaemus, are true
representatives of the native aristocracy of imperial Syria,
which bears in mind alike Persian memories and the
Romano-Hellenic present. From such circles the Persian
worship of Mithra reached the West. But the popula-
tion, which was placed at the same time under this great
nobility Persian or calling itself Persian, and under the
government of Macedonian and later of Italian masters,
was in Syria, as in Mesopotamia and Babylonia, Aramaean ;
it reminds us in various respects of the modern Roumans
in presence of the upper ranks of Saxons and Magyars.
Certainly it was the most corrupt and most corrupting
element in the conglomerate of the Romano- Hellenic
peoples. Of the so-called Caracalla, who was born at
Lyons as son of an African father and a Syrian mother, it
was said that he united in himself the vices of three races,
Gallic frivolity, African savageness, and Syrian knavery.
This interpenetration of the East and Hellenism,
which has nowhere been carried out so completely as in
Syria, meets us predominantly in the form of the good
and noble becoming ruined in the mixture. This, how-
ever, is not everywhere the case ; the later developments
of religion and of speculation, Christianity and Neoplaton-
ism, have proceeded from the same conjunction ; if with
the former the East penetrates into the West, the latter is
the transformation of the Occidental philosophy in the
sense and spirit of the East—a creation in the first instance
of the Egyptian Plotinus (204-270) and of his most con-
siderable disciple the Syrian Malchus or Porphyrius (233
till after 300), and thereafter pre-eminently cultivated in

the towns of Syria. For a discussion of these two

phenomena, so significant in the history of the world,
this is not the place; but they may not be forgotten in
estimating the position of matters in Syria.

The Syrian character finds its eminent expression in
the capital of the country and, before Constantinople was

N

CHAP, X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 127

founded, of the Roman East generally—inferior as respects
population only to Rome and Alexandria, and possibly
also to the Babylonian Seleucia—-Antioch, on which it
appears requisite to dwell for a moment. The town, one
of the youngest in Syria and now of small importance,
did not become a great city by the natural circumstances
of commerce, but was a creation of monarchic policy, The
Macedonian conquerors called it into life, primarily from
military considerations, as a fitting central place for a rule
which embraced at once Asia Minor, the region of the
Euphrates, and Egypt, and sought also to be near to the
Mediterranean.! The like aim and the different methods of
the Seleucids and the Lagids find their true expression in
the similarity and the contrast of Antioch and Alexandria;
as the latter was the centre for the naval power and the
maritime policy of the Egyptian rulers, so Antioch was
the centre for the continental Eastern monarchy of the
rulers of Asia. The later Seleucids at different times
undertook large new foundations here, so that the city,
when it became Roman, consisted of four independent and
walled-in districts, all of which again were enclosed by
a common wall. Nor were immigrants from a distance
wanting. When Greece proper fell under the rule of the
Romans, and Antiochus the Great had vainly attempted
to dislodge them thence, he granted at least to the emi-
grant Euboeans and Aetolians an asylum in his capital.
In the capital of Syria, as in that of Egypt, a common-
wealth in some measure independent and a privileged
position were conceded to the Jews, and the position of
the towns as centres of the Jewish Diaspora was not the
weakest element in their development. Once made a
residency and the seat of the supreme administration of a
great empire, Antioch remained even in Roman times the

1 This is said by Diodorus, xx. 47, of
the forerunner of Antioch, the town of
Antigonea, situated about five miles
farther up the river. Antioch was
for the Syria of antiquity nearly what
Aleppo is for the Syria of the present
day, the rendezvous of inland traffic ;

only that, in the case of that founda-
tion, as the contemporary construction
of the port of Seleucia shows, the im-
mediate connection with the Mediter-
ranean was designed, and hence the
town was laid out farther to the
west.

Daphne,

128 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

capital of the Asiatic provinces of Rome. Here resided
the emperors, when they sojourned in the East, and
regularly the governor of Syria; here was struck the
imperial money for the East, and here especially, as well
as in Damascus and Edessa, were found the imperial
manufactories of arms. It is true that the town had lost
its military importance for the Roman empire; and under
the changed circumstances the bad communication with
the sea was felt as a great evil, not so much on account of
the distance, as because the port—the town of Seleucia,
planned at the same time with Antioch—was little fitted
for large traffic. The Roman emperors from the Flavians
down to Constantius expended enormous sums to hew out
of the masses of rocks surrounding this locality the
requisite docks with their tributary canals, and to provide
sufficient piers ; but the art of the engineers, which at the
mouth of the Nile had succeeded in throwing up the
highest mounds, contended vainly in Syria with the insur-
mountable difficulties of the ground. As a matter of
course the largest town of Syria took an active part in
the manufactures and the commerce of this province, of
which we shall have to speak further on; nevertheless it
was a seat of consumers more than of producers.

In no city of antiquity was the enjoyment of life so
much the main thing, and its duties so incidental, as in
“Antioch upon Daphne,” as the city was significantly
called, somewhat as if we should say “ Vienna upon the
Prater.” For Daphne? was a pleasure-garden, about five
miles from the city, ten miles in circumference, famous
for its laurel-trees, after which it was named, for its old
cypresses which even the Christian emperors ordered to be
spared, for its flowing and gushing waters, for its shining
temple of Apollo, and its magnificent much-frequented

festival of the roth August.

1 The space between Antioch and
Daphne was filled with country-
houses and villas (Libanius, pro rhetor.

ii. p. 213 Reiske), and there was also’

here a suburb Heraclea or else Daphne
(O. Müller, Antig. Antioch, P. 443

The whole environs of the

comp. vita Veri, 7); but when
Tacitus, Ann. ii. 83,names this suburb
Epidaphne, this is one of his most
singular blunders. Plinius, Æ. W. v.
27, 79, says correctly: Antiochia
Epidaphnes cognominata.

U A a y

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATALEANS. 129

city, which lies between two wooded mountain-chains in
the valley of the Orontes abounding in water, fourteen
miles upward from its mouth, are even at the present day,
in spite of all neglect, a blooming garden and one of the
most charming spots on earth. No city in all the empire
excelled it in the splendour and magnificence of its public
structures. The chief street, which to the length of
thirty-six stadia, nearly four and a half miles, with a covered
colonnade on both sides, and a broad carriage-way in
the middle, traversed the city in a straight direction along
the river, was imitated in many ancient towns, but had
not its match even in imperial Rome. As the water ran into
every good house in Antioch,’ so the people walked in those
colonnades through the whole city at all seasons protected
from rain as from the heat of the sun, and during the
evening also in lighted streets, of which we have no record

as to any other city of antiquity.”

1 e That wherein we especially beat
all,” says the Antiochene Libanius, in
the Panegyric on his home delivered
under Constantius (i. 354 R.), after
having described the springs of
Daphne and the aqueducts thence to
the city, ‘‘is the water-supply of our
city ; if in other respects any one may
compete with us, all give way so soon
as we come to speak of the water, its
abundance and its excellence. In the
public baths every stream has the
proportions of a river, in the private
several have the like, and the rest not
much less. He who has the means
of laying out a new bath does so
without concern about a sufficient
flow of water, and has no need to fear
that, when ready, it will remain dry.
Therefore every district of the city
(there were eighteen of these) care-
fully provides for the special elegance
of its bathing-establishment; these
district-bathing-establishments are so
much finer than the general ones, as
they are smaller than these are, and
the inhabitants of the district strive to
surpass one another. One measures
the abundance of running water by
the number of the (good) dwelling-
houses ; for as many as are the dwel-

VOL, II.

ling-houses, so many are also the
running waters, nay there are even
in individual houses often several ;
and the majority of the workshops
have also the same advantage, There-
fore we have no fighting at the public
wells as to who shall come first to
draw—an evil, under which so many
considerable towns suffer, when there
is a violent crowding round the wells
and outcry over the broken jars.
With us the public fountains flow for
ornament, since every one has water
within his doors. And this water is so
clear that the pail appears empty, and
so pleasant that it invites us to drink.”

2 « Other lights,” says the same
orator, p. 363, ‘‘ take the place of the
sun’s light, lamps which leave the
Egyptian festival of illumination far
behind ; and with us night is distin-
guished from day only by the difference
of the lighting ; diligent hands find no
difference and forge on, and he who
will sings and dances, so that Heph-
aestos and Aphrodite here share the
night between them.” In the street-
sport which the prince Gallus in-
dulged in, the lamps of Antioch were
very inconvenient to him (Ammianus,
xiv. I, 9).

9

Intellectual
interests.

s
130 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII,

But amidst all this luxury the Muses did not find them-
selves at home; science in earnest and not less earnest
art were never truly cultivated in Syria and more especially
in Antioch. However complete was the analogy in other
respects between Egypt and Syria as to their development,
their contrast in a literary point of view was sharp; the
Lagids alone entered on this portion of the inheritance
of Alexander the Great. While they fostered Hellenic
literature and promoted scientific research in an Aristo-
telian sense and spirit, the better Seleucids doubtless by
their political position opened up the East to the Greeks—
the mission of Megasthenes to king Chandragupta in
India on the part of Seleucus I., and the exploring of the
Caspian Sea by his contemporary the admiral Patrocles,
were epoch-making in this respect—but of immediate
interposition in literary interests on the part of the
Seleucids the history of Greek literature has nothing more
to tell than that Antiochus the Great, as he was called,
made the poet Euphorion his librarian. Perhaps the
history of Latin literature may make a claim to serious
scientific work on the part of Berytus, the Latin island in
the sea of Oriental Hellenism. It is perhaps no accident
that the reaction against the modernising tendency in
literature of the Julio-Claudian epoch, and the reintroduc-
tion of the language and writings of the republican time
into the school as into literature, originated with a Bery-
tian belonging to the middle class, Marcus Valerius
Probus, who in the schools that were left in his remote
home moulded himself still on the old classics, and then,
in energetic activity more as a critical author than as
strictly a teacher, laid the foundation for the classicism of
the later imperial period. The same Berytus became
later, and remained through the whole period of the empire,
for all the East, the seat of the study of jurisprudence re-
quisite towards an official career. As to Hellenic litera-
ture no doubt the poetry of the epigram and the wit of
the feuilleton were at home in Syria; several of the most
noted Greek minor poets, like Meleager, Philodemus of
Gadara, and Antipater of Sidon, were Syrians and unsur-

CHAP, X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 131

passed in sensuous charm as in refined versification ; and
the father of the feuilleton literature was Menippus of
Gadara. But these performances lie for the most part
before, and some of them considerably before, the imperial
period.

In the Greek literature of this epoch no province is so
poorly represented as Syria; and this is hardly an accident,
although, considering the universal position of Hellenism
under the empire, not much stress can be laid on the
home of the individual writers. On the other hand the
subordinate authorship which prevailed in this epoch
—such as stories of love, robbers, pirates, procurers,
soothsayers, and dreams, destitute of thought or form,
and fabulous travels—had probably its chief seat here.
Among the colleagues of the already-mentioned Jam-
blichus, author of the Babylonian history, his country-
men must have been numerous ; the contact of this Greek
literature with the Oriental literature of a similar kind
doubtless took place through the medium of Syrians. The
Greeks indeed had no need to learn lying from the Orien-
tals ; yet the no longer plastic but fanciful story-telling of
their later period has sprung from Scheherazade’s hom of
plenty not from the pleasantry of the Graces. It is per-
haps not accidentally that the satire of this period, when
it views Homer as the father of lying travels, makes him
a Babylonian with the proper name of Tigranes. Apart
from this entertaining reading, of which even those were
somewhat ashamed who spent their time in writing or
reading it, there is hardly any other prominent name to be
mentioned from these regions than the contemporary of
that Jamblichus, Lucian of Commagene. He, too, wrote
nothing except, in imitation of Menippus, essays and fugi-
tive pieces after a genuinely Syrian type, witty and
sprightly in personal banter, but where this is at an end,
incapable of saying amid his laughter the earnest truth
or of even handling the plastic power of comedy.

This people valued only the day. No Greek region
has’ so few memorial-stones to show as Syria; the great
Antioch, the third city in the empire, has—to say nothing

Minor
literature.

Daily life
and amuse-
ments.

132 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

of the land of hieroglyphics and obelisks—left behind fewer
inscriptions than many a small African or Arabian village.
With the exception of the rhetorician Libanius from the
time of Julian, who is more well-known than important,
this town has not given to literature a single author's
name. The Tyanitic Messiah of heathenism, or his
apostle speaking for him, was not wrong in terming the
Antiochenes an uncultivated and half-barbarous people,
and in thinking that Apollo would do well to transform
them as well as their Daphne; for “in Antioch, while the
cypresses knew how to whisper, men knew not how to
speak.” In the artistic sphere Antioch had a leading
position only as respected the theatre and sports generally.
The exhibitions which captivated the public of Antioch
were, according to the fashion of this time, less strictly
dramatic than noisy musical performances, ballets, animal
hunts, and gladiatorial games. The applauding or hissing
of this public decided the reputation of the dancer through-
out the empire. The jockeys and other heroes of the
circus and theatre came pre-eminently from Syria.’ The
ballet-dancers and the musicians, as well as the jugglers
and buffoons, whom Lucius Varus brought back from his
Oriental campaign—performed, so far as his part went,
in Antioch—to Rome, formed an epoch in the history of
Italian theatricals. The passion with which the public in
Antioch gave itself up to this pleasure is characteristically
shown by the fact, that according to tradition the gravest
disaster which befell Antioch in this period, its capture
by the Persians in 260 (p. 101), surprised the burgesses
of the city in the theatre, and from the top of the mount,
on the slope of which it was constructed, the arrows flew

1 The remarkable description of the races also. Laodicea sends abroad

empire from the time of Constantius
(Müller, Geog, Min. ii. p. 213 ff.), the
only writing of the kind in which the
state of industry meets with a certain
consideration, says of Syria in this
respect: ‘‘Antioch has everything
that one desires in abundance, but
especially its races. Laodicea, Bery-
tus, Tyre, Caesarea (in Palestine) have

jockeys, Tyre and Berytus actors,
Caesarea dancers (fantomimt), Heli-
opolis on Lebanon flute-players (chor-
aulac), Gaza musicians (auditores, by
which dxpoduara is incorrectly ren-
dered), Ascalon wrestlers (athletae),
Castabala (strictly speaking in Cilicia)
boxers,”

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 133

into the ranks of the spectators. In Gaza, the most south-
erly town of Syria, where heathenism possessed a strong-
hold in the famous temple of Marnas, at the end of the
fourth century the horses of a zealous heathen and of a
zealous Christian ran at the races, and, when on that occa-
sion “ Christ beat Marnas,” St. Jerome tells us, numerous
heathens had themselves baptised.

All the great cities of the Roman empire doubtless
vied with each other in dissoluteness of morals; but in
this the palm probably belongs to Antioch. The decorous
Roman, whom the severe moral-portrait-painter of Trajan’s
time depicts, as he turns his back on his native place, be-
cause it had become a city of Greeks, adds that the Achae-
ans formed the least part of the filth; that the Syrian
Orontes had long discharged itself into the river Tiber,
and flooded Rome with its language and its habits, its
street-musicians, female harp-players and triangle-beaters,
and the troops of its courtesans. The Romans of
Augustus spoke of the Syrian female flute-player, the am-
ubata, as we speak of the Parisian cocotte. In the Syrian
cities, it is stated even in the last age of the republic by
Posidonius, an author of importance, who was himself
a native of the Syrian Apamea, the citizens have become
disused to hard labour; the people there think only of
feasting and carousing, and all clubs and private parties
serve for this purpose ; at the royal table a garland is put
on every guest, and the latter is then sprinkled with Baby-
lonian perfume ; flute-playing and harp-playing sound
through the streets ; the gymnastic institutes are converted
into hot baths—by the latter is meant the institution of
the so-called Thermae, which probably first emerged in
Syria and subsequently became general; they were in
substance a combination of the gymnasium and the hot-
bath. Four hundred years later matters went on after
quite a similar fashion in Antioch. The quarrel between
Julian and these townsmen arose not so much about the
emperor's beard, as because in this city of taverns, which,
as he expresses himself, has nothing in view but dancing

1 From the Syrian word adbéuéo, fife.

Immor-
ality.

Antiochene
ridicule.

134 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

and drinking, he regulated the prices for the hosts. The
religious system of the Syrian land was also, and especially,
pervaded by these dissolute and sensuous doings. The
cultus of the Syrian gods was often an appanage of the
Syrian brothel.’

It would be unjust to make the Roman government
responsible for this state of affairs in Syria; it had been
the same under the government of the Diadochi, and
was merely transmitted to the Romans. But in the
history of this age the Syro-Hellenic element was an
essential factor, and, although its indirect influence was of
far more weight, it still in many ways made itself per-
ceptible directly in politics. Of political partisanship
proper there can be still less talk in the case of the Anti-
ochenes of this and every age, than in the case of the
burgesses of the other great cities of the empire; but
in mocking and disputation they apparently excelled all
others, even the Alexandrians that vied with them in this
respect. They never made a revolution, but readily and
earnestly supported every pretender whom the Syrian
army set up, Vespasian against Vitellius, Casius against
Marcus, Niger against Severus, always ready, where they
thought that they had support in reserve, to renounce
allegiance to the existing government. The only talent
which indisputably belonged to them—their mastery of
ridicule—they exercised not merely against the actors of
their stage, but no less against the rulers sojourning in
the capital of the East, and the ridicule was quite the
same against the actor as against the emperor ; it applied
to personal appearance and to individual peculiarities,
just as if their sovereign appeared only to amuse them
with his part. Thus there existed between the public of
Antioch and their rulers—particularly those who spent a
considerable time there, Hadrian, Verus, Marcus, Severus,

1 The little treatise, ascribed to this narrative—the source of Wie-
Lucian, as to the Syrian goddess at Jand’s Kombabus—self-mutilation is
Hierapolis adored by all the East, at once celebrated and satirised in
furnishes a specimen of the wild and turn as an act of high morality and of
voluptuous fable-telling which was pious faith.
characteristic of the Syrian cultus, In

CHAP, X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 135

Julian—so to speak, a perpetual warfare of sarcasm, one
document of which, the reply of the last named emperor to
the “ beard-mockers ” of Antioch, is still preserved. While
this imperial man of letters met their sarcastic sayings
with satirical writings, the Antiochenes at other times
had to pay more severely for their evil speaking and their
other sins. Thus Hadrian withdrew from them the right
of coining silver; Marcus withdrew the right of assembly,
and closed for some time the theatre. Severus took even
from the town the primacy of Syria, and transferred it to
Laodicea, which was in constant neighbourly warfare with
the capital ; and, if these two ordinances were soon again
withdrawn, the partition of the province, which Hadrian
had already threatened, was carried into execution, as we
have already said (p. 118), under Severus, and not least
because the government wished to humble the turbulent
great city. This city even made a mockery of its final
overthrow. When in the year 540 the Persian king
Chosroes Nushirvan appeared before the walls of Antioch
he was received from its battlements not merely with
showers of arrows but with the usual obscene sarcasms ;
and, provoked by this, the king not merely took the town
by storm, but carried also its inhabitants away to his
New-Antioch in the province of Susa.

The brilliant aspect of the condition of Syria was the
economic one; in manufactures and trade Syria takes,
alongside of Egypt, the first place among the provinces of
the Roman empire, and even claims in a certain respect
precedence over Egypt. Agriculture throve under the
permanent state of peace, and under a sagacious admin-
istration which directed its efforts particularly to the
advancement of irrigation, to an extent which puts to
shame modern civilisation. No doubt various parts of
Syria are still at the present day of the utmost luxuri-
ance; the valley of the lower Orontes, the rich garden
round Tripolis with its groups of palms, groves of oranges,
copses of pomegranates and jasmine, the fertile coast-
plain north and south of Gaza, neither the Bedouins nor
the Pashas have hitherto been able to make desolate. But

yw

Culture of
the soil.

136 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

their work is nevertheless not to be estimated lightly.
Apamea in the middle of the Orontes valley, now a rocky
wilderness without fields and trees, where the poor flocks
on the scanty pasturages are decimated by the robbers of
the mountains, is strewed far and wide with ruins, and
there is documentary attestation that under Quirinius the
governor of Syria, the same who is named in the Gospels,
this town with its territory included numbered 117,000
free inhabitants. Beyond question the whole valley of
the Orontes abounding in water—already at Hemesa it
is from 30 to 40 mètres broad and one and a half to
three métres deep—was once a great seat of cultivation.
But even of the districts, which are now mere deserts, and
where it seems to the traveller of the present day im-
possible for man to live and thrive, a considerable portion
was formerly a field of labour for active hands. To
the east of Hemesa, where there is now not a green leaf
nor a drop of water, the heavy basalt-slabs of former oil-
presses are found in quantities. While at the present day
olives scantily grow only in the valleys of the Lebanon
abounding in springs, the olive woods must formerly have
stretched far beyond the valley of the Orontes. The
traveller now from Hemesa to Palmyra carries water with
him on the back of camels, and all this part of the route
is covered with the remains of former villas and hamlets.’
The march of Aurelian along this route (p. 110) no army
could now undertake. Of what is at present called desert
a good portion is rather the laying waste of the blessed
labour of better times. “ All Syria,” says a description
of the earth from the middle of the fourth century, “ over-

1 The Austrian engineer, Joseph
Tschernik (Petermann’s Geogr, Mit-
theil. 1875, Erginzungsheft, xliv. p.
3» 9) found basalt-slabs of oil-presses
not merely on the desert plateau at
Kala’at el-Hossn between Hemesa
and the sea, but also to the number
of more than twenty eastward from
Hemesa at el- Ferklûs, where the
basalt itself does not occur, as well
as numerous walled terraces and
mounds of ruins at the same place ;

with terracings on the whole stretch
of seventy miles between Hemesa and
Palmyra. Sachau (Reise in Syrien
und Mesopotamien, 1883, p. 23, 55)
found remains of aqueducts at differ-
ent places of the route from Damascus
to Palmyra. The cisterns of Aradus
cut in the rock, already mentioned
by Strabo (xvi. 2, 13, p. 753), still
perform their service at the present
day (Renan, Phénicie, p. 40).

E O aoe ae

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATALEANS. 137

flows with corn, wine, and oil.” But Syria was not even
in antiquity an exporting land, in a strict sense, for the
fruits of the earth, like Egypt and Africa, although the
noble wines were sent away, eg. that of Damascus to
Persia, those of Laodicea, Ascalon, Gaza, to Egypt and
from thence as far as Ethiopia and India, and even the
Romans knew how to value the wine of Byblus, of Tyre,
and of Gaza.

Of far more importance for the general position of
the province were the Syrian manufactures, A series of
industries, which came into account for export, were here
at home, especially of linen, purple, silk, glass. The
weaving of flax, practised from of old in Babylonia, was
early transplanted thence to Syria; as that description
of the earth says: “Scytopolis (in Palestine), Laodicea,
Byblus, Tyrus, Berytus, send out their linen into all the
world,” and in the tariff-law of Diocletian accordingly
there are adduced as fine linen goods those of the three
first-named towns alongside of those of the neighbouring
Tarsus and of Egypt, and the Syrian have precedence
over all. That the purple of Tyre, however many com-
petitors with it arose, always retained the first place, is
well known ; and besides the Tyrian there were in Syria
numerous purple dyeworks likewise famous on the coast
above and below Tyre at Sarepta, Dora, Caesarea, even
in the interior, in the Palestinian Neapolis and in Lydda.
The raw silk came at this epoch from China and especially
by way of the Caspian Sea, and so to Syria; it was
worked up chiefly in the looms of Berytus and of Tyre,
in which latter place especially was prepared the purple
silk that was much in use and brought a high price.
The glass manufactures of Sidon maintained their primi-
tive fame in the imperial age, and numerous glass-vases
of our museums bear the stamp of a Sidonian manu-
facturer.

To the ‘sale of these wares, which from their nature
belonged to the market of the world, fell to be added the
whole mass of goods which came from the East by the
Euphrates-routes to the West. It is true that the Arabian

Manu-
factures.

Commerce,

138 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII,

and Indian imports at this time turned away from this
road, and took chiefly the route by way of Egypt; but
not merely did the Mesopotamian traffic remain necessarily
with the Syrians; the emporia also at the mouth of
the Euphrates stood in regular caravan-intercourse with
Palmyra (p. 98), and thus made use of the Syrian har-
bours. How considerable this intercourse was with the
eastern neighbours is shown by nothing so clearly as by
the similarity of the silver coinage in the Roman East
and in the Parthian Babylonia; in the provinces of Syria
and Cappadocia the Roman government coined silver,
varying from the imperial currency, after the sorts and
the standards of the neighbouring empire. The Syrian
manufactures themselves, eg. of linen and silk, were stimu-
lated by the very import of the similar Babylonian articles
of commerce, and, like these, the leather and skin goods,
the ointments, the spices, the slaves of the East, came
during the imperial period to a very considerable extent by
way of Syria to Italy and the West in general. But this
always remained characteristic of these primitive seats of
commercial intercourse, that the men of Sidon and their
countrymen, in this matter very different from the Egypt-
ians, not merely sold their goods to those of other lands,
but themselves conveyed them thither, and, as the ship-
captains in Syria formed a prominent and respected class,!
so Syrian merchants and Syrian factories in the imperial
period were to be found nearly as much everywhere
as in the remote times of which Homer tells. The Tyrians
had such factories in the two great import-harbours of
Italy, Ostia and Puteoli, and, as these themselves in their
documents describe their establishments as the greatest and
most spacious of their kind, so in the description of the earth
which we have often quoted, Tyre is named the first place
of the East for commerce and traffic?; in like manner

1 In Aradus, a town very populous
in Strabo’s time (xvi. 2, 13, p. 753),
there appears under Augustus a
mwpoBovros Trv vavapxnodyrev (C. T.
Gr. 4736 #, better in Renan, Mission
de Phénicie, p. 31).

2 Totius orbis descriptio, C. 24:
nulla forte civitas Orientis est eius
spissior in negotio. The documents
of the statio (C. I. Gr. 5853; C. I. L.
x. I60I) give a lively picture of
these factories. They serve in the

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 139

Strabo brings forward as a specialty at Tyre and at Aradus
the unusually high houses, consisting of many stories.
Berytus and Damascus, and certainly many other Syrian
and Phoenician commercial towns, had similar factories in
the Italian ports.’ Accordingly we find, particularly in the
later period of the empire, Syrian merchants, chiefly Apa-
mean, settled not merely in all Italy but likewise in all
the larger emporia of the West, at Salonae in Dalmatia,
Apulum in Dacia, Malaca in Spain, but above all in Gaul
and Germany, eg. at Bordeaux, Lyons, Paris, Orleans,
Treves, so that these Syrian Christians also, like the
Jews, live according to their own customs and make use

of their Greek in their meetings.”

first instance for religious ends, that
is, for the worship of the Tyrian gods
at a foreign place; for this object a
tax is levied at the larger station of
Ostia from the Tyrian mariners and
merchants, and from its produce there
is granted to the lesser a yearly con-
tribution of 1000 sesterces, which is
employed for the rent of the place
of meeting; the other expenses are
raised by the Tyrians in Puteoli,
doubtless by voluntary contributions.
1 For Berytus this is shown by the
Puteolan inscription C. Z. Z. x. 1634;
for Damascus it is at least suggested
by that which is there set up (x. 1576)
to the Jupiter optimus maximus Dam-
ascenus.—We may add that it is here
apparent with how good reason Pute-
oli is called Little Delos, At Delos
in the last age of its prosperity, that
is, nearly in the century before the
Mithradatic war, we meet with Syrian
factories and Syrian worships in quite
a like fashion and in still greater
abundance ; we find there the guild
of the Herakleistae of Tyre (Tò xowwdy
tay Tuplwy ‘Hpaxreioray éumbpww kal
vaukdjpuv, C. J. Gr, 2271) of the
Poseidoniastae of Berytus (7d xowdv
Bypurlwy Tlocedwuacray éurbpwv ral
vavkińpwv kal éySoxéwv, Bull. de corr.
Heli. vii., p. 468), of the woshippers
of Adad and Atargatis of Heliopolis
(#5. vi. 495 f.), apart from the numer-
ous memorial-stones of Syrian mer-

chants.
110 f.

2 When Salvianus (towards 450)
remonstrates with the Christians of
Gaul that they are in nothing better
than the heathens, he points (ae gub.
Dei, iv. 14, 69) to the worthless
mecotiatorum et Syricorum omnium
turbae, quae maiorem ferme civitatum
universarum partem occupaverunt.
Gregory of Tours relates that king
Guntchram was met at Orleans by
the whole body of citizens and ex-
tolled, as in Latin, so also in Hebrew
and in Syriac (viii. 1: Aine lingua
Syrorum, hinc Latinorum, hinc .

Comp. Homolle 764. viii. p.

Judaeorum in diversis laudibus varie

concrepabat), and that after a vacancy
in the episcopal see of Paris a Syrian
merchant knew how to procure it for
himself, and gave away to his country-
men the places belonging to it (x. 26 :
omnem scholam decessoris sui abiciens
Syros de genere suo ecclesiasticae domui
ministros esse statuit). Sidonius
(about 450) describes the perverse
world of Ravenna (Ep. 1, 8) with
the words: fenerantur clerici, Syri
psallunt ; negotiatores militant, mon-
achi negotiantur. Usque hodie, says
Hieronymus (in Ezech. 27, vol. v.
p. 513 Vall.) permanet in Syris
ingenitus negotiationis ardor, gui
per lotum mundum lucri cupiditate
discurrunt et tantam mercandi ha-
bent vesaniam, ut occupato nunc orbe

140 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

The state of things formerly described among the
Antiochenes and the Syrian cities generally becomes intel-
ligible only on this basis. The world of rank there consisted
of rich manufacturers and merchants, the bulk of the popu-
lation of the labourers and the mariners ;! and, as later the
riches acquired in the East flowed to Genoa and Venice,
so then the commercial gains of the West flowed back
to Tyre and Apamea. With the extensive field of traffic
that lay open to these traders on a great scale, and with
the on the whole moderate frontier and inland tolls, the
Syrian export trade, embracing a great part of the most
lucrative and most transportable articles, already brought
enormous capital sums into their hands; and their business
was not confined to native goods.? What comfort of life
once prevailed here we learn, not from the scanty remains
of the great cities that have perished, but from the more
forsaken than desolated region on the right bank of the
Orontes, from Apamea on to the point where the river

Romano (written towards the end
of the fourth century) inter gladios et
miserorum neces quaerant divitias et
paupertatem periculis fugiant, Other
proofs are given by Friedlander, Sitten-
geschichte, ii.’ p. 67. Without doubt we
may be allowed to add the numerous
inscriptions of the West which pro-

ceed from Syrians, even if those do

not designate themselves expressly as
merchants. Instructive as to this
point is the Coemeterium of the small
north-Italian country-town Concordia
of the fifth century; the foreigners
buried in it are all Syrians, mostly
of Apamea (C. Z. Z. iii. p. 1060) ;
likewise all the Greek inscriptions
found in Treves belong to Syrians
(C. I. Gr. 9891, 9892, 9893). These
inscriptions are not merely dated in
the Syrian fashion, but show also
peculiarities of the dialectic Greek
there (ermes, xix. 423).—That this
Syro-Christian Diaspora, standing in
relation to the contrast between the
Oriental and Occidental clergy, may
not be confounded with the Jewish
Diaspora, is clearly shown by the
account in Gregorius; it evidently

stood much higher, and belonged
throughout to the better classes.

1 This is partly so even at the
present day. The number of silk-
workers in Höms is estimated at
3000 (Tschernik, /.¢.),

* One of the oldest (če. after
Severus and before Diocletian) epi-
taphs of this sort is the Latin-Greek
one found not far from Lyons (Wil-
manns, 2498; comp. Lebas- Wad-
dington, n. 2329) of a Oaiuos 6 kal
'IovNiavòs Zadôõov (in Latin Zhaemus
Julianus Sati fil.), a native of Atheila
(de vico Athelani), not far from Can-
atha in Syria (still called ‘ Atil, not
far from Kanawât in the Hauran),
and decurio in Canatha, settled in
Lyons (wdérpav elmu» Fee tÒ irl
xwpy), and a wholesale trader there
for Aquitanian wares ([és mp jaow čxwv
évrdp| oly a-yopacnav [ye leroy éx ’Axovu-
cravins GS’ ml Aovyovdo'voo—nevo-
tiatort Luguduni et prov. Aquitanica).
Accordingly these Syrian merchants
must not only have dealt in Syrian
goods, but have, with their capital
and their knowledge of business, prac-
tised wholesale trading generally.

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 141

turns towards the sea. In this district of about a hundred
miles in length there still stand the ruins of nearly a
hundred townships, with whole streets still recognisable,
the buildings with the exception of the roofs executed in
massive stone-work, the dwelling-houses surrounded by
colonnades, embellished with galleries and balconies,
windows and portals richly and often tastefully decorated
with stone arabesques, with gardens and baths laid out,
with farm-offices in the ground-story, stables, wine and
oil presses hewn in the rocks, as also large burial cham-
bers likewise hewn in the rock, filled with sarcophagi, and
with the entrances adorned with pillars. Traces of public
life are nowhere met with ; it is the country-dwellings of
the merchants and of the manufacturers of Apamea and
Antioch, whose assured prosperity and solid enjoyment
of life are attested by these ruins, These settlements, of
quite a uniform character, belong throughout to the late
times of the empire, the oldest to the beginning of the
fourth century, the latest to the middle of the sixth, im-
mediately before the onslaught of Islam, under which
this prosperous and flourishing life succumbed. Christian
symbols and Biblical language are everywhere met with,
and likewise stately churches and ecclesiastical structures.
The development of culture, however, did not begin
merely under Constantine, but simply grew and became
consolidated in those centuries. Certainly those stone-
buildings were preceded by similar villa and garden
structures of a less enduring kind. The regeneration of
the imperial government after the confused troubles of
the third century has its expression in the upward im-
pulse which the Syrian mercantile world then received ;
but up to a certain degree this picture of it left to us
may be referred also to the earlier imperial period.

The relations of the Jews in the time of the Roman
empire were so peculiar and, one might say, so little

1 Characteristic is the Latin epi- 188, in this home of the ‘‘ Apamean
gram on a press-house, C. Z. Z. iii, grape” (vita Elagabali, c. 21).

Jewish
traffic.

142 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

dependent on the province which was named in the earlier
period after them, in the later rather by the revived name
of the Philistaeans or Palaestinenses, that, as we have
already said, it appeared more suitable to treat of them ina
separate section. The little which is to be remarked as
to the land of Palestine, especially the not unimportant
share of its maritime and partly also of its inland towns
in Syrian industry and Syrian trade, has already been
mentioned in the exposition given above of these matters.
The Jewish Diaspora had already, before the destruction
of the temple, extended in such a way that Jerusalem,
even while it still stood, was more a symbol than a home,
very much as the city of Rome was for the so-called
Roman burgesses of later times. The Jews of Antioch
and Alexandria, and the numerous similar societies of
lesser rights and minor repute took part, as a matter of
course, in the commerce and intercourse of the places
where they dwelt. Their Judaism comes into account in
the case only perhaps so far as the feelings of mutual
hatred and mutual contempt, which had become developed
or rather increased since the destruction of the temple,
and the repeated national-religious wars between Jews and
non-Jews must have exercised their effect also in these
circles. As the Syrian merchants resident abroad met
together in the first instance for the worship of their

native deities, the Syrian Jew in Puteoli cannot well have |
belonged to the Syrian merchant-guilds there ; and, if the

worship of the Syrian gods found more and more an echo
abroad, that which benefited the other Syrians drew one
barrier the more between the Syrians believing in Moses
and the Italians. If those Jews who had found a home
outside of Palestine, attached themselves beyond it not to
those who shared their dwelling-place but to those who
shared their religion, as they could not but do, they
thereby renounced the esteem and the toleration which
the Alexandrians and the Antiochenes and the like met
with abroad, and were taken for what they professed to
be—Jews. The Palestinian Jews of the West, however,
had for the most part not originated from mercantile emigra-

CHAP, X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. > 143

tion, but were captives of war or descendants of such, and
in every respect homeless ; the Pariah position which the
children of Abraham occupied, especially in the Roman
capital—that of the mendicant Jew, whose household
furniture consisted in his bundle of hay and his usurer’s
basket, and for whom no service was too poor and too
menial—linked itself with the slave-market. Under these
circumstances we can understand why the Jews during the
imperial period played in the West a subordinate part
alongside of the Syrians. The religious fellowship of the
mercantile and proletarian immigrants told heavily on
the collective body of the Jews, along with the general
disparagement connected with their position. But that
Diaspora, as well as this, had little to do with Palestine.

There remains still a frontier territory to be looked at,
which is not often mentioned, and which yet well deserves
consideration ; it is the Roman province of Arabia. It
bears its name wrongly; the emperor who erected it,
Trajan, was a man of big deeds but still bigger words.
The Arabian peninsula, which separates the region of
the Euphrates from the valley of the Nile, lacking in rain,
without rivers, on all sides surrounded by a rocky coast
poor in harbours, was little fitted for agriculture or for
commerce, and in old times by far the greater part of it
remained the undisputed heritage of the unsettled inha-
bitants of the desert. In particular the Romans, who
understood how to restrict their possession in Asia as in
Egypt better than any other of the changing powers in
the ascendant, never even attempted to subdue the Arabian
peninsula. Their few enterprises against its south-eastern
portion, the most rich in products, and from its relation to
India the most important also for commerce, will be set
forth when we discuss the business-relations of Egypt.
-= Roman Arabia, even as a Roman client-state and especially
as a Roman province, embraced only a moderate portion
of the north of the peninsula, but, in addition, the land to

Province of
Arabia.

Conditions
of culture
in eastern
Syria.

144 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

the south and east of Palestine between this and the
great desert till beyond Bostra. At the same time with
this let us take into account the country belonging to
Syria between Bostra and Damascus, which is now usually
named after the Haurdn mountains, according to its old
designation Trachonitis and Batanaea.

These extensive regions were only to be gained for
civilisation under special conditions. The steppe-country
proper (Hamad) to the eastward from the region with
which we are now occupied as far as the Euphrates, was
never taken possession of by the Romans, and was incap-
able of cultivation ; only the roving tribes of the desert,
such as at the present day the Haneze, traverse it, to pas-
ture their horses and camels in winter along the Euphrates,
in summer on the mountains south of Bostra, and often to
change the pasture-ground several times in the year. The
pastoral tribes settled westward of the steppe, who pursue
in particular the breeding of sheep to a great extent, stand
already at a higher degree of culture. But there is mani-
fold room for agriculture also in these districts. The red
earth of the Hauran, decomposed lava, yields in its
primitive state much wild rye, wild barley, and wild oats,
and furnishes the finest wheat. Individual deep valleys
in the midst of the stone-deserts, such as the “seed-field,”
the Ruhbe in the Trachonitis, are the most fertile tracts in
all Syria ; without ploughing, to say nothing of manuring,
wheat yields on the average eighty and barley a hundred-
fold, and twenty-six stalks from one grain of wheat are
not uncommon. Nevertheless no fixed dwelling-place was
formed here, because in the summer months the great heat
and the want of water and pasture compel the inhabitants
to migrate to the mountain pastures of the Haurân. But
there was not wanting opportunity even for fixed settlement.
The garden-quarter around the town of Damascus,
watered by the river Barada in its many arms, and the
fertile even now populous districts which enclose it on the
east, north, and south, were in ancient as in modern times
the pearl of Syria. The plain round Bostra, particularly
the so-called Nukra to the west of it, is at the present day

CHAP, X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 145

the granary for Syria, although from the want of rain on
an average every fourth harvest is lost, and the locusts
often invading it from the neighbouring desert remain a
scourge of the land which cannot be exterminated.
Wherever the water-courses of the mountains are led into
the plain, fresh life flourishes amidst them. “ The fertility
of this region,’ says one who knows it well, “is inex-
haustible ; and even at the present day, where the
Nomads have left neither tree nor shrub, the land, so far
as the eye reaches, is like a garden.” Even on the lava-
surfaces of the mountainous districts the lava-streams have
left not a few places (termed Ka’ in the Haurdn), free for
cultivation.

This natural condition has, as a rule, handed over the
country to shepherds and robbers. The necessarily noma-
dic character of a great part of the population leads to
endless feuds, particularly about places of pasture, and
to constant seizures of those regions which are suited for
fixed settlement ; here, still more than elsewhere, there is
need for the formation of such political powers as are in
a position to procure quiet and peace on a wider scale,
and for these there is no right basis in the population.
There is hardly a region in the wide world in which, so
much as in this case, civilisation has not grown up spon-
taneously, but could only be called into existence by the
ascendency of conquest from without. When military
stations hem in the roving tribes of the desert and force
those within the limit of cultivation to a peaceful pastoral
life, when colonists are conducted to the regions capable
of culture, and the waters of the mountains are led by
human hands into the plains, then, but only then, a cheer-
ful and plentiful life thrives in this region.

The pre-Roman period had not brought such blessings
to these lands. The inhabitants of the whole territory as
far as Damascus belong to the Arabian branch of the great
Semitic stock ; the names of persons at least are through-
out Arabic. In it, as in northern Syria, Oriental and
Occidental civilisation met; yet up to the time of the
empire the two had made but little progress. The lan-
~ VOL. II. IO

Greek in-
fluence in
eastern
Syria.

Arrange-
ments of
Pompeius.

64-63.

The terri-
tory of
Herod be-
yond the
Jordan.

146 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

guage and the writing, which the Nabataeans used, were
those of Syria and of the Euphrates-lands, and could only
have come from thence to the natives. On the other
hand the Greek settlement in Syria extended itself, in part
at least, also to these regions. The great commercial
town of Damascus had become Greek with the rest of
Syria. The Seleucids had carried the founding of Greek
towns even into the region beyond the Jordan, especially
into the northern Decapolis ; further to the south at least
the old Rabbath Ammon had been converted by the
Lagids into the city of Philadelphia. But further away
and in the eastern districts bordering on the desert the
Nabataean kings were not much more than nominally
obedient to the Syrian or Egyptian Alexandrids, and coins
or inscriptions and buildings, which might be attributed
to pre-Roman Hellenism, have nowhere come to light.

When Syria became Roman, Pompeius exerted him-
self to strengthen the Hellenic urban system, which he
found in existence ; as indeed the towns of the Decapolis
subsequently reckoned their years from the year 690-91,
in which Palestine had been added to the empire.’ But
in this region the government as well as the civilisation
continued to be left to the two vassal-states, the Jewish
and the Arabian.

Of the king of the Jews, Herod and his house, we
shall have to speak elsewhere ; here we have to mention
his activity in the extending of civilisation toward the
east. His field of dominion stretched over both banks of
the Jordan in all its extent, northwards as far at least as

1 That the Decapolis and the reor-
ganisation of Pompeius reached at last
as far as Kanata (Kerak), north-west
of Bostra, is established by the testi-
monies of authors and by the coins
dated from the Pompeian era (Wad-
dington on 2412, d). To the same
town probably belong the coins with
the name I'af(e)iv(ca) Kávaĝa, with
the name and dates of the same era
(Reichardt, Mum. Zeitschrift, 1880,
p. 53); this place would accordingly
belong to the numerous ones re-

stored by Gabinius (Josephus, Arch.
xiv. §, 3). Waddington no doubt (on
no. 2329) assigns these coins, so far
as he knew them, to the second place
of this name, the modern Kanawat,
the proper capital of the Hauran, to
the northward of Bostra ; but it is far
from probable that the organisation of
Pompeius and Gabinius extended so
far eastward. Presumably this second
city was younger and named after the
first, the most easterly town of the
Decapolis.

CHAP. X, LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 147

Chelbon north-west from Damascus, southward as far as
the Dead Sea, while the region farther to the east between
his kingdom and the desert was assigned to the king of
the Arabians. He and his descendants, who still bore
sway here after the annexation of the lordship of Jeru-
salem down to Trajan, and subsequently resided in Cae-
sarea Paneas in the southern Lebanon, had endeavoured
energetically to tame the natives. The oldest evidences
of a certain culture in these regions are doubtless the
cave-towns, of which there is mention in the Book of
Judges, large subterranean collective hiding-places made
habitable by air-shafts, with streets and wells, fitted to
shelter men and flocks, difficult to be found and, even
when found, difficult to be reduced. Their mere existence
shows the oppression of the peaceful inhabitants by the
unsettled sons of the steppe. “These districts,” says
Josephus, when he describes the state of things in the
Hauran under Augustus, “were inhabited by wild tribes,
without towns and without fixed fields, who harboured with
their flocks under the earth in caves with narrow entrance
and wide intricate paths, but copiously supplied with water
and provisions were difficult to be subdued.” Several of
these cave-towns contained as many as 400 head. A
remarkable edict of the first or second Agrippa, fragments
of which have been found at Canatha (Kanawat), summons
the inhabitants to leave off their “animal-conditions ” and
to exchange their cavern-life for civilised existence. The
non-settled Arabs live chiefly by the plundering partly of
the neighbouring peasants, partly of caravans on the march;
the uncertainty was increased by the fact that the petty
prince Zenodorus of Abila to the north of Damascus, in the
Anti-Libanus, to whom Augustus had committed the super-
intendence over the Trachon, preferred to make common
cause with the robbers and secretly shared in their gains.
Just in consequence of this the emperor assigned this region
to Herod, and his remorseless energy succeeded, in some
measure, in repressing this brigandage. The king appears
to have instituted on the east frontier a line of military
posts, fortified and put under royal commanders (ézrapyoz).

The king-
dom

of [iv. 134.
Nabat.

148 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

He would have achieved still more if the Nabataean terri-
tory had not afforded the robbers an asylum; this was
one of the causes of variance between him and his Arabian
colleague.! His Hellenising tendency comes into promi-
nence in this domain as strongly and less unpleasantly than
in his government at home. As all the coins of Herod
and the Herodians are Greek, so in the land beyond the
Jordan, while the oldest monument with an inscription
that we know—the Temple of Baalsamin at Canatha—
bears an Aramaean dedication, the honorary bases erected
there, including one for Herod the Great,’ are bilingual
or merely Greek ; under his successors Greek rules alone.

By the side of the Jewish kings stood the formerly-
mentioned (iv. 140) “king of Nabat,” as he called himself.
The residence of this Arabian prince was the city, known
to us only by its Greek name Petra, a rock-fastness
situated midway between the Dead Sea and the north-
east extremity of the Arabian Gulf, from of old an em-
porium for the traffic of India and Arabia with the region
of the Mediterranean. These rulers possessed the nor-
thern half of the Arabian peninsula ; their power extended
on the Arabian Gulf as far as Leuce Come opposite to the
Egyptian town of Berenice, in the interior at least as far
as the region of the old Thaema. To the north of the
peninsula their territory reached as far as Damascus,
which was under their protection,* and even beyond

1 The ‘‘ refugees from the tetrarchy
of Philippus,” who serve in the army
of Herodes Antipas, tetrarch of Gali-
lee, and pass over to the enemy in the
battle with Aretas the Arabian (Jose-
phus, Arch. xviii. 5, 1), are beyond
doubt Arabians driven out from the
Trachonitis.

2 Waddington, 2366 = Vogué, Zn-
scr, du Haouran, n. 3. Bilingual is
also the oldest epitaph of this region
from Suweéda, Waddington, 2320 =
Vogue, n. 1, the only one in the Hau-
ran, which expresses the mute zofa.
The inscriptions are so put on both
monuments that we cannot determine
which language takes precedence.

3 At Medain Salih or Hijr, south-

ward from Teima, the ancient Thaema,
there has recently been found by the
travellers Doughty and Huber, a
series of Nabataeaninscriptions, which,
in great part dated, reach from the
time of Augustus down to the death
of Vespasian. Latin inscriptions are
wanting, and the few Greek are of
the latest period; to all appearance,
on the conversion of the Nabataean
kingdom into a Roman province, the
portion of the interior of Arabia that
belonged to the former was given up
by the Romans.

t The city of Damascus voluntarily
submitted under the last Seleucids
about the time of the dictatorship of
Sulla to the king of the Nabataeans

CHAP. X.

LAND OF THE NABATAEANS.

149

Damascus!, and enclosed as with a girdle the whole of
Palestinian Syria. The Romans, after taking possession
of Judaea, came into hostile contact with them, and
Marcus Scaurus led an expedition against them. At that

at the time, presumably the Aretas,
with whom Scaurus fought (Josephus,
Arch, xiii. 15). The coins with the
legend fPasıMéws ’Apérov gidéAAnvos
(Eckhel, iii. 330; Luynes, Rev. de
Numism, 1858, p. 311), were perhaps
struck in Damascus, when this was
dependent on the Nabataeans; the
reference of the number of the year on
one of them is not indeed certain, but
points, it may be presumed, to the
last period of the Roman republic.
Probably this dependence of the city
on the Nabataean kings subsisted so
long as there were such kings. From
the fact that the city struck coins with
the heads of the Roman emperors,
there follows doubtless its dependence
on Rome and therewith its self-admin-
istration, but not its non-dependence
on the Roman vassal-prince; such
protectorates assumed shapes so vari-
ous that these arrangements might
well be compatible with each other.
The continuance of the Nabataean
rule is attested partly by the circum-
starice that the ethnarch of king Are-
tas in Damascus wished to have the
Apostle Paul arrested, as the latter
writes in the 2d Epistle to the Corinth-
ians, xi. 32, partly by the recently-
established fact (see following note)
that the rule of the Nabataeans to the
north-east of Damascus was still con-
tinuing under Trajan.—Those who
start, on the other hand, from the
view that, if Aretas ruled in Damascus,
the city could not be Roman, have

1 The Nabataean inscription found
recently near Dmér, to the north-east
of Damascus on the road to Palmyra
(Sachau, Zeitschr. der deutschen mor-
geni. Gesellschaft, xxxviii. p. 535),
dates from the month Ijjar of the year
410 according to the Roman (i.e.
Seleucid) reckoning, and the 24th
year of king Dabel, the last Naba-
taean one, and so from May 99 A.D.,

attempted in various ways to fix the
chronology of that event in the life of
Paul. They have thought of the
complication between Aretas and the
Roman government in the last years
of Tiberius; but from the course
which this took it is not probable that
it brought about a permanent change
in the state of possession of Aretas.
Melchior de Vogué (Mélanges darch.
orientale, app. p. 33) has pointed out
that between Tiberius and Nero—
more precisely, between the years 33
and 62 (Saulcy, Num. de la terre
sainte, p. 36)—there are no imperial
coins of Damascus, and has placed the
rule of the Nabataeans there in this
interval, on the assumption that the
emperor Gaius showed his favour to
the Arabian as to so many others of the
vassal-princes, and invested him with
Damascus. But such interruptions of
coinage are of frequent occurrence,
and require no such profound explana-
tion, The attempt to find a chrono-
logical basis for the history of Paul’s
life in the sway of the Nabataean
king at Damascus, and generally to
define the time of Paul’s abode in this
city, must probably be abandoned. If
we may so far trust the representation
—in any case considerably shifted—
of the event in Acts ix., Paul went to
Damascus before his conversion, in
order to continue there the persecution
of the Christians in which Stephen
had perished, and then, when on his
conversion he took part on the con-

has shown that this district up to the
annexation of this kingdom remained
under the rule of the Nabataeans. We
may add that the fields of rule here
seem to have been, geographically,
thrown across each other; thus the
tetrarch of Galilee and the Nabataean
king fought about the territory of
Gamala on the lake of Gennesaret
(Josephus, Arch, xviii. 51).

SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

150
time their subjugation was not accomplished ; but it must
have ensued soon afterwards.’ Under Augustus their king
Obodas was just as subject to the empire? as Herod the
king of the Jews, and rendered, like the latter, military
service in the Roman expedition against southern Arabia.
Since that time the protection of the imperial frontier in
the south as in the east of Syria, as far up as to Damascus,
must have lain mainly in the hands of this Arabian king.
With his Jewish neighbour he was at constant feud.
Augustus, indignant that the Arabian instead of seeking
justice at the hand of his suzerain against Herod, had
encountered the latter with arms, and that Obodas’s son,
Harethath, or in Greek Aretas, after the death of his
father, instead of waiting for investiture, had at once
entered upon the dominion, was on the point of deposing
the latter and of joining his territory to the Jewish ; but
the misrule of Herod in his later years withheld him from
, this step, and so Aretas was confirmed (about 747 U.C.).
Some decades later he began again warfare at his own
hand against his son-in-law, the prince of Galilee, Herod
Antipas, on account of the divorce of his daughter in

favour of the beautiful Herodias.

trary in Damascus for the Christians,
the Jews there resolved to put him to
death, in which case it must therefore
be presupposed that the officials of
Aretas, like Pilate, allowed free course
to the persecution of heretics by the
Jews. Moreover, it follows from the
trustworthy statements of the Epistle
to the Galatians, that the conversion
took place at Damascus (for the
ùréorpeya shows this), and Paul went
from thence to Arabia; further, that
he came three years after his con-
version for the first time, and seven-
teen years after it for the second time,
to Jerusalem, in accordance with which
the apocryphal accounts of the Book
of Acts as to his Jerusalem-journeys
are to be corrected (Zeller, Apostel-
gesch. p. 216). But we cannot deter-
mine exactly either the time of the
death of Stephen, much less the time
intervening between this and the
flight of the converted Paul from

He retained the upper

Damascus, or the interval between
his second journey to Jerusalem and
the composition of the Galatian letter,
or the year of that composition itself.

1 Perhaps through Gabinius (Ap-
pian, Syr. 51).

2 Strabo, xvi. 4, 21, p. 779. The
coins of these kings, however, do not
show the emperor’s head. But that
in the Nabataean kingdom dates might
run by the Roman imperial years is
shown by'the Nabataean inscription
of Hebran (Vogue, Syrie Centrale,
insc. n. 1), dated from the seventh year
of Claudius, and so from the year 47.
Hebran, a little to the north of Bostra,
appears to have been reckoned also ata
later time to Arabia (Lebas-Wadding-
ton, 2287); and Nabataean inscrip-
tions of a public tenor are not met
with outside of the Nabataean state ;
the few of the kind from Trachonitis
are of a private nature.

CHAP, X, LAND OF THE NABATALEANS. 151
hand, but the indignant suzerain Tiberius ordered the
governor of Syria to proceed against him. The troops
were already on the march, when Tiberius died (37) ; and
his successor, Gaius, who did not wish well to Antipas,
pardoned the Arabian. King Maliku or Malchus, the suc-
cessor of Aretas, fought under Nero and Vespasian in the
Jewish war as a Roman vassal, and transmitted his
dominion to his son Dabel, the contemporary of Trajan,
and the last of these rulers. More especially after the
annexation of the state of Jerusalem and the reducing of
the respectable dominion of Herod to the far from martial
kingdom of Caesarea Paneas, the Arabian was the most
considerable of the Syrian client-states, as indeed it fur-
nished the strongest among the royal contingents to the
Roman army besieging Jerusalem. This state even under
Roman supremacy refrained from the use of the Greek
language ; the coins struck under the rule of its kings
bear, apart from Damascus, an Aramaic legend. But
there appear the germs of an organised condition and of
civilised government. The coinage itself probably only
began after the state had come under Roman clientship.
The Arabian-Indian traffic with the region of the Medi-
terranean moved in great part along the caravan-route
watched over by the Romans, running from Leuce Come
by way of Petra to Gaza.! The princes of the Nabataean
kingdom made use, just like the community of Palmyra,
of Greek official designations for their magistrates, e.g. of

1 “Leuke Kome in the land of
the Nabataeans,” says Strabo under
Tiberius, xvi. 4, 23, p. 780, ‘‘is a great
place of trade, whither and whence
the caravan -traders (xaun\éumropor)
go safely and easily from and to Petra
with so large numbers of men and
camels that they differ in nothing
from encampments.” The Egyptian
merchant also, writing under Vespa-
sian, in his description of the coasts
of the Red Sea (c. 19), mentions ‘‘the
port and the fortress (¢povpiov) of
Leuce Come, whence the route leads
towards Petra to the king of the
Nabataeans Malichas. It may be re-
garded as the emporium for the goods

conveyed thither from Arabia in not
very large vessels. Therefore there is
sent thither (dwoordé\\era) a receiver
of the import-dues of a fourth of the
value, and for the sake of security a
centurion (éxaroyrdpyys) with men.”
As one belonging to the Roman em-
pire here mentions officials and sol-
diers, these can only be Roman ; the
centurion does not suit the army of
the Nabataean king, and the form of
tax is quite the Roman. The bring-
ing of a client-state within the sphere
of imperial taxation occurs elsewhere,
e.g. in the regions of the Alps. The
road from Petra to Gaza is mentioned
by Plin. Æ. N. vi. 28, 144.

-_—

peen
“— A z
Institution
of the pro-
vince of
Arabia.

152 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

the titles of Eparch and of Strategos. If under Tiberius
the good order of Syria brought about by the Romans
and the security of the harvests occasioned by their mili-
tary occupation are made prominent as matters of boasting,
this is primarily to be referred to the arrangements made
in the client-states of Jerusalem or subsequently of
Caesarea Paneas and of Petra.

Under Trajan the direct rule of Rome took the place
of these two client-states. In the beginning of his reign
king Agrippa II. died, and his territory was united with
the province of Syria. Not long after, in the year 106,
the governor Aulus Cornelius Palma broke up the previous
dominion of the kings of Nabat, and made the greater
part of it into the Roman province of Arabia, while
Damascus went to Syria, and what the Nabataean king
had possessed in the interior of Arabia was abandoned by
the Romans. The erection of Arabia is designated as
subjugation, and the coins also which celebrate the taking
possession of it attest that the Nabataeans offered resist-
ance, as indeed generally the nature of their territory as
well as their previous attitude lead us to assume a relative
independence on the part of these princes. But the
historical significance of these events may not be sought
in warlike success ; the two annexations, which doubtless
went together, were no more than acts of administration
carried out perhaps by military power, and the tendency to
acquire these domains for civilisation and specially for
Hellenism was only heightened by the fact that the
Roman government took upon itself the work. The Hel-
lenism of the East, as summed up in Alexander, was a
church militant, a thoroughly conquering power pushing
its way in a political, religious, economic, and literary
point of view. Here, on the edge of the desert, under the
pressure of anti-Hellenic Judaism and in the hands of the
spiritless and vacillating government of the Seleucids, it
had hitherto achieved little But now, pervading the
Roman system, it develops a motive power, which stands
related to the earlier, as the power of the Jewish and the
Arabian vassal-princes to that of the Roman empire. In

CHAP, X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS.

this country, where everything depended and depends on
protecting the state of peace by the setting up of a superior
and standing military force, the institution of a legionary
camp in Bostra under a commander of senatorial rank
was an epoch-making event. From this centre the re-
quisite posts were established at suitable places and pro-
vided with garrisons. For example, the stronghold of
Namara (Nemara) deserves mention, a long day’s march
beyond the boundaries of the properly habitable mountain-
land, in the midst of the stony desert, but commanding
the only spring to be found within it and the forts
attached to it in the already mentioned oasis of Ruhbe
and further on at Jebel Sés; these garrisons together
control the whole foreland of the Hauran. Another series
of forts, placed under the Syrian command and primarily
under that of the legion posted at Danava (p. 95), and
laid out at uniform distances of three leagues apart,
secured the route from Damascus to Palmyra ; the best
known of them, the second in the series, was that of
Dmér (p. 149, n. 1), a rectangle of 300 and 3.50 paces
respectively, provided on every side with six towers and a
portal fifteen paces in breadth, and surrounded by a ring-
wall of sixteen feet thick, once faced outwardly with beau-
tiful blocks of hewn stone.

Never had such an aegis been extended over this land.
It was not, properly speaking, denationalised. The Arabic
names remained down to the latest time, although not
unfrequently, just as in Syria (p. 121), a Romano-Hellenic
name is appended to the local one; thus a sheikh names
himself “ Adrianos or Soaidos, son of Malechos.”! The
native worship also remains unaffected ; the chief deity of
the Nabataeans, Dusaris, is doubtless compared with
Dionysus, but regularly continues to be worshipped under
his local name, and down to a late period the Bostrenes
celebrate the Dusaria in honour of him.? In like manner

1 Waddington, 2196; ‘Adpayod ber, the birthday of Christ, had

Tov kal Zoaldov Madéxou ¢Ovdpxou
orparryou voudduy TÒ uynpetoy.:

? Epiphanius, Haeres. li. p. 483,
Dind., sets forth that the 25th Decem-

already been festally observed after
an analogous manner at Rome in the
festival of the Saturnalia, at Alex-
andria in the festival (mentioned also

153

The civilis-
ation of

east Syria
under Ro-
man rule.

Agriculture
and com-
merce,

154 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII. -

in the province of Arabia temples continue to be conse-
crated, and offerings presented to Aumu or Helios, to
Vasaeathu, to Theandritos, to Ethaos. The tribes and
the tribal organisation no less continue: the inscriptions
mention lists of “ Phylae” by the native name, and fre-
quently Phylarchs or Ethnarchs. But alongside of tradi-
tional customs civilisation and Hellenising make progress.
If from the time before Trajan no Greek monument can
be shown in the sphere of the Nabataean state, on the
other hand no monument subsequent to Trajan’s time in the
Arabic language has been found there ;! to all appearance
the imperial government suppressed at once upon the
annexation the written use of Arabic, although it certainly
remained the language proper of the country, as is attested
not only by the proper names but by the “interpreter of
the tax-receivers.”

As to the advance of agriculture we have no witnesses
to speak ; but if, on the whole eastern and southern slope
of the Haur4n, from the summits of the mountains down to
the desert, the stones, with which this volcanic plain was
once strewed, are thrown into heaps or arranged in long
rows, and thus the most glorious fields are obtained, we
may recognise therein the hand of the only government
which has governed this land as it might and should be
governed. In the Ledja, a lava-plateau thirteen leagues
long and eight to nine broad, which is now almost unin-
habited, there grew once vines and figs between the
streams of lava; the Roman road connecting Bostra with
Damascus ran across it; in the Ledja and around it are

in the decree of Canopus) of the born of her Dusares, that is the Only-

Kikellia, and in other heathen wor-
ships. ‘‘ This takes place in Alexandria
at the so-called Virgin’s shrine (Képior)
. . . and if we ask people what this
mystery means, they answer and say
that to-day at this hour the Virgin has
given birth to the Eternal (rò alva).
This takes place in like manner at
Petra, the capital of Arabia, in the
temple there, and in the Arabic lan-
guage they sing the praise of the
Virgin, whom they call in Arabic
Chaamu, that is the maiden, and Him

begotten of the Lord.” The name
Chaamu is perhaps akin to the Aumu
or Aumos of the Greek inscriptions of
this region, who is compared with
Zeds dviknros “Hos (Waddington,
2392-2395, 2441, 2445, 2456).

1 This is said apart from the re-
markable Arabo-Greek inscription (see
below) found in Harran, not far from
Zorava, of the year 568 A.D., set up
by the phylarch Asaraelos, son of
Talemos (Waddington, 2464). This
Christian is a precursor of Mohammed.

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 155

counted the ruins of twelve larger and thirty-nine smaller
townships. It can be shown that, at the bidding of the
same governor who erected the province of Arabia, the
mighty aqueduct was constructed which led the water
from the mountains of the Haurân to Canatha (Kerak) in
the plain, and not far from it a similar one in Arrha
(Rahâ)—buildings of Trajan, which may be named by the
side of the port of Ostia and the Forum of Rome. The
flourishing of commercial intercourse is attested by the
very choice of the capital of the new province. Bostra
existed under the Nabataean government, and an inscrip-
tion of king Malichu has been found there; but its mili-
tary and commercial importance begins with the introduc-
tion of direct Roman government. “ Bostra,” says Wetz-
stein, “has the most favourable situation of all the towns
in eastern Syria ; even Damascus, which owes its size to
the abundance of its water and to its situation protected
by the eastern Trachon, will excel Bostra only under a
weak government, while the latter under a strong and
wise government must elevate itself in a few decades to a
fabulous prosperity. It is the great market for the Syrian
desert : the high mountains of Arabia and Peraea, and its
long rows of booths of stone still in their desolation,
furnish evidence of the reality of an earlier, and the possi-
bility of a future, greatness.” The remains of the Roman
road, leading thence by way of Salchat and Ezrak to
the Persian Gulf, show that Bostra was, along with Petra
and Palmyra, a medium of ttaffic from the East to the
Mediterranean. This town was probably constituted on
a Hellenic basis already by Trajan; at least it is called
thenceforth the “new Trajanic Bostra,” and the Greek
coins begin with Pius, while later the legend becomes
Latin in consequence of the bestowal of colonial rights
by Alexander.

Petra too had a Greek municipal constitution already
under Hadrian, and several other places subsequently
received municipal rights; but in this territory of the
Arabians down to the latest period the tribe and the tribal
village preponderated.

Stone
buildings of
eastern
Syria,

156 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.

A peculiar civilisation was developed from the mixture
of national and Greek elements in these regions during
the five hundred years between Trajan and Mohammed.
A fuller picture of it has been preserved to us than of
other forms of the ancient world, inasmuch as the struc-
tures of Petra, in great part worked out of the rock, and
the buildings in the Haurân, executed entirely of stone
owing to the want of wood, comparatively little injured by
the sway of the Bedouins which was here again installed
with Islam in its old misrule, are still to a considerable
degree extant to the present day, and throw a clear light
on the artistic skill and the manner of life of those cen-
turies. The above-mentioned temple of Baalsamin at
Canatha, certainly built under Herod, shows in its original
portions a complete diversity from Greek architecture and
in the structural plan remarkable analogies with the
temple-building of the same king in Jerusalem, while the
pictorial representations shunned in the latter are by no
means wanting here. A similar state of things has been
observed in the monuments found at Petra. Afterwards
further steps were taken. If under the Jewish and the
Nabataean rulers culture freed itself but slowly from the
influences of the East, a new time seems to have begun
here with the transfer of the legion to Bostra. “ Building,”
says an excellent French observer, Melchior de Vogué,
“ obtained thereby an impetus which was not again arrested.
Everywhere rose houses, palaces, baths, temples, theatres,
aqueducts, triumphal arches; towns sprang from the
ground within a few years with the regular construction
and the symmetrically disposed colonnades which mark
towns without a past, and which are as it were the inevitable
uniform for this part of Syria during the imperial period.”
The eastern and southern slope of the Haurdn shows
nearly three hundred such desolated towns and villages,
while there only five new townships now exist ; several of
the former, eg. Bûsân, number as many as 800 houses of
one to two stories, built throughout of basalt, with well-
jointed walls of square blocks without cement, with doors
mostly ornamented and often provided with inscriptions,

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 157

the flat roof formed of stone-rafters, which are supported
by stone arches and made rain-proof above by a layer of
cement. The town-wall is usually formed only by the backs
of the houses joined together, and is protected by numerous
towers. The poor attempts at re-colonising of recent
times find the houses habitable ; there is wanting only the
diligent hand of man, or rather the strong arm that pro-
tects it. In front of the gates lie the cisterns, often subter-
ranean, or provided with an artificial stone roof, many of
which are still at the present day, when this deserted seat
of towns has become pasturage, kept up by the Bedouins in
order to water their flocks from them in summer. The
style of building and the practice of art have doubtless
preserved some remains of the older Oriental type, eg.
the frequent form, for a tomb, of the cube crowned with a
pyramid, perhaps also the pigeon-towers often added to
the tomb, still frequent in the present day throughout
Syria; but, taken on the whole, the style is the usual
Greek one of the imperial period. Only the absence of
wood has here called forth a development of the stone
arch and the cupola, which technically and artistically
lends to these buildings an original character. In con-
trast to the customary repetition elsewhere usual of tradi-
tional forms there prevails here an architecture indepen-
dently suiting the exigencies and the conditions, moderate
in ornamentation, thoroughly sound and rational, and not
destitute even of elegance. The burial-places, which are
cut out in the rock-walls rising to the east and west of
Petra and in their lateral valleys, with their façades of
Doric or Corinthian pillars often placed in several tiers
one above another, and their pyramids and propylaea
reminding us of the Egyptian Thebes, are not artistically
pleasing, but imposing by their size and richness. Only
a stirring life and a high prosperity could display such
care for its dead. In presence of these architectural
monuments it is not surprising that the inscriptions make
mention of a theatre in the “village” (xc@pn) Sakkaea
and a “theatre-shaped Odeon” in Canatha, and a local poet
of Namara in Batanaea celebrates himself as a “ master

The south-
Arabian
immigra-
tion be-
fore Mo-
hammed.

158 SYRIA AND THE BOOK VIII.
of the glorious art of proud Ausonian song.” Thus at
this eastern limit of the empire there was gained for Hel-
lenic civilisation a frontier-domain which may be com-
pared with the Romanised region of the Rhine; the
arched and domed buildings of eastern Syria well stand
comparison with the castles and tombs of ‘the nobles and
of the great merchants of Belgica.

But the end came. As to the Arabian tribes who
immigrated to this region from the south, the historical
tradition of the Romans is silent, and what the late records
of the Arabs report as to that of the Ghassanids and their
precursors, can hardly be fixed, at least as to chronology.”
But the Sabaeans, after whom the place Borechath
(Bréka to the north of Kanawat) is named, appear in fact
to be south-Arabian emigrants; and these were already
settled here in the third century. They and their associ-
ates may have come in peace and become settled under
Roman protection, perhaps even may have carried to
Syria the highly-developed and luxuriant culture of south-
western Arabia. So long as the empire kept firmly to-
gether and each of these tribes was under its own sheikh,
all obeyed the Roman lord-paramount. But in order the
better to meet the Arabians or—as they were now called
—Saracens of the Persian empire united under one king,

1 Adcovlwy potons bywédou tpúravis,
Kaibel, Epigr. 440.

2 According to the Arabian accounts
the Benu Salih migrated from the
region of Mecca (about 190 A.D.,
according to the conjectures of Caussin
de Perceval, Hest. des Arabes, i. 212)
to Syria, and settled there alongside
of the Benu-Samaida, in whom Wad-
dington finds anew the gvA} Zouar-
@mvav of an inscription of Suwéda
(n. 2308). The Ghassanids, who
(according to Caussin, about 205)
migrated from Batn-Marr likewise to
Syria and to the same region, were
compelled by the Salihites, at the
suggestion of the Romans, to pay
tribute, and paid it for a time, until
they (according to the same, about the
year 292) overcame the Salihites, and

their leader Thalaba, son of Amos,
was recognised by the Romans as
phylarch. This narrative may con-
tain correct elements; but our stan-
dard authority remains always the
account of Procopius, de bello Pers. i.
17, reproduced in the text. The
phylarchs of individual provinces of
Arabia (#.¢. the province Bostra; Nov.
102 c.) and of Palestine (#.¢. province
of Petra; Procop. de bello Pers. i.
19), are older, but doubtless not much.
Had a sheikh-in-chief of this sort been
recognised by the Romans in the
times before Justinian, the Roman
authors and the inscriptions would
doubtless show traces of it ; but there
are no such traces from the period
before Justinian.

CHAP. X. LAND OF THE NABATAEANS. 159

Justinian, during the Persian war in the year 531, placed
all the phylarchs of the Saracens subject to the Romans
under Aretas son of Gabalus—Harith Abu son of Cham-
inos among the Arabs—and bestowed on this latter the
title of king, which hitherto, it is added, had never
been done. This king of all the Arabian tribes settled
in Syria was still a vassal of the empire; but, while he
warded off his countrymen, he at the same time prepared
the place for them. A century later, in the year 637,
Arabia and Syria succumbed to Islam.

Judaea and
the priestly
rule under
the Seleu-
cids.

CHAPTER XI.
JUDAEA AND THE JEWS.

THE history of the Jewish land is as little the history of
the Jewish people as the history of the States of the
Church is that of the Catholics ; it is just as requisite to
separate the two as to consider them together.

The Jews in the land of the Jordan, with whom the
Romans had to do, were not the people who under their
judges and kings fought with Moab and Edom, and
listened to the discourses of Amos and Hosea. The
small community of pious exiles, driven out by foreign
rule, and brought back again by a change in the hands
wielding that rule, who began their new establishment
by abruptly repelling the remnants of their kinsmen left
behind in the old abodes and laying the foundation for
the irreconcilable feud between Jews and Samaritans—
the ideal of national exclusiveness and priestly control
holding the mind in chains—had long before the Roman
period developed under the government of the Seleucids
the so-called Mosaic theocracy, a clerical corporation with
the high-priest at its head, which, acquiescing in foreign
rule and renouncing the formation of a state, guarded the
distinctiveness of its adherents, and dominated them under
the aegis of the protecting power. This retention of the
national character in religious forms, while ignoring the
state, was the distinctive mark of the later Judaism.
Probably every idea of God is in its formation national j,
but no other God has been so from the outset the God
only of his people as Jahve, and no one has so remained’

CHAP, XL. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 161

such without distinction of time and place. Those men
returning to the Holy Land, who professed to live accord-
ing to the statutes of Moses and in fact lived according
to the statutes of Ezra and Nehemiah, had remained just
as dependent on the great-kings of the East, and subse-
quently on the Seleucids, as they had been by the waters
of Babylon. A political element no more attached to this
organisation than to the Armenian or the Greek Church
under its patriarchs in the Turkish empire; no free
current of political development pervades this clerical
restoration ; none of the grave and serious obligations of
a commonwealth standing on its own basis hampered the
priests of the temple of Jerusalem in the setting up of
the kingdom of Jahve upon earth.

The reaction did not fail to come. That church-
without-a-state could only last so long as a secular great
power served it as lord-protector or as bailiff. When the
kingdom of the Seleucids fell into decay, a Jewish com-
monwealth was created afresh by the revolt against foreign
rule, which drew its best energies precisely from the
enthusiastic national faith, The high priest of Salem
was called from the temple to the battlefield. The family
of the Hasmonaeans restored the empire of Saul and
David nearly in its old limits, and not only so, but these
warlike high priests renewed also in some measure the
former truly political monarchy controlling the priests.
But that monarchy, at once the product of, and the contrast
to, that priestly rule, was not according to the heart of
the pious. The Pharisees and the Sadducees separated
and began to make war on one another. It was not so
much doctrines and ritual differences that here confronted
each other, as, on the one hand, the persistence in a priestly
government which simply clung to religious ordinances
and interests, and otherwise was indifferent to the inde-
pendence and the self-control of the community ; on the
other hand, the monarchy aiming at political development

.* l [This statement and several others a recent school of Old Testament
of a kindred tenor in this chapter criticism, as to which it may at least
appear to rest on an unhesitating be said: Adhuc sub iudice lis est.—
acceptance of views entertained by TR.]

VOL. II. II

Kingdom
of the Has-
monaeans,

iv. 133.

The Jewish
Diaspora,

162 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

and endeavouring to procure for the Jewish people, by
fighting and by treaty, its place once more in the poli-
tical conflict, of which the Syrian kingdom was at that
time the arena. The former tendency dominated the
multitude, the latter had the preponderance in intelligence
and in the upper classes ; its most considerable champion
was king Iannaeus Alexander, who during his whole reign
was at enmity not less with the Syrian rulers than with
his own Pharisees (iv. 139). Although it was properly
but the other, and in fact the more natural and more
potent, expression of the national revival, it yet by its
greater freedom of thinking and acting came into contact
with the Hellenic character, and was regarded especially
by its pious opponents as foreign and unbelieving.

But the inhabitants of Palestine were only a portion,
and not the most important portion, of the Jews; the
Jewish communities of Babylonia, Syria, Asia Minor,
Egypt, were far superior to those of Palestine even after
their regeneration by the Maccabees. The Jewish Dia-
spora in the imperial period was of more significance than
the latter; and it was an altogether peculiar phenomenon.

The settlements of the Jews beyond Palestine grew —
only in a subordinate degree out of the same impulse as
those of the Phoenicians and the Hellenes. From the
outset an agricultural people and dwelling far from the
coast, their settlements abroad were a non-free and com-
paratively late formation, a creation of Alexander or of
his marshals.’ In those immense efforts at founding Greek
towns continued throughout generations, such as never
before and never afterwards occurred to a like extent, the
Jews had a conspicuous share, however singular it was to
invoke their aid in particular towards the Hellenising of

1 Whether the legal position of the by the bodies of Jews in the differ-
Jews in Alexandria is warrantably ent states of the Diadochi must, if it is
traced back by Josephus (contra Ap. not based on Alexander’s ordinances,
ii. 4) to Alexander is so far doubtful, be traced to rivalry and imitation in
as, to the best of our knowledge, the founding of towns. The fact
not he, but the first Ptolemy, settled that Palestine was half Egyptian half
Jews in masses there (Josephus, Arch. Syrian, doubtless exercised an essen-
xii I.; Appian, Syr. 50). The re- tial influence in the case of these
markable similarity of form assumed settlements,

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 163

the East. This was the case above all with Egypt. The
most considerable of a the towns created by Alexander,
Alexandria on the Nile, was since the times of the first
Ptolemy, who after the occupation of Palestine transferred
thither a mass of its inhabitants, almost as much a city of
the Jews as of the Greeks, and the Jews there were to be
esteemed at least equal to those of Jerusalem in number,
wealth, intelligence, and organisation. In the first times
of the empire there was reckoned a million of Jews to
eight millions of Egyptians, and their influence, it may be
presumed, transcended this numerical proportion. We
have already observed that, in rivalry with these, the Jews
in the Syrian capital of the empire had been similarly
organised and developed (p. 127). The diffusion and the

importance of the Jews of Asia Minor are attested among.

other things by the attempt which was made under
Augustus by the Ionian Greek cities, apparently after
joint concert, to compel their Jewish fellow townsmen
either to withdrawal from their faith or to full assumption
of civic burdens. Beyond doubt there were independently
organised bodies of Jews in all the new Hellenic founda-
tions, and withal in numerous old Hellenic towns, even
in Hellas proper, eg. in Corinth. The organisation was
placed throughout on the footing that the nationality of
the Jews with the far-reaching consequences drawn from
it by themselves was preserved, and only the use of the
Greek language was required of them. Thus amidst
this Graecising, into which the East was at that time
coaxed or forced by those in authority, the Jews of the
Greek towns became Greek-speaking Orientals.

That in the Jew-communities of the Macedonian
towns the Greek language not merely attained to dominion
in the natural way of intercourse, but was a compulsory

1 The community of Jews in Smyrna
is mentioned in an inscription recently
found there (Reinach, Revue des
études juives, 1883, p. 161) 3‘ Poudetva
Tovdal(a) dpxiouvayuryds Karecxevacey
TÒ dvodprow rots dwedevdépits kal Opéu-
(ujası» wndévos A(X) ov ¿ovlay Exovros
Odwae rd: el 3é Tis ToAUHoEL, dooe TY

lepwrdry rapel (Snvaplous) ag, kal Tw
EOve rév'Tovdalwy (Snvaplous) a. Tavrns
Ths émcypadis TÒ avrlypadov dwoxetrar
els rd dpxeiov. Simple collegia are, in
penal threats of this sort, not readily
put on a level with the state or the
community.

Greek

Retention
of nation-
ality.

164 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

ordinance imposed upon them, seems of necessity to result
from the state of the case. In a similar way Trajan
subsequently Romanised Dacia with colonists from Asia
Minor. Without this compulsion, the external uniformity
in the foundation of towns could not have been carried
out, and this material for Hellenising generally could not
have been employed. The governments went in this
respect very far and achieved much. Already under the
second Ptolemy, and at his instigation, the sacred writings
of the Jews were translated into Greek in Egypt, and at
least at the beginning of the imperial period the know-
ledge of Hebrew among the Jews of Alexandria was
nearly as rare as that of the original languages of Scrip-
ture is at present in the Christian world ; there was nearly
as much discussion as to the faults of translation of the
so-called Seventy Alexandrians as on the part of pious
men among us regarding the errors of Luther’s translation.
The national language of the Jews had at this epoch dis-
appeared everywhere from the intercourse of life, and
maintained itself only in ecclesiastical use somewhat like
the Latin language in the religious domain of Catholicism.
In Judaea itself its place had been taken by the Aramaic
popular language of Syria, akin no doubt to the Hebrew ;
the Jews outside of Judaea, with whom we are concerned,
had entirely laid aside the Semitic idiom, and it was not
till long after this epoch that the reaction set in, which
scholastically brought back the knowledge and the use
of it more generally among the Jews. The literary works,
which they produced at this epoch in great number, were
in the better times of the empire all Greek. If language
alone conditioned nationality, there would be little to tell
for this period as to the Jews.

But with this linguistic compulsion, at first perhaps
severely felt, was combined the recognition of the distinct-
ive nationality with all its consequences. Everywhere in
the cities of the monarchy of Alexander the burgess-body
was formed of the Macedonians, that is, those really
Macedonian, or the Hellenes esteemed equal tothem. By
the side of these stood, in addition to foreigners, the

a s T el

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 165

natives, in Alexandria the Egyptians, in Cyrene the
Libyans and generally the settlers from the East, who had
indeed no other home than the new city, but were not
recognised as Hellenes. To this second category the Jews
belonged ; but they, and they only, were allowed to form,
so to speak, a community within the community, and—
while the other non-burgesses were ruled by the authorities
of the burgess-body—up to a certain degree to govern
themselves.! The “ Jews,” says Strabo, “have in Alexan-
dria a national head (€@vdpyns) of their own, who presides
over the people (č0vos), and decides processes and disposes
of contracts and arrangements as if he ruled an independent
community.” This was done, because the Jews indicated
a specific jurisdiction of this sort as required by their
nationality or—what amounts to the same thing—their
religion. Further, the general political arrangements had
respect in an extensive measure to the national-religious
scruples of the Jews, and accommodated them as far as
possible by exemptions. The privilege of dwelling together
was at least frequently added; in Alexandria, eg. two of
the five divisions of the. city were inhabited chiefly by
Jews. This seems not to have been the Ghetto system,
but rather a usage resting on the basis of settlement to
begin with, and thereafter retained on both sides, whereby
conflicts with neighbours were in some measure obviated.

Thus the Jews came to play a prominent part in the

1 If the Alexandrian Jews subse-
quently maintained that they were
legally on an equal footing with the
Alexandrian Macedonians (Josephus,
contra Ap. ii. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 7)
this was a misrepresentation of the
true state of the case. They were
clients in the first instance of the
Phyle of the Macedonians, probably
the most eminent of all, and therefore
named after Dionysos (Theophilus,
ad Autolycum, ii. 7), and, because the
Jewish quarter was a part of this
Phyle, -Josephus in his way makes
themselves Macedonians. The legal
position of the population of the Greek
towns of this category is most clearly
apparent from the account of Strabo

(in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 7, 2) as to
the four categories of that of Cyrene :
city-burgesses, husbandmen (yewpyof),
strangers, and Jews. If we lay aside
the metoect, who have their legal
home elsewhere, there remain as
Cyrenaeans having rights in their
home the burgesses of full rights, that
is, the Hellenes and what were al-
lowed to pass as such, and the two
categories of those excluded from
active burgess-rights—the Jews, who
form a community of their own, and
the subjects, the Libyans, without
autonomy. This might easily be so
shifted, that the two privileged cate-
gories should appear as having equal
rights.

Extent of
the Dia-

spora.

166 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

Macedonian Hellenising of the East; their pliancy and
serviceableness on the one hand, their unyielding tenacity
on the other, must have induced the very realistic statesmen
who assigned this course of action, to resolve on such
arrangements. Nevertheless the extraordinary extent
and significance of the Jewish Diaspora, as compared with
the narrowness and poorness of their home, remains at
once a fact and a problem. In dealing with it we may
not overlook the circumstance that the Palestinian Jews
furnished no more than the nucleus for the Jews of other
countries. The Judaism of the older time was anything
but exclusive; was, on the contrary, no less pervaded by
missionary zeal than were afterwards Christianity and
Islam. The Gospel makes reference to Rabbis who
traversed sea and land to make a proselyte ; the admission
of half-proselytes, of whom circumcision was not expected
but to whom religious fellowship was yet accorded, is an
evidence of this converting zeal and at the same time one
of its most effective means. Motives of very various kinds
came to the help of this proselytising. The civil privileges,
which the Lagids and Seleucids conferred on the Jews, |
must have induced a great number of non-Jewish Orien-
tals and half-Hellenes to attach themselves in the new
towns to the privileged category of the non-burgesses. In
later times the decay of the traditional faith of the country
helped the Jewish propaganda. Numerous persons,
especially of the cultivated classes, whose sense of faith
and morality turned away with horror or derision from
what the Greeks, and still more from what the Egyptians
termed religion, sought refuge in the simpler and purer
Jewish doctrine renouncing polytheism and idolatry—a
doctrine which largely met the religious views resulting
from the development of philosophy among the cultured
and half-cultured circles. There is a remarkable Greek
moral poem, probably from the later epoch of the Roman
republic, which is drawn from the Mosaic books on such
a footing that it adopts the doctrine of monotheism and
the universal moral law, but avoids everything offensive’
to the non-Jew and all direct opposition to the ruling

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 167

religion, evidently intended to gain wider acceptance for this
denationalised Judaism. Women in particular addicted
themselves by preference to the Jewish faith. When the
authorities of Damascus in the year 66 resolved to put to
death the captive Jews, it was agreed to keep this resolu-
tion secret, in order that the female population devoted to
the Jews might not prevent its execution. Even in the
West, where the cultivated circles were otherwise averse
to Jewish habits, dames of rank early formed an excep-
tion; Poppaea Sabina, Nero’s wife, sprung from a noble
family, was notorious for her pious Jewish faith and her
zealous protectorate of the Jews, as for other things less
reputable. Cases of formal transition to Judaism were
not rare ; the royal house of Adiabene for example—king
Izates and his mother Helena, as well as his brother and
successor—became at the time of Tiberius and of Claudius
in every respect Jews. It certainly was the case with all
those Jewish bodies, as it is expressly remarked of those
of Antioch, that they consisted in great part of proselytes.
This transplanting of Judaism to the Hellenic soil
with the appropriation of a foreign language, however much
-it took place with a retention of national individuality,
was not accomplished without developing in Judaism itself
a tendency running counter to its nature, and up to a
certain degree denationalising it. How powerfully the
bodies of Jews living amidst the Greeks were influenced
by the currents of Greek intellectual life, may be traced in
the literature of the last century before, and of the first
after, the birth of Christ. It is imbued with Jewish ele-
ments; and they are withal the clearest heads and the
most gifted thinkers, who seek admission either as Hellenes
into the Jewish, or as Jews into the Hellenic, system.
Nicolaus of Damascus, himself a Pagan and a noted
representative of the Aristotelian philosophy, pleaded, as a
scholar and diplomatist of king Herod, the cause of his
Jewish patron and of the Jews before Agrippa as before
Augustus ; and not only so, but his historical authorship
shows a very earnest, and for that epoch sigificant, attempt
to bring the East into the circle of Occidental research,

Hellenising
tendencies
in the
Diaspora,

168 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

while the description still preserved of the youthful years
of the emperor Augustus, who came personally into close
contact with him, is a remarkable evidence of the love and
honour which the Roman ruler met with in the Greek
world. The dissertation on the Sublime, written in the
first period of the empire by an unknown author, one of
the finest aesthetic works preserved to us from antiquity,
certainly proceeds, if not from a Jew, at any rate from a
man who revered alike Homer and Moses.’ Another
treatise, also anonymous, upon the Universe—likewise an
attempt, respectable of its kind, to blend the doctrine of
Aristotle with that of the Stoa—was perhaps written also
by a Jew, and dedicated certainly to the Jew of highest
repute and highest station in the Neronian age, Tiberius
Alexander (p. 204), chief of the staff to Corbulo and
Titus. The wedding of the two worlds of intellect meets
us most clearly in the Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy, the
most acute and most palpable expression of a religious
movement, not merely affecting but also attacking the
essence of Judaism. The Hellenic intellectual develop-
ment conflicted with national religions of all sorts, inas-
much as it either denied their views or else filled them
with other contents, drove out the previous gods from the
minds of men and put into the empty places either nothing,
or the stars and abstract ideas. These attacks affected
also the religion of the Jews. There was formed a Neo-
Judaism of Hellenic culture, which dealt with Jehovah
not quite so badly, but yet not much otherwise, than the
cultivated Greeks and Romans with Zeus and Jupiter.
The universal expedient of the so-called allegorical inter-
pretation, whereby in particular the philosophers of the
Stoa everywhere in courteous fashion eliminated the
heathen national religions, suited equally well and equally

1 Pseudo-Longinus, wept Sous, 9:
“ Far better than the war of the gods
in Homer is the description of the
gods in their perfection and genuine
greatness and purity, like that of
Poseidon (ras, xiii. 18 ff.). Just so
writes the legislator of the Jews, no

mean man (oùx ò ruxaw dvjp), after he
has worthily apprehended and brought
to expression the Divine power, at the
very beginning of the Laws (Genesis, i.
3): ‘God said’—what? ‘Let there be
light, and there was light; let the
earth be, and the earth was.’”

a ee
ja SE

e a

Fo. æ e -

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 169

ill for Genesis as for the gods of the Iliad ; if Moses had

meant by Abraham in a strict sense understanding, by.

Sarah virtue, by Noah righteousness, if the four streams
of Paradise were the four cardinal virtues, then the most
enlightened Hellene might believe in the Law. But this
pseudo-Judaism was also a power, and the intellectual
primacy of the Jews in Egypt was apparent above all in
the fact, that this tendency found Peat its sup-
porters in Alexandria.

Notwithstanding the internal separation which had
taken place among the Jews of Palestine and had but too
often culminated directly in civil war, notwithstanding the
dispersion of a great part of the Jewish body into foreign
lands, notwithstanding the intrusion of foreign ingredients
into it and even of the destructive Hellenistic element
into its very core, the collective body of the Jews remained
united in a way, to which in the present day only the
Vatican perhaps and the Kaaba offer a certain analogy.
The holy Salem remained the banner, Zion’s temple the
Palladium of the whole Jewish body, whether they obeyed
the Romans or the Parthians, whether they spoke Ar-
menian or Greek, whether even they believed in the old
Jahve or in the new, who was none. The fact that the
protecting ruler conceded to the spiritual chief of the Jews
a certain secular power signified for the Jewish body just
as much, and the small extent of this power just as little,
as the so-called States of the Church in their time signified
for Roman Catholics. Every member of a Jewish com-
munity had to pay annually to Jerusalem a didrachmon as
temple-tribute, which came in more regularly than the
taxes of the state ; every one was obliged at least onee in
his life to sacrifice personally to Jehovah on the spot
which alone in the world was well-pleasing to Him.
Theological science remained common property ; the
Babylonian and Alexandrian Rabbins took part in it not
less than those of Jerusalem. The feeling, cherished with
unparalleled tenacity, of belonging collectively to one nation
—a feeling which had established itself in the community
of the returning exiles and had thereafter contributed to

Fellowship
of the Jews
generally.

Philo.

170 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

create that distinctive position of the Jews in the Greek world
—maintained its ground in spite of dispersion and division.

Most worthy of remark is the continued life of Judaism
itself in circles whose inward religion was detached from
it. The most noted and, for us, the single clearly palpable
representative of this tendency in literature, Philo, one
of the foremost and richest Jews of the time of Tiberius,
stands in fact towards the religion of his country in a
position not greatly differing from that of Cicero towards
the Roman ; but he himself believed that he was not
destroying but fulfilling it. For him as for every other
Jew, Moses is the source of all truth, his written direction
binding law, the feeling towards him reverence and devout
belief. This sublimated Judaism is, however, not quite
identical with the so-called faith in the gods of the Stoa.
The corporeality of God vanishes for Philo, but not His
personality, and he entirely fails in—-what is the essence
of Hellenic philosophy—the transferring of the deity into
the breast of man ; it remains his view that sinful man is
dependent on a perfect being standing outside of, and above,
him. In like manner the new Judaism submits itself to
the national ritual law far more unconditionally than the
new heathenism. The struggle between the old and the
new faith was therefore of a different nature in the Jewish
circle than in the heathen, because the stake was a greater
one; reformed heathenism contended only against the
old faith, reformed Judaism would in its ultimate conse-
quence destroy the nationality, which amidst the inunda-
tion of Hellenism necessarily disappeared with the refining
away of the native faith, and therefore shrank back from
drawing this consequence. Hence on Greek soil and in
Greek language the form, if not the substance, of the old
faith was retained and defended with unexampled ob-
stinacy, defended even by those who in substance surren-
dered before Hellenism. Philo himself, as we shall have
to tell further on, contended and suffered for the cause of
the Jews. But on that account the Hellenistic tendency
in Judaism never exercised an overpowering influence over
the latter, never was able to take its stand against the

a

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 171

national Judaism, and barely availed to mitigate its fana-
ticism and to check its perversities and crimes. In all
essential matters, especially when confronted with oppres-
sion and persecution, the differences of Judaism disappeared;
and, unimportant as was the Rabbinical state, the religious
communion over which it presided was a considerable and
in certain circumstances formidable power.

Such was the state of things which the Romans found
confronting them when they entered on rule in the East.
Conquest forces the hand of the conqueror not less than
of the conquered. The work of centuries, the Macedonian
urban institutions, could not be undone either by the
Arsacids or by the Caesars; neither Seleucia on the
Euphrates nor Antioch and Alexandria could be entered
upon by the following governments under the benefit of the
inventory. Probably in presence of the Jewish Diaspora
there the founder of the imperial government took, as in
so many other things, the policy of the first Lagid as
his guiding rule, and furthered rather than hampered the
Judaism of the East in its distinctive position ; and this
procedure thereupon became throughout the model for his
successors. We have already mentioned that the com-
munities of Asia Minor under Augustus made the attempt
to draw upon their Jewish fellow-citizens uniformly in the
levy, and no longer to allow them the observance of the
Sabbath ; but Agrippa decided against them and main-
tained the status quo in favour of the Jews, or rather,
perhaps, now for the first time legalised the exemption of
the Jews from military service and their Sabbath privilege,
that had been previously conceded according to circum-
stances only by individual governors or communities of
the Greek provinces. Augustus further directed the gover-
nors of Asia not to apply the rigorous imperial laws re-
specting unions and assemblies against the Jews. But the
Roman government did not fail to see that the exempt
position conceded to the Jews in the East was not compat-
ible with the absolute obligation of those belonging to the
empire to fulfil the services required by the state; that the
guaranteed distinctive position of the Jewish body carried

The Ro-
man gov-
ernment
and Juda-
ism

in the
West

172 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

the hatred of race and under certain circumstances civil
war into the several towns; that the pious rule of the
authorities at Jerusalem over all the Jews of the empire
had a perilous range; and that in all this there lay a
practical injury and a danger in principle for the state.
The internal dualism of the empire expresses itself in
nothing more sharply than in the different treatment of
the Jews in the respective domains of the Latin and Greek
languages. In the West autonomous bodies of Jews were
never allowed. There was toleration doubtless there for
the Jewish religious usages as for the Syrian and the
Egyptian, or rather somewhat less than for these;
Augustus showed himself favourable to the Jewish colony
in the suburb of Rome beyond the Tiber, and made sup-
plementary allowance in his largesses for those who missed
them on account of the Sabbath. But he personally
avoided all contact with the Jewish worship as with the
Egyptian ; and, as he himself when in Egypt had gone
out of the way of the sacred ox, so he thoroughly ap-

proved the conduct of his son Gaius, when he went to the °

East, in passing by Jerusalem. Under Tiberius in the
year 19 the Jewish worship was even prohibited along
with the Egyptian in Rome and in all Italy, and those
who did not consent openly to renounce it and to throw
the holy vessels into the fire were expelled from Italy—so

far as they could not be employed as useful for military

service in convict-companies, whereupon not a few became
liable to court-martial on account of their religious
scruples. If, as we shall see afterwards, this same em-
peror in the East almost anxiously evaded every conflict
with the Rabbi, it is here plainly apparent that he, the
ablest ruler whom the empire had, just as clearly per-
ceived the dangers of the Jewish immigration as the
unfairness and the impossibility of setting aside Judaism,
where it existed. Under the later rulers, as we shall see

1 The Jew Philo sets down the But Josephus rather traces back what
treatment of the Jews in Italy to the happened in Italy to a scandal in the
account of Sejanus (Zeg. 24; in Flacc. capital, which had been occasioned

1), that of the Jews in the East to by three Jewish pious swindlers
the account of the emperor himself. and a lady of rank converted to

CHAP, XL JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 173

in the sequel, the attitude of disinclination towards the
Jews of the West did not in the main undergo change,
although they in other respects follow more the example
of Augustus than that of Tiberius. They did not prevent the
Jews from collecting the temple-tribute in the form of
voluntary contributions and sending it to Jerusalem. They
were not checked, if they preferred to bring a legal dispute
before a Jewish arbiter rather than before a Roman
tribunal. Of compulsory levy for service, such as Tiberius
enjoined, there is no further mention afterwards in the
West. But the Jews never obtained in heathen Rome or
generally in the Latin West a publicly recognised dis-
tinctive position and publicly recognised separate courts.
Above all in the West—apart from the capital, which in
the nature of the case represented the East also, and
already in Cicero’s time included in it a numerous body
of Jews—the Jewish communities nowhere had special
extent or importance in the earlier imperial period.

It was only in the East that the government yielded
from the first, or rather made no attempt to change the
existing state of things and to obviate the dangers thence
resulting; and accordingly, as the sacred books of the Jews
were first made known to the Latin world in the Latin
language by means of the Christians, the great Jewish
movements of the imperial period were restricted through-
out to the Greek East. Here no attempt was made
gradually to stop the spring of hatred towards the Jews
by assigning to them a separate position in law, but just
as little—apart from the caprice and perversities of indi-
vidual rulers—was the hatred and persecution of the Jews
fomented on the part of the government. In reality the
catastrophe of Judaism did not arise from the treatment
of the Jewish Diaspora in the East. It was simply the

Judaism; and Philo himself states
that Tiberius, after the fall of Sejanus,
allowed to the governors only certain
modifications in the procedure against
the Jews. The policy of the emperor
and that of his ministers towards the
Jews was essentially the same.

1 Agrippa II., who enumerates the

Jewish settlements abroad (in Philo,
Leg. ad Gaium, 36), names no country
westward of Greece, and among the
strangers sojourning in Jerusalem,
whom the Book of Acts, ii. § f., records,
only Romans are named from the
West.

and in the
East.

Judaea
under the
republic,

iv. 136.

iv. 151.

Antipater
the Idum-
aean.

BOOK VIII.

174 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS.

relations, as they became fatefully developed, of the imperial
government to the Jewish Rabbinical state that not merely
brought about the destruction of the commonwealth of
Jerusalem, but further shook and changed the position
of the Jews in the empire generally. We turn to describe
the events in Palestine under the Roman rule.

The state of things in northern Syria was organised
by the generals of the republic, Pompeius and his imme-
diate successors, on such a footing, that the larger powers
that were beginning to be formed there were again
reduced, and the whole land was broken up into single
city-domains and petty lordships. The Jews were most
severely affected by this course ; not merely were they
obliged to give up all the possessions which they had
hitherto gained, particularly the whole coast (iv. 142), but
Gabinius had even broken up the empire formerly sub-
sisting into five independent self-administering districts,
and withdrawn from the high priest Hyrcanus his secular
privileges (iv. 158). Thus, as the protecting power was
restored on the one hand, so was the pure theocracy on

the other.

This, however, was soon changed. Hyrcanus, or rather
the minister governing for him, the Idumaean Antipater,

1 Antipater began his career as
governor (orparyyés) of Idumaea (Jo-
sephus, Arch, xiv. I, 3), and is there
called administrator of the Jewish
kingdom (ò raw ‘Iovdalwy ériuednris
(Joseph. Arch. xiv. 8, 1), that is, nearly
first minister. More is not implied in
the narrative of Josephus coloured with
flattery towards Rome as towards
Herod (Arch. xiv. 8, 5; Bell. Jud.
i, 10, 3), that Caesar had left to
Antipater the option of himself de-
termining his position of power
(Suvacrela), and, when the latter left
the decision with him, had appointed
him administrator (éwirpomos)of Judaea.
This is not, as Marquardt, S/aatsalth.

“vy. I, 408, would have it, the (at that

time not yet existing) Roman pro-
curatorship of the imperial period,
but an office formally conferred by the
Jewish ethnarch, an éxtrpow7, like that

mentioned by Josephus, Bell. Jud.
ii, 18, 6. In the official documents
of Caesar’s time the high priest and
ethnarch Hyrcanus alone represents
the Jews; Caesar gave to Antipater
what could be granted to the subjects
of a dependent state, Roman burgess-
rights and personal immunity (Jo-
sephus, Arch. xiv. 8, 3; Bell. Jud.
i. 9, 5), but he did not make him an
official of Rome. That Herod, driven
out of Judaea, obtained from the Ro-
mans a Roman officer’s post possibly
in Samaria, is credible ; but the de-
signations orparryds 77s KolAns Zuplas
(Josephus, Arch. xiv. 9, 5, ©. I1, 4),
or orpatnyos Kolins Zuplas cal Zana-
pelas (Bell. Jud. i. 10, 8) are at least
misleading, and with as much incor-
rectness the same author names Herod
subsequently, for the reason that he is
to serve as counsellor rots ércrporevovat

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 175

attained once more the leading position in southern Syria
doubtless through Gabinius himself, to whom he knew
how to make himself indispensable in his Parthian and
Egyptian undertakings (iv. 345). After the pillage of the
temple of Jerusalem by Crassus the insurrection of the
Jews thereby occasioned was chiefly subdued by him
(iv. 355). It was for him a fortunate dispensation that
the Jewish government was not compelled to interfere
actively in the crisis between Caesar and Pompeius, for
whom it, like the whole East, had declared. Nevertheless,
after the brother and rival of Hyrcanus, Aristobulus as
well as his son Alexander, had on account of their taking
part for Caesar lost their lives at the hands of the Pom-
peians, the second son, Antigonus, would doubtless after
Caesar’s victory have been installed by the latter as ruler
in Judaea. But when Caesar, coming to Egypt after the
decisive victory, found himself in a dangerous position at
Alexandria, it was chiefly Antipater who delivered him
from it (iv. 452), and this carried the day; Antigonus had
to give way before the more recent, but more effective,
fidelity.

Caesars personal gratitude was not the least
element in promoting the formal restoration of the
Jewish state. The Jewish kingdom obtained the best
position which could be granted to a client-state, complete
freedom from dues to the Romans?! and from military

Tis Zuplas (Arch. xv. 10, 3), even Romans, but for that there should be

Zuplas Sdys érirporov (Bell. Jud. i.
20, 4), where Marquardt’s change,
Staatsalth. v. i. 408, Koldns destroys
the sense.

1 In the decree of Caesar in Jo-
sephus, Avch. xiv. 10, 5, 6, the read-
ing which results from Epiphanius is
the only possible one ; according to
this the land is freed from the tribute
(imposed by Pompeius; Josephus,

Arch. xiv. 4, 4) from the second year `

of the current lease onward, and it is
further ordained that the town of Joppa,
which at that time passed over from
Roman into Jewish possession, should
continue indeed to deliver the fourth
part of field-fruits at Sidon to the

granted to Hyrcanus, likewise at
Sidon, as an equivalent annually 20,675
bushels of grain, besides which the
people of Joppa paid also the tenth to
Hyrcanus. The whole narrative other-
wise shows that the Jewish state was
thenceforth free from payment of
tribute ; the circumstance that Herod
pays pópa from the districts assigned
to Cleopatra which he leases from her
(Arch. xv. 4, 2, 4, © 5, 3) only con-
firms the rule. If Appian, Z. C. v.
75,adduces among the kings on whom
Antonius laid tribute Herod for
Idumaea and Samaria, Judaea is not
absent here without good reason ;
and even for these accessory lands the

iv. 329.

iv. 339.

iv. 430.

Caesar's
arrange-
ments.

47.

176 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

occupation and levy,’ whereas certainly the duties and
the expenses of frontier-defence were to be undertaken
by the native government. The town of Joppa, and
thereby the connection with the sea, were given back, the
independence of internal administration as well as the
free exercise of religion was guaranteed ; the re-establish-
ment, hitherto refused, of the fortifications of Jerusalem
razed by Pompeius was allowed (707). Thus under the
name of the Hasmonaean prince, a half foreigner—for
the Idumaeans stood towards the Jews proper that returned
from Babylon nearly as did the Samaritans— governed
the Jewish state under the protection and according to
the will of Rome. The Jews with national sentiments
were anything but inclined towards the new government.
The old families, who led in the council of Jerusalem,
held in their hearts to Aristobulus, and, after his death,
to his son Antigonus. In the mountains of Galilee the
fanatics fought quite as much against the Romans as
against their own government; when Antipater’s son
Herod took captive Ezekias, the leader of this wild band,
and had caused him to be put to death, the priestly
council of Jerusalem compelled the weak Hyrcanus to
banish Herod under the pretext of a violation of reli-
gious precepts. The latter thereupon entered the Roman
army, and rendered good service to the Caesarian governor
of Syria against the insurrection of the last Pompeians.
But when, after the murder of Caesar, the republicans

tribute may have been remitted to
him by Augustus. The detailed and
trustworthy account as to the census
enjoined by Quirinius shows with
entire clearness that the land was
hitherto free from Roman tnbute.

1 In the same decree it is said: xa?
Sxws pundels unre Apywy hre orparnyos
À wpecBeuris év Tois Spas ray ‘lovdalwy
dmora (‘perhaps ewer,” Wilamo-
Witz) cunpaylay kal orparwwras tih (so
Wilamowitz, for ételn) 4 Tà xphuara
tovrwy elampdrrecOa Ñ els wapaxeipa-
clay À GddAw Tul dvduart, GAN’ elvat
wavraxd0ev dvernpedorovs (comp.
Arch, xiv. 10, 2: wapaxepaciay dé

Kal xphuara wpdrrecOa ov Soxipdtw).
This corresponds in the main to the
formula of the charter, a little older,
for Termessus (C. Z. Z. i. n. 204):
net quis magistratu prove magistratu
legatus ndive) quis alius meilites in
oppidum Thermesum . . . agrumve
.. . kiemandi caussaintroducito.. .
nisei senatus nominatim utei Ther-
mesum ... in hibernacula meiiites
deducantur decreverit. The marching
through is accordingly allowed. In
the Privilegium for Judaea the levy
seems, moreover, to have been pro-
hibited.

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 177

gained the upper hand in the East, Antipater was again
the first who not merely submitted to the stronger but
placed the new holders of power under obligation to him
by a rapid levying of the contribution imposed by them.

Thus it happened that the leader of the republicans,
when he withdrew from Syria, left Antipater in his posi-
tion, and entrusted his son Herod even with a command
in Syria. Then, when Antipater died, poisoned as it was
said by one of his officers, Antigonus, who had found a
refuge with his father-in-law, the prince Ptolemaeus of
Chalcis, believed that the moment had come to set aside
his weak uncle. But the sons of Antipater, Phasael and
Herod, thoroughly defeated his band, and Hyrcanus
agreed to grant to them the position of their father, nay,
even to receive Herod in a certain measure into the
reigning house by betrothing to him his niece Mariamne.
Meanwhile the leaders of the republican party were beaten
at Philippi. The opposition in Jerusalem hoped now to
procure the overthrow of the hated Antipatrids at the
hands of the victors; but Antonius, to whom fell the
office of arbiter, decidedly repelled their deputations first
in Ephesus, then in Antioch, and last in Tyre; caused,
indeed, the last envoys to be put to death; and con-
firmed Phasael and Herod formally as “tetrarchs”? of
the Jews (71 3).

Soon the vicissitudes of great policy dragged the
Jewish state once more into their vortex. The invasion of
the Parthians in the following year (714) put an end in
the first instance to the rule of the Antipatrids. The
pretender Antigonus joined them, and possessed himself
of Jerusalem and almost the whole territory. Hyrcanus

1 This title, which primarily de- Augustus. The juxtaposition of an

notes the collegiate tetrarchate, such
as was usual among the Galatians,
was then more generally employed
for the rule of all together, nay, even
for the rule of one, but always as in
rank inferior to that of king. In this
way, besides Galatia, it appears also
in Syria, perhaps from the time of
Pompeius, certainly from that of

VOL, II.

ethnarch and two tetrarchs, as it
was arranged in the year 713 for
Judaea, according to Josephus (Arch.
xiv. 13, I; Bell. Jud. i. 12, 5),
is not again met with elsewhere ;
Pherores tetrarch of Peraea under his
brother Herodes (Bell. Jud. i. 24, 5)
is analogous.

I2

Herod.

41.

The Par-
thians in
Judaea.
40.

40.

Herod,
king of
Judaea.

Herod

under An-
tonius and
Cleopatra,

178 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

went as a prisoner to the Parthians: Phasael, the eldest
son of Antipater, likewise a captive, put himself to death
in prison. With great difficulty Herod concealed his
family in a rock-stronghold on the border of Judaea, and
went himself a fugitive and in search of aid first to Egypt,
and, when he no longer found Antonius there, to the two
holders of power just at that time ruling in new harmony
(714) at Rome. Readily they allowed him—as indeed
it was only in the interest of Rome—to gain back for
himself the Jewish kingdom ; he returned to Syria, so far
as the matter depended on the Romans, as recognised
ruler, and even equipped with the royal title. But, just
like a pretender, he had to wrest the land not so much
from the Parthians as from the patriots. He fought his
battles pre-eminently with the help of Samaritans and
Idumaeans and hired soldiers, and attained at length,
through the support of the Roman legions, to the posses-
sion of the long-defended capital. The Roman execu-
tioners delivered him likewise from his rival of many
years, Antigonus ; his own made havoc among the noble
families of the council of Jerusalem.

But the days of trouble were by no means over with
his installation. The unfortunate expedition of Antonius
against the Parthians remained without consequences for
Herod, since the victors did not venture to advance into
Syria; but he suffered severely under the ever increasing
claims of the Egyptian queen, who at that time more
than Antonius ruled the East; her womanly policy,
primarily directed to the extension of her domestic power
and above all of her revenues, was far indeed from obtain-
ing at the hands of Antonius all that she desired, but she
wrested at any rate from the king of the Jews a portion
of his most valuable possessions on the Syrian coast and
in the territory lying between Egypt and Syria, nay, even
the rich balsam plantations and palm-groves of Jericho,
and laid upon him severe financial burdens. In order to
maintain the remnant of his rule, he was obliged either
himself to lease the new Syrian possessions of the queen
or to be guarantee for other lessees less able to pay. After

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND FHE JEWS. 179

all these troubles, and in expectation of still worse de-
mands as little capable of being declined, the outbreak of
the war between Antonius and Caesar was hopeful for
him, and the fact that Cleopatra in her selfish perversity

released him from active participation in the war, because,

he needed his troops to collect her Syrian revenues, was
a further piece of good fortune, since this facilitated his
submission to the victor. Fortune favoured him yet fur-
ther on his changing sides; he was able to intercept a
band of faithful gladiators of Antonius, who were march-
ing from Asia Minor through Syria towards Egypt to
lend assistance to their master. When he, before resort-
ing to Caesar at Rhodes to obtain his pardon, caused the
last male offshoot of the Maccabaean house, the eighty-
years old Hyrcanus, to whom the house of Antipater was
indebted for its position, to be at all events put to death,
he in reality exaggerated the necessary caution. Caesar
did what policy bade him do, especially as the support
of Herod was of importance for the intended Egyptian
expedition. He confirmed Herod, glad to be vanquished,
in his dominion, and extended it, partly by giving back
the possessions wrested from him by Cleopatra, partly by
further gifts; the whole coast from Gaza to Strato’s
Tower, the later Caesarea, the Samaritan region inserted
between Judaea and Galilee, and a number of towns to the
east of the Jordan thenceforth obeyed Herod. On the
consolidation of the Roman monarchy the Jewish princi-
pality was withdrawn from the reach of further external
crises.

From the Roman standpoint the conduct of the new
dynasty appears correct, in a way to draw tears from the
eyes of the observer. It took part at first for Pompeius,
then for Caesar the father, then for Cassius and Brutus,
then for the triumvirs, then for Antonius, lastly for Caesar
the son; fidelity varies, as does the watchword. Never-
theless this conduct is not to be denied the merit of con-
sistency and firmness. The factions which rent the ruling
burgess-body, whether republic or monarchy, whether
Caesar or Antonius, in reality nowise concerned the depen-

Govern-
ment of
Herod.

In its re-

lation to
the Jews

180 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

dent provinces, especially those of the Greek East. The
demoralisation which is combined with all revolutionary
change of government—the degrading confusion between in-
ternal fidelity and external obedience—was brought in this
case most glaringly to light; but the fulfilment of duty,
such as the Roman commonwealth claimed from its
subjects, had been satisfied by king Herod to an ‘extent
of which nobler and greater natures would certainly not
have been capable. In presence of the Parthians he con-
stantly, even in critical circumstances, held firmly to the
protectors whom he had once chosen.

From the standpoint of internal Jewish politics the
government of Herod was the setting aside of the theo-
cracy, and in so far a continuance of, and in fact an advance
upon, the government of the Maccabees, as the separation
of the political and the ecclesiastical government was
carried out with the utmost precision in the contrast
between the all-powerful king of foreign birth and the
powerless high-priest often and arbitrarily changed. No
doubt the royal position was sooner pardoned in the Jewish
high-priest than in a man who was a foreigner and
incapable of priestly consecration; and, if the Hasmo-
naeans represented outwardly the independence of Judaism,
the Idumaean held his royal power over the Jews in fee
from the lord-paramount. The reaction of this insoluble
conflict on a deeply-impassioned nature confronts us in
the whole life-career of the man, who causes much suffer-
ing, but has felt perhaps not less, At all events the
energy, the constancy, the yielding to the inevitable, the
military and political dexterity, where there was room for
it, secure for the king of the Jews a certain place in the
panorama of a remarkable epoch.

To describe in detail the government of Herod for
almost forty years—he died in the year 750—as the
accounts of it preserved at great length allow us to do, is
not the task of the historian of Rome. There is probably
no royal house of any age in which bloody feuds raged in
an equal degree between parents and children, between
husbands and wives, and between brothers and sisters ;

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 181

the emperor Augustus and his governors in Syria turned
away with horror from the share in the work of murder
which was suggested to them ; not the least revolting trait
in this picture of horrors is the utter want of object in
most of the executions, ordained as a rule upon groundless
suspicion, and the despairing remorse of the perpetrator,
which. constantly followed. Vigorously and intelligently
as the king took care of the interest of his country, so far
as he could and might, and energetically as, not merely
in Palestine but throughout the empire, he befriended the
Jews with his treasures and with his no small influence—
for the decision of Agrippa favourable to the Jews in the
great imperial affair of Asia Minor (p. 171) they were
substantially indebted to him—he found love and fidelity
in Idumaea perhaps and Samaria, but not among the
people of Israel; here he was, and continued to be, not
so much the man laden with the guilt of blood in many
forms, as above all the foreigner. As it was one of the
mainsprings of that domestic war, that his wife of the Has-
monaean family, the fair Mariamne, and their children
were regarded and dreaded by him more as Jews than as
his own, he himself gave expression to the feeling that he
was as much drawn towards the Greeks as repelled by the
Jews. It is significant that he had the sons, for whom in
the first instance he destined the succession, brought up
in Rome. While out of his inexhaustible riches he loaded
the Greek cities of other lands with gifts and embellished
them with temples, he built for the Jews no doubt also,
but not in the Jewish sense. The buildings of the circus
and theatre in Jerusalem itself, as well as the temples for
the imperial worship in the Jewish towns, were regarded
by the pious Israelite as a summons to blaspheme God.
His conversion of the temple in Jerusalem into a magnifi-
cent building was done half against the will of the devout ;
much as they admired the building, his introduction into
it of a golden eagle was taken more amiss than all the
sentences of death ordained by him, and led to a popular
insurrection, to which the eagle fell a sacrifice, and there-
upon doubtless the devotees as well, who tore it down.

Energy of
his rule.

The end of
Herod and
the parti-
tion of his
kingdom.

182 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

Herod knew the land sufficiently not to let matters
come to extremities ; if it had been possible to Hellenise
it, the will to that effect would not have been wanting on
his part. In energy the Idumaean was not inferior to the
best Hasmonaeans. The construction of the great harbour
at Strato’s Tower, or as the town entirely rebuilt by Herod
was thenceforth called, Caesarea, first gave to a coast poor
in harbours what it needed, and throughout the whole
period of the empire the town remained a chief emporium
of southern Syria. What the government was able to
furnish in other respects—development of natural resources,
intervention in case of famine and other calamities, above
all things internal and external security—was furnished
by Herod. The evil of brigandage was done away, and
the defence—so uncommonly difficult in these regions—
of the frontier against the roving tribes of the desert
was Carried out with sternness and consistency. Thereby
the Roman government was induced to place under him
still further regions, Ituraea, Trachonitis, Auranitis, Bata-
naea. Thenceforth his dominion extended, as we have
already mentioned (p. 146), compactly over the region
beyond the Jordan as far as towards Damascus and to the
Hermon mountains ; so far as we can discern, after those
further assignments there was in the whole domain which
we have indicated no longer any free city or any rule
independent of Herod. The defence of the frontier itself
fell more on the Arabian king than on the king of the
Jews ; but, so far as it devolved on him, the series of well-
provided frontier-forts brought about here a general peace,
such as had not hitherto been known in those regions.
We can understand how Agrippa, after inspecting the
maritime and military structures of Herod, should have
discerned in him an associate striving in a like spirit to-
wards the great work of organising the empire, and should
have treated him in this sense. 7

His kingdom had no lasting existence. Herod him-
self apportioned it in his testament among his three sons,
and Augustus confirmed the arrangement in the main,
only placing the important port of Gaza and the Greek

a een

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 183

towns beyond the Jordan immediately under the governor
of Syria. The northern portions of the kingdom were
separated from the mainland; the territory last acquired
by Herod to the south of Damascus, Batanaea with the
districts belonging to it, was obtained by Philip ; Galilee
and Peraea, that is, the Transjordanic domain, so far as it
was not Greek, by Herod Antipas—both as tetrarchs ;
these two petty principalities continued, at first as separate,
then as united under Herod “the Great’s” great-grandson
Agrippa II., with slight interruptions to subsist down to
the time of Trajan. We have already mentioned their
government when describing eastern Syria and Arabia
(p. 146 f.). Here it may only be added that these Hero-
dians continued to rule, if not with the energy, at least in
the sense and spirit of the founder of the dynasty. The
towns established by them—Caesarea, the ancient Paneas,
in the northern territory, and Tiberias in Galilee—had a
Hellenic organisation quite after the manner of Herod ;
characteristic is the proscription, which the Jewish Rabbis
on account of a tomb found at the laying out of Tiberias
decreed over the unclean city. <

The main country, Judaea, along with Samaria on the
north and Idumaea on the south, was destined for Arche-
laus by his fathers will. But this succession was not
accordant with the wishes of the nation. The orthodox,
that is, the Pharisees, ruled with virtual exclusiveness the
mass of the people ; and, if hitherto the fear of the Lord
had been in some measure kept down by the fear of the
unscrupulously energetic king, the mind of the great
majority of the Jews was set upon re-establishing under
the protectorate of Rome the pure and godly sacerdotal
government, as it had once been set up by the Persian
authorities. Immediately after the death of the old king
the masses in Jerusalem had congregated to demand the
setting aside of the high-priest nominated by Herod and
the ejection of the unbelievers from the holy city, where
the Passover was just to be celebrated ; Archelaus had
been under the necessity of beginning his government by
charging into these masses; a number of dead were counted,

Judaea
under
Archelaus.

Judaea a
Roman
province,

184 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

and the observance of the festival was suspended. The
Roman governor of Syria—the same Varus, whose folly
soon afterwards cost the Romans Germany—on whom it
primarily devolved to maintain order in the land during
the interregnum, had allowed these mutinous bands in
Jerusalem to send to Rome, where the occupation of the
Jewish throne was just being discussed, a deputation of
fifty persons to request the abolition of the monarchy; and,
when Augustus gave audience to it, eight thousand Jews of
the capital escorted it to the temple of Apollo. The fanati-
cal Jews at home meanwhile continued to help themselves ;
the Roman garrison, which was stationed in the temple, was
assailed with violence, and pious bands of brigands filled
the land ; Varus had to call out the legions and to restore
quiet with the sword. It was a warning for the suzerain,
a supplementary justification of king Herod’s violent but
effective government. But Augustus, with all the weak-
ness which he so often showed, particularly in later years,
while dismissing, no doubt, the representatives of those
fanatical masses and their request, yet executed in the
main the testament of Herod, and gave over the rule in
Jerusalem to Archelaus shorn of the kingly title, which
Augustus preferred for a time not to concede to the untried
young man; shorn, moreover, of the northern territories,
and reduced also in military status by the taking away of
the defence of the frontier. The circumstance that at the
instigation of Augustus the taxes raised to a high pitch
under Herod were lowered, could but little better the
position of the tetrarch. The personal incapacity and
worthlessness of Archelaus were hardly needed, in addi-
tion, to make him impossible; a few years later (6 A.D.)
Augustus saw himself compelled to depose him. Now he
did at length the will of those mutineers ; the monarchy
was abolished, and while on the one hand the land was
taken into direct Roman administration, on the other hand,
so far as an internal government was allowed by the side
of this, it was given over to the senate of Jerusalem. This
procedure may certainly have been determined in part by
assurances given earlier by Augustus to Herod as regards

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 185

the succession, in part by the more and more apparent,
and in general doubtless justifiable, disinclination of the
imperial government to larger client-states possessing
some measure of independent self-movement. What took
place shortly before or soon after in Galatia, in Cappadocia,
in Mauretania, explains why in Palestine also the kingdom
of Herod hardly survived himself. But, as the immediate
government was organised in Palestine, it was even
administratively a bad retrograde step as compared with
the Herodian ; and above all the circumstances here were
so peculiar and so difficult, that the immediate contact
between the governing Romans and the governed Jews—
which certainly had been obstinately striven for by the
priestly party itself and ultimately obtained—redounded

to the benefit neither of the one nor of the other.
Judaea thus became in the year 6 A.D. a Roman pro-
vince of the second rank,’ and, apart from the ephemeral

1 The statement of Josephus that
Judaea was attached to the province
of Syria and placed under its gover-
nor (Arch. xvii. fin.: Tv dé "Apyxeddou
xpas úroreħoûs rposveunbelons T
Zúpwv; xviii. 1, 1: els Thv ‘Tovdalwy
wpoobixny Tis Luplas -yevouérny ; C. 4,
6) appears to be incorrect; on the
contrary, Judaea probably formed
thenceforth a procuratorial province of
itself. An exact distinction between
the de iure and de facto interference
of the Syrian governor may not be
expected in the case of Josephus.
The fact that he organised the new
province and conducted the first census
does not decide the question what
arrangement was assigned to it
Where the Jews complain of their
procurator to the governor of Syria
and the latter interferes against him,
the procurator is certainly depend-
ent on the legate; but, when L.
Vitellius did this (Josephus, Arch.
xviii. 4, 2), his power extended in
quite an extraordinary way over the
province (Tacitus, Ans. vi. 32; Staats-
recht, ii. 822), and in the other case the
words of Tacitus, Ann. xii. 54: guia
Claudius tus statuendi etiam de pro-

curatoribus dederat, show that the
governor of Syria could not have pro-
nounced such a judgment in virtue of
his general jurisdiction. Both the ss
gladii of these procurators (Josephus,
Bell. Jud, ii. 8, 1: wéxpe rod xrelvew
AaBav wapd rot Kalcapos étovclay,
Arch. xviii. 1, 13 irynobuevos "Tovdalwy
Tp éwl waow étovelg) and their whole
demeanour show that they did not
belong to those who, placed under an
imperial legate, attended only to
financial affairs, but rather, like the
procurators of Noricum and Raetia,
formed the supreme authority for the
administration of law and the com-
mand of the army. Thus the legates
of Syna had there only the position
which those of Pannonia had in Nori-
cum and the upper German legate in
Raetia. This corresponds also to
the general development of matters ;
all the larger kingdoms were on their
annexation not attached to the neigh-
bouring large governorships, whose
plenitude of power it was not the
tendency of this epoch to enlarge, but
were made into independent governor-
ships, mostly at first equestrian.

Provincial
organisa-
tion,

186 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

restoration of the kingdom of Jerusalem under Claudius
in the years 41-44, thenceforth remained a Roman pro-
vince. Instead of the previous native princes holding
office for life and, under reservation of their being con-
firmed by the Roman government, hereditary, came an
official of the equestrian order, nominated and liable to
recall by the emperor. The port of Caesarea rebuilt by

Herod after a Hellenic model became, probably at once, the.

seat of Roman administration. The exemption of the land
from Roman garrison, as a matter of course ceased, but,
as throughout in provinces of the second rank, the Roman
military force consisted only of a moderate number of
cavalry and infantry divisions of the inferior class ; subse-
quently one ala and five cohorts—about 3000 men—were
stationed there. These troops were perhaps taken over
from the earlier government, at least in great part formed
in the country itself, mostly, however, from Samaritans
and Syrian Greeks.’ The province did not obtain a legion-
ary garrison, and even in the territories adjoining Judaea
there was stationed at the most one of the four Syrian
legions. To Jerusalem there came a standing Roman
commandant, who took up his abode in the royal castle,
with a weak standing garrison; only during the time of
the Passover, when the whole land and countless strangers
flocked to the temple, a stronger division of Roman
soldiers was stationed in a colonnade belonging to the
temple. That on the erection of the province the
obligation of tribute towards Rome set in, follows
from the very circumstance that the costs of defend-
ing the land were thereby transferred to the imperial
government. After the latter had suggested a re-
duction of the payments at the installation of Arche-
laus, it is far from probable that on the annex-
ation of the country it contemplated an immediate
raising of them; but doubtless, as in every newly-

1 According to Josephus (Arch. xx. Sebastenorum fought in the Jewish
8, 7, more exact than Bell. Jud. ii. 13, war under Vespasian (Josephus, Beli.
7) the greatest part of the Roman Jud. ii. 12, 5). Comp. Eph. epigr.

troops in Palestine consisted of Cae- v. 194. There are no alae and co-
sareans and Sebastenes. The ala hortes ludaeorum.

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 187

acquired territory, steps were taken for a revision of
the previous land-register.’

For the native authorities in Judaea as everywhere
the urban communities were, as far as possible, taken as
a basis. Samaria, or as the town was now called, Sebaste,
the newly laid out Caesarea, and the other urban com-
munities contained in the former kingdom of Archelaus,
were self-administering, under superintendence of the
Roman authority. The government also of the capital
with the large territory belonging to it was organised in
a similar way. Already in the pre-Roman period under
the Seleucids there was formed, as we saw (p. 160), in
Jerusalem a council of the elders, the Synhedrion, or as
Judaised, the Sanhedrin. The presidency in it was held
by the high priest, whom each ruler of the land, if he was
not possibly himself high priest, appointed for the time. To
the college belonged the former high priests and esteemed
experts in the law. This assembly, in which the aristo-
cratic element preponderated, acted as the supreme spiritual
representative of the whole body of Jews, and, so far as
this was not to be separated from it, also as the secular
representative in particular of the community of Jeru-
salem.
pious fiction transformed the Synhedrion of Jerusalem into
a spiritual institute of Mosaic appointment. It corre-
sponded essentially to the council of the Greek urban
constitution, but certainly bore, as respected its composition
as well as its sphere of working, a more spiritual character

1 The revenues of Herod amounted,
according to Josephus, Arch, xvii. 11,
4, to about 1200 talents, whereof
about 100 fell to Batanaea with the
adjoining lands, 200 to Galilee and
Peraea, the rest to the share of Arche-
laus; in this doubtless the older
Hebrew talent (of about £390) is
meant, not, as Hultsch (Metrol. 3, p.
605) assumes, the denarial talent (of
about £260), as the revenues of the
same territory under Claudius are
estimated in the same Josephus (Arch,
xix. 8, 2), at 12,000,000 denarii
(about £500,000). The chief item

in it was formed by the land-tax, the
amount of which we do not know; in
the Syrian time it amounted at least
for a time to the third part of corn and
the half of wine and oil (1 Maccab.
x. 30) in Caesar’s time for Joppa
a fourth of the fruit (p. 175, note),
besides which at that time the temple-
tenth still existed. To this was
added a number of other taxes and
customs, auction - charges, salt - tax,
road and bridge moneys, and the like ;
it is to these that the publicans of the
Gospels have reference.

The native
authorities.

The Syn-
hedrion of
Jerusalem.

It is only the later Rabbinism that has by a,

The Ro-

man pro-

vincial
govern-
ment.

188 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

than belonged to the Greek representations of the com-
munity. To this Synhedrion and its high priest, who

‘was now nominated by the procurator as representative of

the imperial suzerain, the Roman government left or
committed that jurisdiction which in the Hellenic subject
communities belonged to the urban authorities and the
common councils. With indifferent short-sightedness it
allowed to the transcendental Messianism of the Pharisees
free course, and to the by no means transcendental land-
consistory—acting until the Messiah should arrive—
tolerably free sway in affairs of faith, of manners, and of
law, where Roman interests were not directly affected
thereby. This applied in particular to the administration
of justice. It is true that, as far as Roman burgesses
were concerned in the matter, justice in civil as in criminal
affairs must have been reserved for the Roman tribunals
even already before the annexation of the land. But
civil justice over the Jews remained even after that
annexation chiefly with the local authority. Criminal
justice over them was exercised by the latter probably in
general concurrently with the Roman procurator ; only
sentences of death could not be executed by it otherwise
than after confirmation by the imperial magistrate.

In the main those arrangements were the inevitable
consequences of the abolition of the principality, and
when the Jews had obtained this request of theirs, they in
fact obtained those arrangements along with it. Certainly
it was the design of the government to avoid, as far as
possible, harshness and abruptness in carrying them out.
Publius Sulpicius Quirinius, to whom as governor of
Syria the erection of the new province was entrusted, was
a magistrate of repute, and quite familiar with the affairs
of the East, and the several reports confirm by what they
say or by their silence the fact that the difficulties of the
state of things were known and taken into account. The
local coining of petty moneys, as formerly practised by
the kings, now took place in the name of the Roman
ruler; but on account of the Jewish abhorrence of images
the head of the emperor was not even placed on the coins.

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 189

Setting foot within the interior of the temple continued to
be forbidden in the case of every non-Jew under penalty
of death? However averse was the attitude of Augustus
personally towards the Oriental worships (p. 172), he did
not disdain here any more than in Egypt to connect them
in their home with the imperial government; magnificent
presents of Augustus, of Livia, and of other members
of the imperial house adorned the sanctuary of the Jews,
and according to appointment of the emperor the smoke
of the sacrifice of a bullock and two lambs rose daily
there to the “Supreme God.” The Roman soldiers were
directed, when they were on service at Jerusalem, to leave
the standards with the effigies of the emperor at Caesarea,
and, when a governor under Tiberius omitted to do so, the
government ultimately answered the urgent entreaties of
the pious and left matters on the old footing. Indeed, when
the Roman troops were to march through Jerusalem on
an expedition against the Arabians, they obtained another
route for the march in consequence of the scruples enter-
tained by the priests against the images on the standards.
When that same governor dedicated to the emperor at the
royal castle in Jerusalem shields without imagery, and the
pious took offence at it, Tiberius commanded the same to
be taken away, and to be hung up in the temple of Augustus
at Caesarea. The festival dress of the high priest, which
was kept in Roman custody at the castle and hence had
to be purified from such profanation for seven days before

1 On the marble screen (Sp’paxros),

and suitable for the early imperial
which marked off the inner court of

period. These tablets were hardlyset

the temple, were placed for that
reason tablets of warning in the Latin
and Greek language (Josephus, Bel.
Jud. Vv. $, 23 vi. 2, 43 Arch. xv.
I1, 5). One of the latter, which has
recently been found (Revue Archéolo-
gique, xxiii. 1872, p. 220), and is
now in the public museum of Con-
stantinople, is to this effect: 76" va
Gdryoyery elowropevecOar évrds Tov wepl
TÒ lepdy rpuddxrov kal wepiBddrov. $s
Bay AnGOF, daure atrios fora: did 7d
éfaxodoudety Odyarov. The iota in the
dative is present, and the writing good

up by the Jewish kings, who would
scarcely have added a Latin text, and
had no cause to threaten the penalty
of death with this singular anony-
mity. If they were set up by the
Roman government, both are ex-
plained ; Titus also says (in Josephus,
Bell. Jud. vi. 2, 4), in an appeal to
the Jews: ovx ‘eis rods UwrepBdyras

‘Opi dvatpeiy emerpépapev, xdy ‘Pwpaids

ms 7;—If the tablet really bears
traces of axe-cuts, these came from
the soldiers of Titus.

The Jewish
opposition,

190 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

it was put on, was delivered up to the faithful upon their
complaint ; and the commandant of the castle was directed
to give himself no further concern about it. Certainly it
could not be asked of the multitude that it should feel
the consequences of the incorporation less heavily, because
it had itself brought them about. Nor is it to be main-
tained that the annexation of the land passed off without
oppression for the inhabitants, and that they had no
ground to complain ; such arrangements have never been
carried into effect without difficulties and disturbances of
the peace. The number, moreover, of unrighteous and
violent deeds perpetrated by individual governors must
not have been smaller in Judaea than elsewhere. In the
very beginning of the reign of Tiberius the Jews, like the
Syrians, complained of the pressure of the taxes ; especially
the prolonged administration of Pontius Pilatus is charged
with all the usual official crimes by a not unfair observer.
But Tiberius, as the same Jew says, had during the
twenty-three years of his reign maintained the time-
hallowed holy customs, and in no part set them aside or
violated them. This is the more to be recognised, seeing
that the same emperor in the West interfered against the
Jews more emphatically than any other (p. 172), and thus
the long-suffering and caution shown by him in Judaea
cannot be traced back to personal favour for Judaism.

In spite of all this both the opposition on principle to
the Roman government and the violent efforts at self-
help on the part of the faithful developed themselves even
in this time of peace. The payment of tribute was
assailed, not perchance merely because it was oppressive,
but as being godless. “Is it allowable,” asks the Rabbi in
the Gospel, “to pay the census to Caesar?” The ironical
answer which he received did not at any rate suffice for
all ; there were saints, though possibly not in great number,
who thought themselves polluted if they touched a coin
with the emperor’s image. This was something new—an
advance in the theology of opposition ; the kings Seleucus
and Antiochus had at least not been circumcised, and had
likewise received tribute in silver pieces bearing their

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. IQI

image. Such was the theory ; the practical application of
it was made, not certainly by the high council of Jeru-
salem, in which, under the influence of .the imperial
government, the more pliant notables of the land directed
the vote, but by Judas the Galilean from Gamala on
the lake of Gennesaret, who, as Gamaliel subsequently
reminded this high council, “ stood up in the days of the
census, and behind him the people rose in revolt.” He
spoke out what all thought, that the so-called census was
bondage, and that it was a disgrace for the Jew to recog-
nise another lord over him than the Lord of Zebaoth ;
but that He helped only those who helped themselves.
If not many followed his call to arms, and he ended his
life, after a few months, on the scaffold, the holy dead was
more dangerous to the unholy victors than the living man.
He and his followers were regarded by the later Jews
alongside of the Sadducees, Pharisees, and Essenes, as
the fourth “School ;” at that time they were called the
Zealots, afterwards they called themselves Sicarii, “men
of the knife.” Their teaching was simple: God alone is
Lord, death indifferent, freedom all in all. This teaching
remained, and the children and grandchildren of Judas
became the leaders of the later insurrections.

If the Roman government had under the first two
regents, taken on the whole, skilfully and patiently sufficed
for the task of repressing, as far as possible, these ex-
plosive elements, the next change on the throne brought
matters close to the catastrophe. The change was saluted
with rejoicing, as in the whole empire, so specially by the
Jews in Jerusalem and Alexandria ; and, after the unsoci-
able and unloved old man, the new youthful ruler Gaius
was extravagantly extolled in both quarters. But speedily
out of trifling occasions there was developed a formidable
quarrel. A grandson of the first Herod and of the beau-
tiful Mariamne, named after the protector and friend of
his grandfather Herod Agrippa, about the most worthless
and abandoned of the numerous Oriental princes’ sons
living in Rome, but nevertheless or on that very account
the favourite and youthful friend of the new emperor,

t }

The em-
peror Gaius
and the
Jews.

Jew-hunt
in Alex-
andria.

192 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

hitherto known solely by his dissoluteness and his debts,
had obtained from his protector, to whom he had been
the first to convey the news of the death of Tiberius, one of
the vacant Jewish petty principalities as a gift, and the title
of king along with it. This prince in the year 38, on the
way to his new kingdom, came to the city of Alexandria,
where he a few months previously had attempted as a
runaway bill-debtor to borrow among the Jewish bankers.
When he showed himself there in public in his regal dress
with his splendidly equipped halberdiers, this naturally
stirred up the non-Jewish inhabitants of the great city—
fond as it was of ridicule and of scandal—who bore
anything but good will to the Jews, to a corresponding
parody ; nor did the matter stop there. It culminated in
a furious hunting-out of the Jews. The Jewish houses
which lay detached were plundered and burnt ; the Jewish
ships lying in the harbour were pillaged ; the Jews that
were met with in the non-Jewish quarters were maltreated
and slain. But against the purely Jewish quarters they
could effect nothing by violence. Then the leaders lighted
on the whim of consecrating the synagogues, which were
the object of their marked attentions, so far as these
still stood, collectively as temples of the new ruler, and of
setting up statues of him in all of them—in the chief
synagogue a statue on a quadriga. That the emperor
Gaius deemed himself, as seriously as his confused mind
could do so, a real and corporeal god, everybody knew—
the Jews and the governor as well. The latter, Avillius
Flaccus, an able man, and, under Tiberius, an excellent
administrator, but now hampered by the disfavour in
which he stood with the new emperor, and expecting
every moment recall and impeachment, did not disdain
to use the opportunity for his rehabilitation! He not

1 The special hatred of Gaius
against the Jews (Philo, Zeg. 20) was
not the cause, but the consequence,
of the Alexandrian Jew-hunt. Since
therefore the understanding of the
leaders of the Jew-hunt with the
governor (Philo, in Flacc. 4) cannot
have subsisted on the fogting that the

Jews imagined, because the governor
could not reasonably believe that he
would recommend himself to the new
emperor by abandoning the Jews, the
question certainly arises, why the
leaders of those hostile to the Jews
chose this very moment for the Jew-
hunt, and above all, why the governor,

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 193

merely gave orders by edict to put no hindrance in the
way of setting up the statues in the synagogues, but he
entered directly into the Jew-hunting. He ordained the
abolition of the Sabbath. He declared further in his
edicts that these tolerated foreigners had possessed them-
selves unallowably of the best part of the town; they
were restricted to a single one of the five wards, and all
the other Jewish houses were abandoned to the rabble,
while masses of the ejected inhabitants lay without shelter
on the shore. No remonstrance was even listened to;
eight and thirty members of the council of the elders,
which then presided over the Jews instead of the Ethnarch,!
were scourged in the open circus before all the people.
Four hundred houses lay in ruins; trade and commerce
were suspended ; the factories stood still. There was no
help left except with the emperor. Before him appeared
the two Alexandrian deputations, that of the Jews led
by the formerly (p. 170) mentioned Philo, a scholar of
Neojudaic leanings, and of a heart more gentle than
brave, but who withal faithfully took the part of his people
in this distress ; that of the enemies of the Jews, led by
Apion, also an Alexandrian scholar and author, the
“world’s clapper” [cymbalum mundi], as the emperor
Tiberius called him, full of big words and still bigger lies,

whose excellence Philo so emphati-
cally acknowledges, allowed it, and,
at least in its further course, took
personal part init. Probably things
occurred as they are narrated above:
hatred and envy towards the Jews
had long been fermenting in Alex-
andria (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 9 ;
Philo, Zeg. 18) ; the abeyance of the
old stern government, and the evident
disfavour in which the prefect stood
with Gaius, gave room for the tumult ;
the arrival of Agrippa furnished the
occasion ; the adroit conversion of the
synagogues into temples of Gaius
stamped the Jews as enemies of the
emperor, and, after this was done,
Flaccus must certainly have seized on
the persecution to rehabilitate himself
thereby with the emperor.

1 When Strabo was in Egypt in

VOL, II.

the earlier Augustan period the Jews
in Alexandria were under an Ethnarch
(Geogr. xvii. 1, 13, p. 798, and in
Josephus, Arch. xiv. 7, 2). There-
upon, when under Augustus the Eth-
narchos or Genarchos, as he was
called, died, a council of the elders
took his place (Philo, Zeg. 10); yet
Augustus, as Claudius states (Josephus,
Arch. xix. §, 2), ‘‘did not prohibit the
Jews from appointing an Ethnarch,”
which probably is meant to signify
that the choice of a single president
was only omitted for this time, not
abolished once for all. Under Gaius
there were evidently only elders of
the Jewish body; and also under
Vespasian these are met with (Josephus,
Bell, vii. 10, 1). An archon of the
Jews in Antioch is named in Josephus,
Bell, vii. 3, 3.
13

The statue
of the em-
peror in the
temple of
Jerusalem.

JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

194
of the most assured omniscience’ and unlimited faith in
himself, conversant, if not with men, at any rate with
their worthlessness, a celebrated master of discourse as of
the art of misleading, ready for action, witty, unabashed,
and unconditionally loyal. The result of the discussion
was settled from the outset; the emperor received the
deputies while he was inspecting the works designed in his
gardens, but instead of giving a hearing to the suppliants,
he put to them sarcastic questions, which the enemies of
the Jews in defiance of all etiquette accompanied with
loud laughter, and, as he was in good humour, he confined
himself to expressing his regret that these otherwise good
people should be so unhappily constituted as not to be able
to understand his innate divine nature—as to which he
was beyond doubt in earnest. Apion thus gained his
case, and, wherever it pleased the adversaries of the Jews,
the synagogues were changed into temples of Gaius.

But the matter was not confined to these dedications
introduced by the street-youth of Alexandria. In the
year 39 the governor of Syria, Publius Petronius, received
orders from the emperor to march with his legions into
Jerusalem, and to set up in the temple the statue of the
emperor. The governor, an honourable official of the
school of Tiberius, was alarmed ; Jews from all the land,
men and women, gray-haired and children, flocked to him,
first to Ptolemais in Syria, then to Tiberias in Galilee, to
entreat his mediation that the outrage might not take
place ; the fields throughout the country were not tilled,
and the desperate multitudes declared that they would
rather suffer death by the sword or famine than be willing
to look on at this abomination. In reality the governor
ventured to delay the execution of the orders and to make
counter-representations, although he knew that his head
was at stake. At the same time the king Agrippa, lately
mentioned, went in person to Rome to procure from his

1 Apion spoke and wrote on all
and sundry matters, upon the metals
and the Roman letters, on magic and
concerning the Hetaerae, on the early
history of Egypt and the cookery re-

ceipts of Apicius; but above all he
made his fortune by his discourses
upon Homer, which acquired for him
honorary citizenship in numerous
Greek cities. He had discovered

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 195

friend the recall of the orders. The emperor in fact
desisted from his desire, in consequence, it is said, of his
good humour when under the influence of wine being
adroitly turned to account by the Jewish prince. But at
the same time he restricted the concession to the single
temple of Jerusalem, and sent nevertheless to the governor
on account of his disobedience a sentence of death, which
indeed, accidentally delayed, was not carried into exe-
cution. Gaius now resolved to break the resistance of the
Jews ; the enjoined march of the legions shows that he
had this time weighed beforehand the consequences of
his order. Since those occurrences the Egyptians, ready
to believe in his divinity, had his full affection just as the
obstinate and simple-minded Jews had his corresponding
hatred; reserved as he was and accustomed to grant
favours in order afterwards to revoke them, the worst
could not but appear merely postponed. He was on the
point of departing for Alexandria in order there to receive
in person the incense of his altars; and the statue, which
he thought of erecting to himself in Jerusalem, was—it is
said—quietly in preparation, when, in January 41, the
dagger of Chaerea delivered, among other things, the
temple of Jehovah from the monster.

The short season of suffering left behind it no outward
consequences ; with the god his altars fell. But yet the
traces of it remained on both sides. The history, which
is here being told, is that of an increasing hatred between
Jews and non-Jews, and in it the three years’ persecution
of the Jews under Gaius marks a section and an advance.
The hatred of Jews and the Jew-hunts were as old as the
Diaspora itself ; these privileged and autonomous Oriental
communities within the Hellenic could not but develop
them as necessarily as the marsh generates the malaria.

that Homer had begun his Iliad
with the unsuitable word mres for
the reason that the first two letters,
as numerals, exhibit the number of
the books of the two epics which he
was to write; he named the guest-
friend in Ithaca, with whom he had
made inquiries as to the draught-board

of the suitors ; indeed he affirmed that
he had conjured up Homer himself
from the nether world to question
him about his native country, and
that Homer had come and had told
it to him, but had bound him not to
betray it to others.

Jewish dis-
positions.

iii. 61.

The Apo-
calypse of
John.

196 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.
But such a Jew-hunt as the Alexandrian of the year 38,
instigated by defective Hellenism and directed at once by
the supreme authority and by the low rabble, the older
Greek and Roman history has not to show. The far
way from the evil desire of the individual to the evil deed
of the collective body was thus traversed, and it was
shown what those so disposed had to will and to do,
and were under circumstances also able to do. That this
revelation was felt also on the Jewish side, is not to be
doubted, although we are not in a position to adduce
documentary evidence in support of it." But a far deeper
impression than that of the Jew-hunt at Alexandria was
graven on the minds of the Jews by the statue of the god
Gaius in the Holy of Holies. The thing had been done
once already; a like proceeding of the king of Syria,
Antiochus Epiphanes, had been followed by the rising of
the Maccabees and the victorious restoration of the free
national state (iii. 64). That Epiphanes—the Anti-
Messiah who ushers in the Messiah, as the prophet Daniel
had, certainly after the event, delineated him—was thence-
forth to every Jew the prototype of abomination ; it was
no matter of indifference, that the same conception came
to be with equal warrant attached to a Roman emperor,
or rather to the image of the Roman ruler in general.
Since that fateful edict the Jews never ceased to dread
that another emperor might issue a like command; and so
far certainly with reason, as according to the organisation
of the Roman polity such an enactment depended solely
on the momentary pleasure of the ruler for the time.
This Jewish hatred of the worship of the emperor and of
imperialism itself, is depicted with glowing colours in the

1 The writings of Philo, which
bring before us this whole catastrophe
with incomparable reality, nowhere
strike this chord; but, apart even from
the fact that this rich and aged man had
in him more of the good man than of
the good hater, it is obvious of itself
that these consequences’of the occur-
rences on the Jewish side were not
publicly set forth. What the Jews
thought and felt may not be judged

of by what they found it convenient
to say, particularly in their works
written in Greek. If the Book of
Wisdom and the third book of
Maccabees are in reality directed
against the Alexandrian persecution
of the Jews (Hausrath, Neutestam.
Zeitgesch. ii. 259 ff.)—which we may
add is anything but certain—they are, if
possible, couched in a still tamer tone
than the writings of Philo.

CHAP, XI.

JUDAEA AND THE JEWS.

197

Apocalypse of John, for which, chiefly on that account,
Rome is the harlot of Babylon and the common enemy

of mankind.}

1 This is perhaps the right way of
apprehending the Jewish conceptions,
in which the positive facts regularly
run away into generalities. In the
accounts of the Anti-Messias and of
the Antichrist no positive elements
are found to suit the emperor Gaius ;
the view that would explain the name
Armillus, which the Talmud assigns
to the former, by the circumstance
that the emperor Gaius sometimes
wore women’s bracelets (armillae,
Suetonius, Gat. 52), cannot be seri-
ously maintained. In the Apocalypse
of John—the classical revelation of
Jewish self-esteem and of hatred
towards the Romans—the picture of
the Anti-Messias is associated rather
with Nero, who did not cause his
image to be set up in the Holy of
Holies. This composition belongs,
as is well known, to a time and a
tendency, which still viewed Chris-
tianity as essentially a Jewish sect ;
those elected and marked by the
angel are all Jews, 12,000 from each
of the twelve tribes, and have prece-
dence over the ‘‘great multitude of
other righteous ones,” #.¢. of proselytes
(ch. vii.; comp. ch. xii. 1). It
was written, demonstrably, after
Nero’s fall, and when his return from
the East was expected. Now it is
true that a pseudo-Nero appeared im-
mediately after the death of the real
one, and was executed at the begin-
ning of the following year (Tacitus,
Hist. ii. 8, 9); but it is not of this
one that John is thinking, for the very
exact account makes no mention, as
John does, of the Parthians in the
matter, and for John there is a con-
siderable interval between the fall of
Nero and his return, the latter even
still lying in the future. His Nero
is the person who, under Vespasian,
found adherents in the region of the
Euphrates, whom king Artabanus
acknowledged under Titus and pre-
pared to reinstate in Rome by military

Still less matter of indifference was the

force, and whom at length the Par-
thians surrendered, after prolonged
negotiations, about the year 88, to
Domitian. To these events the
Apocalypse corresponds quite exactly.

On the other hand, in a writing of
this character no inference as to the
state of the siege at the time can
possibly be drawn, from the circum-
stance that, according to xi. I, 2, only
the outer court, and not the Holy
of Holies of the Temple of Jerusalem’
was given into the power of the
heathen ; here everything in the de-
tails is imaginary, and this trait is
certainly either invented at pleasure
or, if the view be preferred, possibly
based on orders given to the Roman
soldiers, who were encamped in Jeru-
salem after its destruction, not to set
foot in what was formerly the Holy
of Holies. The foundation of the
Apocalypse is indisputably the de-
struction of the earthly Jerusalem, and
the prospect thereby for the first time
opened up of its future ideal restora-
tion; in place of the razing of the
city which had taken place there can-
not possibly be put the mere expecta-
tion of its capture. If, then, it is
said of the seven heads of the dragon:
Baowre’s wrd elow’ of évre Execay,
cal els éorw, 6 Gos obrw fr0e, kal
Bray EAOn dAl-yor aùròv Set peivas (xvii.
10), the five, presumably,are Augustus,
Tiberius, Gaius, Claudius, Nero, the
sixth Vespasian, the seventh unde-
fined ; ‘*the beast which was, and is
not, and is itself the eighth, but of
the seven,” is, of course, Nero. The
undefined seventh is incongruous, like
so much in this gorgeous, but contra-
dictory and often tangled imagery ;
and it is added, not because the num-
ber seven was employed, which was
easily to be got at by including Caesar,
but because the writer hesitated to
predicate immediately of the reigning
emperor the short government of the
last ruler and his overthrow by the

198

JUDAEA AND THE JEWS.

BOOK VIII.

parallel, which naturally suggested itself, of the conse-

quences.

Mattathias of Modein had not been more than

Judas the Galilean; the insurrection of the patriots
against the Syrian king was almost as hopeless as the

returning Nero. But one cannot pos-
sibly —as is done after others by
Renan—by including Caesar in the
reckoning, recognise in the sixth em-
peror, ‘‘ who is,” Nero, who imme-
diately afterward is designated as he
who ‘‘was and is not,” and in the
seventh, who ‘‘has not yet come and
will not rule long,” even the aged
Galba, who, according to Renan’s
view, was ruling at the time. It is
clear that the latter does not belong
at all to such a series, any more than
Otho and Vitellius.

It is more important, however, to
oppose the current conception, accord-
ing to which the polemic is directed
against the Neronian persecution of the
Christians and the siege or the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, whereas it is pointed
against the Roman provincial govern-
ment generally, and in particular
against the worship of the emperors.
If of the seven emperors Nero alone
is named (by his numerical expres-
sion), this is so, not because he was
the worst of the seven, but because
the naming of the reigning emperor,
while prophesying a speedy end of his
reign in a published writing, had its
risk, and some consideration towards
the one ‘‘who is” beseems even a
prophet. Nero’s name was given up,
and besides, the legend of his healing
and of his return was in every one’s
mouth; thereby he has become for
the Apocalypse the representative of
the Roman imperial rule, and the
Antichrist. The crime of the monster
of the sea, and of his image and in-
strument, the monster of the land, is
not the violence to the city of Jeru-
salem (xi. 2)—-which appears not as
their misdeed, but rather as a portion
of the world-judgment (in which case
also consideration for the reigning
emperor may have been at work)—
but the divine worship, which the
heathen pay to the monster of the

sea (xiii. 8: mwpooxuvfoovew atrdv
mávres ol xaroxobvres mè rhs ys),
and which the monster of the land—
called for that reason also the pseudo-
prophet—demands and compels for
that of the sea (xiii. 12: moet Thv
viv ral rovs Karotxodyras év atr Iva
mposkuvhoovaow To Onploy TÒ wpwrov, oÔ
€OcpawevOn h rAnyh TOU Gaydrov aŭro?) ;
above all, he is upbraided with the
desire to make an image for the for-
mer (xiii. 14: Adyww Tols Karoixovoww
éxi rìs yÀs, worjoa elkéva ry Onplyp ôs
Exes riw wry rìs paxalpys kal
Efnoev, comp. xiv. 9; xvi. 2; xix.
20). This, it is plain, is partly the
imperial government beyond the sea,
partly the lieutenancy on the Asiatic
continent, not of this or that province
or even of this or that person, but
generally such representation of the
emperor as the provincials of Asia and
Syria knew. If trade and commerce
appear associated with the use of the
xdpayua of the monster of the sea
(xiii. 16, 17), there lies clearly at
bottom an abhorrence of the image
and legend of the imperial money—
certainly transformed in a fanciful
way, as in fact Satan makes the image
of the emperor speak. These very
governors appear afterwards (xvii.) as
the ten horns, which are assigned to
the monster in its copy, and are here
called, quite correctly, the ‘‘ten
kings, which have not.the royal dig-
nity, but have authority like kings ;”
the number, which is taken over from
the vision of Daniel, may not, it is
true, be taken too strictly.

In the sentences of death pro-
nounced over the righteous, John is
thinking of the regular judicial pro-
cedure on account of the refusal to
worship the emperor’s image, such as
the Letters of Pliny describe (xili. 15:
rowjon iva dco àv uh rpocKkurfowow
Thv elxdva Tod Onplov droxraybGou,
comp. vi. 9; xx. 4). When stress is

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 199

insurrection against the monster beyond the sea. Historical
parallels in practical application are dangerous elements of
opposition ; only too rapidly does the structure of long
years of wise government come to be shaken.

we The government of Claudius turned back on both Claudius
sides into the paths of Tiberius. In Italy there was ie

repeated, not indeed precisely the ejection of the Jews,
since there could not but arise a conviction that this course
was impracticable, but at any rate a prohibition of the
exercise of their worship! in common, which, it is true,
amounted nearly to the same thing and probably came as
little into execution. Alongside of this edict of intoler-
ance and in an opposite sense, by an ordinance embracing
the whole empire the Jews were freed from those public

laid on these sentences of death being
executed with special frequency in
Rome (xvii. 6; xvii. 24), what is
thereby meant is the execution of sen-
tences wherein men were condemned
to fight as gladiators or with wild
beasts, which often could not take
place on the spot where they were
pronounced, and, as is well known,
took place chiefly in Rome itself
(Modestinus, Dig. xlviii. 19, 31).
The Neronian executions on account
of alleged incendiarism do not formally
belong to the class of religious pro-
cesses at all, and it is only preposses-
sion that can refer the martyrs’ blood
shed in Rome, of which John speaks,
exclusively or pre-eminently to these
events. The current conceptions as
to the so-called persecutions of the
Christians labour under a defective
apprehension of the rule of law and
the practice of law subsisting in the
Roman empire; in reality the perse-
cution of the Christians was a stand-
ing matter as was that of robbers;
only such regulations were put into
practice at times more gently or
even negligently, at other times more
Strictly, and were doubtless on occa-
sion specially enforced from high
quarters. The ‘‘war against the
saints” is only a subsequent interpo-
lation on the part of some, for whom

John’s words did not suffice (xiii. 7).
The Apocalypse is a remarkable evi-
dence of the national and religious
hatred of the Jews towards the Occi-
dental government ; but to illustrate
with these colours the Neronian tale
of horrors, as Renan does in parti-
cular, is to shift the place of the facts
and to detract from their depth of
significance. The Jewish national
hatred did not wait for the conquest
of Jerusalem to originate it, and it
made, as might be expected, no dis-
tinction between the good and the
bad Caesar; its Anti-Messias is named
Nero, doubtless, but not less Ves-
pasian or Marcus.

1 The circumstance that Suetonius
(Claud. 25) names a certain Chrestus
as instigator of the constant troubles
in Rome, that had in the first instance
called forth these measures (accord-
ing to him the expulsion from Rome ;
in contrast to Dio, lx. 6) has been
without sufficient reason conceived as
a misunderstanding of the movement
called forth by Christ among Jews
and proselytes. The Book of Acts
xviii. 2, speaks only of the expulsion of
the Jews. At any rate it is not to be

- doubted that, with the attitude at that

time of the Christians to Judaism,
they too fell under the edict.

Agrippa.

JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

200

obligations which were not compatible with their religious
convictions ; whereby, as respected service in war particu-
larly, there was doubtless conceded only what hitherto
it had not been possible to compel. The exhortation,
expressed at the close of this edict, to the Jews to exercise
now on their part also greater moderation, and to refrain
from the insulting of persons of another faith, shows that
there had not been wanting transgressions also on the
Jewish side. In Egypt as in Palestine the religious
arrangements were, at least on the whole, re-established
as they had subsisted before Gaius, although in Alexan-
dria the Jews hardly obtained back all that they had
possessed ;' the insurrectionary movements, which had
broken out, or were on the point of breaking out, in the
one case as in the other, thereupon disappeared of them-
selves. In Palestine Claudius even went beyond the
system of Tiberius and committed the whole former terri-
tory of Herod to a native prince, that same Agrippa who
accidentally had come to be friendly with Claudius and
useful to hfm in the crises of his accession. It was cer-
tainly the design of Claudius to resume the system fol-
lowed at the time of Herod and to obviate the dangers
of the immediate contact between the Romans and Jews.
But Agrippa, leading an easy life and even as a prince in
constant financial embarrassment, good-humoured, more-
over, and more disposed to be on good terms with his
subjects than with the distant protector, gave offence in
various ways to the government, for example, by the
strengthening the walls of Jerusalem, which he was for-
bidden to carry further; and the towns that adhered to
the Romans, Caesarea and Sebaste, as well as the troops
organised in the Roman fashion, were disinclined to him.
When he died early and suddenly in the year 44, it
appeared hazardous to entrust the position, important in

1 The Jews there at least appear
later to have had only the fourth of
the five wards of the city in their pos-
session (Josephus, Bell, Jud. ii. 18, 8).
Probably, if the 400 houses that were
razed had been given back again to

them in so striking a manner, the
Jewish authors Josephus and Philo,
who lay stress on all the imperial
marks of favour shown to the Jews,
would not have been silent on the
subject.

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 201

a political as in a military point of view, to his only son
of seventeen years of age, and those who wielded power in
the cabinet were reluctant to let out of their hands the
lucrative procuratorships. The Claudian government had
here, as elsewhere, lighted on the right course, but had not
the energy to carry it out irrespective of accessory con-
siderations. A Jewish prince with Jewish soldiers might
exercise the government in Judaea for the Romans; the
Roman magistrate and the Roman soldiers offended pro-
bably still more frequently through ignorance of Jewish
views than through intentional action in opposition to
them, and whatever they might undertake was on their
part in the eyes of believers an offence, and the most
indifferent occurrence a religious outrage. The demand
for mutual understanding and agreement was on both
sides just as warranted of itself as it was impossible of
execution. But above all a conflict between the Jewish
lord of the land and his subjects was a matter of tolerable
indifference for the empire; every conflict between the
Romans and the Jews in Jerusalem widened the gulf
which yawned between the peoples of the West and the
Hebrews living along with them; and the danger lay,
not in the quarrels of Palestine, but in the incompatibility
of the members of the empire of different nationalities who

were now withal coupled together by fate. a
Thus the ship was driving incessantly towards the Lik ala
On ior tne

whirlpool. In this ill-fated voyage all taking part lent insurrec-
their help—the Roman government and its adminis- tion.
trators, the Jewish authorities and the Jewish people.
The former indeed continued to show a willingness to
meet as far as possible all claims, fair and unfair, of the
Jews. When in the year 44 the procurator again entered
Jerusalem, the nomination of the high-priest and the
administration of the temple-treasure, which were com-
bined with the kingly office and in so far also with the
procuratorship, were taken from him and transferred to

a brother of the deceased king Agrippa, king Herod of
Chalcis, as well as, after his death in the year 48, to his
successor the younger Agrippa already mentioned. The

High-
priestly
rule.
Ananias.

202 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

Roman chief magistrate, on the complaint of the Jews
caused a Roman soldier, who, on occasion of orders to
plunder a Jewish village, had torn in pieces a roll of the
law, to be put to death. The whole weight of Roman
imperial justice fell, according to circumstances, even upon
the higher officials ; when two procurators acting alongside
of one another had taken part for and against in the
quarrel of the Samaritans and the Galileans, and their
soldiers had fought against one another, the imperial
governor of Syria, Ummidius Quadratus, was sent with
extraordinary full powers to Syria to punish and to
execute; in reality one of the guilty persons was sent into
banishment, and a Roman military tribune named Celer
was publicly beheaded in Jerusalem itself. But alongside
of these examples of severity stood others of a weakness
partaking of guilt; in that same process the second at
least as guilty procurator Antonius Felix escaped punish-
ment, because he was the brother of the powerful menial
Pallas and the husband of the sister of king Agrippa. Still
more than with the official abuses of individual adminis-
trators must the government be chargeable with the fact
that it did not strengthen the power of the officials and
the number of the troops in a province so situated, and
continued to recruit the garrison almost exclusively from
the province. Insignificant as the province was, it was a
wretched stupidity and an ill-applied parsimony to treat it
after the traditional pattern ; the seasonable display of a
crushing superiority of force and unrelenting sternness, a
governor of higher rank, and a legionary camp, would have
saved to the province and the empire great sacrifices of
money, blood, and honour.

But not less at least was the fault of the Jews. The
highpriestly rule, so far as it went—and the government
was but too much inclined to allow it free scope in all
internal affairs—-was, even according to the Jewish ac-
counts, at no time conducted with so much violence and
worthlessness as in that from the death of Agrippa to the
outbreak of the war. The best-known and most influen-
tial of these priest-rulers was Ananias son of Nebedaeus,

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 203

the “whitewashed wall,” as Paul called him, when this
spiritual judge bade his attendants smite him on the
mouth, because he ventured to defend himself before the
judgment-seat. It was laid to his charge that he bribed
the governor, and that by a corresponding interpretation
of Scripture he alienated from the lower clergy the tithe-
sheaves? As one of the chief instigators of the war
between the Samaritans and the Galileans, he had stood
before the Roman judge. Not because the reckless
fanatics preponderated in the ruling circles, but because
these instigators of popular tumults and organisers of trials
for heresy lacked the moral and religious authority where-
by the moderate men in better times had guided the mul-
titude, and because they misunderstood and misused the
indulgence of the Roman authorities in internal affairs,
they were unable to mediate in a peaceful sense between
the foreign rule and the nation. It was under their very
rule that the Roman authorities were assailed with the
wildest and most irrational demands, and popular move-
ments arose of grim absurdity. Of such a nature was
that violent petition, which demanded and obtained the
blood of a Roman soldier on account of the tearing up
of a roll of the law. Another time there arose a popular
tumult, which cost the lives of many men, because a
Roman soldier had exhibited in the temple a part of his
body in unseemly nudity. Even the best of kings could
not have absolutely averted such lunacy; but even the
most insignificant prince would not have confronted the
fanatical multitude with so little control of the helm as
these priests.

The proper result was the constant increase of the
new Maccabees. It has been customary to put the out-
break of the war in the year 66 ; with equal and perhaps
better warrant we might name for it the year 44. Since
the death of Agrippa warfare in Judaea had never ceased,
and alongside of the local feuds, which Jews fought out

1 The question was, apparently, xviii. 28), to the priest generally, or to
whether the gift of the tenth sheaf the high priest (Ewald, Jd. Gesch.
belonged to Aaron the priest (Numb. vi.’ 635).

Zealots.

204 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

with Jews, there went on. constantly the war of the Roman
troops against the seceders in the mountains, the Zealots,
as the Jews named them, or according to Roman designa-
tion, the Robbers. Both names were appropriate ; here
too alongside of the fanatics the decayed or decaying
elements of society played their part—at any rate after
the victory one of the first steps of the Zealots was to burn
the bonds for debt that were kept in the temple. Every
one of the abler procurators, onward from the first Cus-
pius Fadus, swept the land of them, and still the hydra
appeared afresh in greater strength. The successor of
Fadus, Tiberius Julius Alexander, himself sprung from a
Jewish family, a nephew of the above-mentioned Alexan-
drian scholar Philo, caused two sons of Judas the Galilean,
Jacob and Simon, to be crucified ; this was the seed of
the new Mattathias. In the streets of the towns the
patriots preached aloud the war, and not a few followed
to the desert ; these bands set on fire the houses of the
peaceful and rational people who refused to take part with
them. If the soldiers seized bandits of this sort, they
carried off in turn respectable people as hostages to'the
mountains; and very often the authorities agreed to
release the former in order to liberate the latter. At the
same time the “men of the knife” began in the capital
their dismal trade; they murdered, doubtless also for
money—as their first victim the priest Jonathan is named,
as commissioning them in that case, the Roman pro-
curator Felix—but, if possible, at the same time as
patriots, Roman soldiers or countrymen of their own
friendly to the Romans. How, with such dispositions,
should wonders and signs have failed to appear, and persons
who, deceived or deceiving, roused thereby the fanaticism
of the masses? Under Cuspius Fadus the miracle-monger
Theudas led his faithful adherents to the Jordan, assuring
them that the waters would divide before them and swal-
low up the pursuing Roman horsemen, as in the times of
king Pharaoh. Under Felix another worker of wonders,
named from his native country the Egyptian, promised
that the walls of Jerusalem would collapse like those of

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 205

Jericho at the trumpet blast of Joshua; and thereupon
four thousand knife-men followed him to the Mount of
Olives. In the very absurdity lay the danger. The great
mass of the Jewish population were small farmers, who
ploughed their fields and pressed their oil in the sweat of
their brow—more villagers than townsmen, of little culture
and powerful faith, closely linked to the free bands in the
mountains, and full of reverence for Jehovah and his
priests in Jerusalem as well as full of aversion towards the
unclean strangers. The war there was not a war between
one power and another for the ascendency, not even
properly a war of the oppressed against the oppressors for
the recovery of freedom; it was not daring statesmen,
but fanatical peasants that began and waged it, and paid
for it with their blood. It was a further stage in the
history of national hatred; on both sides continued
living together seemed impossible, and they encountered

each other with the thought of mutual extirpation.
The movement, through which the tumults were changed

into war, proceeded from Caesarea.

In this urban com-

munity—originally Greek, and then remodelled by Herod
after the pattern of the colonies of Alexander—which had

1 It is nothing but an empty fancy,
when the statesman Josephus, in his
preface to his History of the war, puts
it as if the Jews of Palestine had
reckoned on the one hand upon a
rising of the Euphrates-lands, on the
other hand, upon the troubles in Gaul
and the threatening attitude of the
Germans and on the crises of the year
of four emperors. The Jewish war
had long been in full course when
Vindex appeared against Nero, and
the Druids really did what is here
assigned to the Rabbis; and, how-
ever great was the importance of the
Jewish Diaspora in the lands of the
Euphrates, a Jewish expedition from
that quarter against the Romans of
the East was almost as inconceivable
as from Egypt and Asia Minor.
Doubtless some free-lances came from
thence, as e.g. some young princes of
the zealously Jewish royal house of

Adiabene (Josephus, Bell. Jud, ii. 19,
2; vi. 6, 4), and suppliant embassies
went thither from the insurgents (z.
vi. 6, 2); but even: money hardly
flowed to the Jews from this quarter
in any considerable amount. This
statement is characteristic of the author
more than of the war. If it is easy to
understand how the Jewish leader of
insurgents and subsequent courtier of
the Flavians was fond of comparing
himself with the Parthians exiled at
Rome, it is the less to be excused
that modern historical authorship
should walk in similar paths, and in
endeavouring to apprehend these
events as constituent parts of the his-
tory of the Roman court and city or
even of the Romano- Parthian quarrels,
should by this insipid introduction of
so-called great policy obscure the
fearful necessity of this tragic develop-
ment.

Outbreak of
the insur-
rection in
Caesarea.

206 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BooK vil.

developed into the first seaport of Palestine, Greeks and
Jews dwelt, equally entitled to civic privileges, without
distinction of nation and confession, the latter superior in
number and property. But the Hellenes, after the model
of the Alexandrians, and doubtless under the immediate
impression of the occurrences of the year 38, impugned
the right of citizenship of the Jewish members of the
community by way of complaint to the supreme authority.
The minister of Nero,’ Burrus (f 62), decided in their
favour. It was bad to make citizenship in a town formed
on Jewish soil and by a Jewish government a privilege of
the Hellenes ; but it may not be forgotten how the Jews ;
behaved just at that time towards the Romans, and how
naturally they suggested to the Romans the conversion of .
the Roman capital and the Roman head-quarters of the
province into a purely Hellenic urban community. The
decision led, as might be conceived, to vehement street
tumults, in which Hellenic scoffing and Jewish arrogance
seem to have almost balanced each other, particularly in
the struggle for access to the synagogue; the Roman
authorities interfered, as a matter of course, to the disad-
vantage of the Jews. These left the town, but were com-
pelled by the governor to return, and then all of them
were slain in a street riot (6th August 66). This the
government had at any rate not commanded, and cer-
tainly had not wished; powers were unchained which
l they themselves were no longer able to control.
Outbreakof If here the enemies of the Jews were the assailants,
the insur the Jews were so in Jerusalem. Certainly their defenders
Jerusalem. in the narrative of these occurrences assure us that the
procurator of Palestine at the time, Gessius Florus, in
order to avoid impeachment on account of his malad-
ministration, wished to provoke an insurrection by the
excessive measure of his torture; and there is no doubt
that the governors of that time considerably exceeded the
1 Josephus (Arch. xx. 8, 9), makes as prefect; but certainly the same
him indeed secretary of Nero for person is meant. He is calied
Greek correspondence, although he, madaywyés with him as with Tacitus,

where he follows Roman sources Ann. xiii. 2: rector imperatoriae iu-
(xx. 8, 2), designates him correctly ventae.

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 207

usual measure of worthlessness and oppression. But, if
Florus in fact pursued such a plan, it miscarried. For
according to these very reports the prudent and the pos-
sessors of property among the Jews, and with them king
Agrippa II., familiar with the government of the temple,
and just at that time present in Jerusalem—he had mean-
while exchanged the rule of Chalcis for that of Batanaea
—lulled the masses so far, that the riotous assemblages
and the interference against them kept within the measure
that had been usual in the country for years. But the
advances made by Jewish theology were more dangerous
than the disorder of the streets and the robber patriots of
the mountains. The earlier Judaism had in a liberal
fashion opened the gates of its faith to foreigners ; it is
true that only those who belonged, in the strict sense, to
their religion were admitted to the interior of the Temple,
but as proselytes of the gate all were admitted without
ceremony into the outer courts, and even the non-Jew
was here allowed to pray on his part and offer sacrifices
to the Lord Jehovah. Thus, as we have already men-
tioned (p. 189), sacrifice was offered daily there for the
Roman emperor on the basis of an endowment of Augus-
tus. These sacrifices of non-Jews were forbidden by the
master of the temple at this time, Eleazar, son of the
above-mentioned high priest Ananias, a passionate young
man of rank, personally blameless and brave and, so far,
an entire contrast to his father, but more dangerous through
his virtues than the latter was through his vices. Vainly it
was pointed out to him that this was as offensive for the
Romans as dangerous for the country, and absolutely at
variance with usage; he resolved to abide by the im-
provement of piety and the exclusion of the sovereign
of the land from worship. Believers in Judaism had for
long been divided into those who placed their trust in the
Lord of Zebaoth alone and endured the Roman rule till
it should please Him to realise the kingdom of heaven on
earth, and the more practical men, who had resolved to
establish the kingdom of heaven with their own hand and
held themselves assured of the help of the Lord of Hosts

Eleazar.

208 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BooK vin.

in the pious work, or, by their watchwords, into the Phari-
sees and the Zealots. The number and the repute of the
latter were constantly on the increase. An old saying
was discovered that about this time a man would proceed
from Judaea and gain the dominion of the world ; people
believed this the more readily because it was so very
absurd, and the oracle contributed not a little to render
the masses more fanatical.

Struggle of The moderate party perceived the danger, and resolved

Victory of tO put down the fanatics by force; it asked for troops

the Zealots. from the Romans in Caesarea and from king Agrippa.
From the former no support came; Agrippa sent a
number of horsemen. On the other hand the patriots
and the knife-men flocked into the city, among them the
wildest Manahim, also one of the sons of the oft-named
Judas of Galilee. They were the stronger, and soon were
masters in all the city. The handful of Roman soldiers,
which kept garrison in the castle adjoining the temple,
was quickly overpowered and put to death. The neigh-
bouring king’s palace, with the strong towers belonging
to it, where the adherents of the moderate party, a number
of Romans under the tribune Metilius, and the soldiers of
Agrippa were stationed, offered as little resistance. To
the latter, on their desire to capitulate, free departure was
allowed, but was refused to the Romans; when they at
length surrendered in return for assurance of life, they
were first disarmed, and then put to death with the single
exception of the officer, who promised to undergo circum-
cision and so was pardoned as a Jew. Even the leaders
of the moderates, including the father and the brother of
Eleazar, became the victims of the popular rage, which
was still more savagely indignant at the associates of the
Romans than at the Romans themselves. Eleazar was
himself alarmed at his victory ; between the two leaders
of the fanatics, himself and Manahim, a bloody hand-
to-hand conflict took place after the victory, perhaps
on account of the broken capitulation: Manahim
was captured and executed. But the holy city was
free, and the Roman detachment stationed in Jerusalem

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 209

was annihilated; the new Maccabees had conquered, like
the old.

Thus, it is alleged on the same day, the 6th August
66, the non-Jews in Caesarea had massacred the Jews,
and the Jews in Jerusalem had massacred the non-Jews ;
and thereby was given on both sides the signal to proceed
with this patriotic work acceptable to God. In the neigh-
bouring Greek towns the Hellenes rid themselves of the
resident Jews after the model of Caesarea. For example,
in Damascus all the Jews were in the first instance shut
up in the gymnasium, and, on the news of a misfortune to
the Roman arms, were by way of precaution all of them
put to death. The same or something similar took place
in Ascalon, in Scytopolis, Hippos, Gadara, wherever the
Hellenes were the stronger. In the territory of king
Agrippa, inhabited mainly by Syrians, his energetic inter-
vention saved the lives of the Jews of Caesarea Paneas
and elsewhere. In Syria Ptolemais, Tyre, and more or
less the other Greek communities followed ; only the two
greatest and most civilised cities, Antioch and Apamea,
as well as Sidon, were exceptions. To this is probably
due the fact that this movement did not spread in the
direction of Asia Minor. In Egypt not merely did the
matter come to a popular riot, which claimed numerous
victims, but the Alexandrian legions themselves had to
charge the Jews.—In necessary reaction to these Jewish
“vespers” the insurrection victorious in Jerusalem im-
mediately seized all Judaea and organised itself every-
where, with similar maltreatment of minorities, but in
other respects with rapidity and energy.

It was necessary to interfere as speedily as possible,
and to prevent the further extension of the conflagration ;
on the first news the Roman governor of Syria, Gaius
Cestius Gallus, marched with his troops against the in-
surgents. He brought up about 20,000 Roman soldiers
and 13,000 belonging to client-states, without including
the numerous Syrian militia ; took Joppa, where the whole
body of citizens was put to death; and already in Sep-
tember stood before, and in fact in, Jerusalem itself. But

VOL. II. 14

Extension
of the Jew-
ish war.

Vain expe-
dition of
Cestius
Gallus.

The Jewish
war of
Vespasian,

210 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

he could not breach the strong walls of the king’s palace
and of the temple, and as little made use of the oppor-
tunity several times offered to him of getting possession
of the town through the moderate party. Whether the
task was insoluble or whether he was not equal to it,
he soon gave up the siege, and purchased even a hasty
retreat by the sacrifice of his baggage and of his rear-
guard. Thus Judaea in the first instance, including
Idumaea and Galilee, remained in, or came into, the hands
of the exasperated Jews; the Samaritan district also was
compelled to join. The mainly Hellenic coast towns,
Anthedon and Gaza, were destroyed, Caesarea and the
other Greek towns were retained with difficulty. If the
rising did not go beyond the boundaries of Palestine, that
was not the fault of the government, but was rather due
to the national dislike of the Syro-Hellenes towards the
Jews.

: The government in Rome took things in earnest, as
earnest they were. Instead of the procurator an imperial
legate was sent to Palestine, Titus Flavius Vespasianus,
a prudent man and an experienced soldier. He obtained
for the conduct of the war two legions of the West, which
in consequence of the Parthian war were accidentally still
in Asia, and that Syrian legion which had suffered least
in the unfortunate expedition of Cestius, while the Syrian
army under the new governor, Gaius Licinius Mucianus—
Gallus had seasonably died—by the addition of another
legion was restored to the status which it had before.’ To

1 It is not quite clear what were
the arrangements for the forces occupy-
ing Syria after the Parthian war was
ended in the year 63. At its close
there were seven legions stationed in
the East, the four originally Syrian,
3d Gallica, 6th Ferrata, roth Fre-
tensis, 12th Fulminata, and three
brought up from the West, the 4th
Scythica from Moesia (I. 213), the
5th Macedonica, probably from the
same place (I. 219; for which pro-
bably an upper German legion was
sent to Moesia I. 132), the 15th
Apollinaris from Pannonia (I. 219).

Since, excepting Syria, no Asiatic
province was at that time furnished
with legions, and the governor of
Syria certainly in times of peace had
never more than four legions, the
Syrian army beyond doubt had at
that time been brought back, or at
least ought to have been brought
back, to this footing. The four
legions which accordingly were to
remain in Syria were, as this was
most natural, the four old Syrian
ones ; for the 3d had in the year 70

just marched from Syria to Moesia `

(Suetonius, Vesp. 6; Tacitus, //es¢.

CHAP. XI.

JUDAEA AND THE JEWS.

211

these burgess-troops and their auxiliaries were added the
previous garrison of Palestine, and lastly the forces of the
four client-kings of the Commagenians, the Hemesenes,
the Jews, and the Nabataeans, together about 50,000

men, including among them 15,000 king’s soldiers.’

In

the spring of the year 67 this army was brought together

at Ptolemais and advanced into Palestine.

ii. 74), and that the 6th, roth, 12th
belonged to the army of Cestius
follows from Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii.
18, 9, & 19, 73 vii. 1, 3. Then,
when the Jewish war broke out, seven
legions were again destined for Asia,
and of these four for Syria (Tacitus,
Hist. i. 10), three for Palestine; the
three legions added were just those
employed for the Parthian war, the
4th, 5th, 15th, which perhaps at that
time were still in course of marching
back to their old quarters. The 4th
probably went at that time defini-
tively to Syria, where it thenceforth
remained; on the other hand, the
Syrian army gave off the roth to
Vespasian, presumably because this
had suffered least in the campaign of
Cestius. In addition he received the
5th and the 15th. The sth and the
roth legions came from Alexandria
(Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii. 1, 3, C. 4,
2); but that they were brought up
from Egypt cannot well be conceived,
not merely because the 1oth was one
of the Syrian, but especially because
the march by land from Alexandria
on the Nile to Ptolemais through the
middle of the insurgent territory at
the beginning of the Jewish war could
not have been so narrated by Josephus.
Far more probably Titus went by ship
from Achaia to Alexandria on the
Gulf of Issus, the modern Alex-
andretta, and brought the two legions
thence to Ptolemais. The orders to
march may have reached the 15th
somewhere in Asia Minor, since
Vespasian, doubtless in order to take
them over, went to Syria by land
(Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii. 1, 3). To
these three legions, with which Ves-
pasian began the war, there was added

After the

under Titus a further one of the Syrian,
the 12th. Of the four legions that
occupied Jerusalem the two previously
Syrian remained in the East, the roth
in Judaea, the 12th in Cappadocia,
while the 5th returned to Moesia,
and the 15th to Pannonia (Josephus,
Bell, Jud. vii. 1, 3 c. 5, 3).

1 To the three legions there belonged
five alae and eighteen cohorts, and
the army of Palestine consisting of
one ala and five cohorts. These
auxilia numbered accordingly 3000
alarians and (since among the twenty-
three cohorts ten were 1000 strong,
thirteen 720, or probably rather only
420 strong; for instead of the
startling é{axoolovs we expect rather
tpraxoclous étdxovra) 16,240 (or, if
720 is retained, 19,360) cohortales.
To these fell to be added 1000 horse-
men from each of the four kings, and
5000 Arabian archers, with 2000
from each of the other three kings.
This gives together—reckoning the
legion at 6000 men—52,240 men,
and so towards 60,000, as Jose-
phus (Bell. Jud. iii. 4, 2) says.
But as the divisions are thus all cal-
culated at the utmost normal strength,
the effective aggregate number can
hardly be estimated at 50,000. These
numbers of Josephus appear in the
main trustworthy, just as the analogous
ones for the army of Cestius (Bel.
Jud. ii. 18, 9); whereas his figures,
resting on the census, are throughout
measured after the scale of the
smallest village in Galilee numbering
15,000 inhabitants (Bell. Jud. iii. 3,
2), and are historically as useless as
the figures of Falstaff. It is but
seldom, e.g. at the siege of Jotapata,
that we recognise reported numbers.

212 JUDALEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

insurgents had been emphatically repulsed by the weak
garrison of the town of Ascalon, they had not further
attacked the cities which took part with the Romans;
the hopelessness, which pervaded the whole movement,
expressed itself in the renouncing at once of all offensive.
When the Romans thereupon passed over to the aggressive,
the insurgents nowhere confronted them in the open field,
and in fact did not even make attempts to bring relief
to the several places assailed. Certainly the cautious
general of the Romans did not divide his troops, but kept

- at least the three legions together throughout. Never-

First and
second
campaigns,

theless, as in most of the individual townships a number
—often probably but small—of the fanatics exercised
terror over the citizens, the resistance was obstinate, and
the Roman conduct of the war. neither brilliant nor
rapid.

Vespasian employed the whole first campaign (67) in
bringing into his power the fortresses of the small district
of Galilee and the coast as far as Ascalon; but before
the little town of Jotapata the three legions lay encamped
for forty-five days. During the winter of 67-8 a legion
lay in Scytopolis, on the south border of Galilee, the two
others in Caesarea. Meanwhile the different factions in
Jerusalem fell upon one another and were in most
vehement conflict; the good patriots, who were at the
same time for civil order, and the still better patriots,
who, partly in fanatical excitement, partly from delight
in mob-riot, wished to bring about and turn to account
a reign of terror, fought with each other in the streets
of the city, and were only at one in accounting every
attempt at reconciliation with the Romans a crime worthy
of death, The Roman general, on many occasions
summoned to take advantage of this disorder, adhered to
the course of advancing only step by step. In the second
year of the war he caused the Transjordanic territory in
the first instance, particularly the important towns of
Gadara and Gerasa, to be occupied, and then took up
his position at Emmaus and Jericho, whence he took

‘military possession of Idumaea in the south and Samaria .

CHAP. X. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 213

in the north, so that Jerusalem in the summer of the
year 68 was surrounded on all sides.

The siege was just beginning when the news of the
death of Nero arrived. Thereby de iure the mandate
conferred on the legate became extinct, and Vespasian,
not less cautious in a political than in a military point
of view, in fact suspended his operations until new orders
as to his attitude. Before these arrived from Galba, the
good season of the year was at an end. When the spring
of 69 came, Galba was overthrown, and the decision was
in suspense between the emperor of the Roman body-
guard and the emperor of the army on the Rhine. It
was only after Vitellius’s victory in June 69 that Vespasian
resumed operations and occupied Hebron; but very soon
all the armies of the East renounced their allegiance to
the former and proclaimed the previous legate of Judaea
as emperor. The positions at Emmaus and Jericho were
indeed maintained in front of the Jews; but, as the
German legions had denuded the Rhine to make their
general emperor, so the flower of the army went from
Palestine, partly with the legate of Syria, Mucianus, to
Italy, partly with the new emperor and his son Titus to
Syria and onward to Egypt, and it was only after the
war of the succession was ended, at the close of the
year 69, and the rule of Vespasian was acknowledged
throughout the empire, that the latter entrusted his son
with the termination of the Jewish war.

Thus the insurgents had entirely free sway in
Jerusalem from the summer of 66 till the spring of 70.
What the combination of religious and national fanaticism,
the noble desire not to survive the downfall of their
fatherland, the consciousness of past crimes and of inevi-
table punishment, the wild promiscuous tumult of all
noblest and all basest passions in these four years of
terror brought upon the nation, had its horrors intensified
by the fact that the foreigners were only onlookers in the
matter, and all the evil was inflicted directly by Jews
upon Jews. The moderate patriots were soon over-
powered by the zealots with the help of the levy of the

Stoppage
of the war.

Titus
against
Jerusalem.

214 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

rude and fanatical inhabitants of the Idumaean villages
(end of 68), and their leaders were slain. The zealots
thenceforth ruled, and all the bonds of civil, religious, and
moral order were dissolved. Freedom was granted to the
slaves, the high priests were appointed by lot, the ritual
laws were trodden under foot and scoffed at by those very
fanatics whose stronghold was the temple, the captives in
the prisons were put to death, and it was forbidden on
pain of death to bury the slain. The different leaders
fought with their separate bands against one another:
John of Gischala with his band brought up from Galilee ;
Simon, son of Gioras from Gerasa, the leader of a band
of patriots formed in the south, and at the same time of
the Idumaeans in revolt against John; Eleazar, son of
Simon, one of the champions against Cestius Gallus.
The first maintained himself in the porch of the temple,
the second in the city, the third in the Holy of Holies ;
and there were daily combats in the streets of the city
between Jews and Jews. Concord came only through
the common enemy; when the attack began, Eleazar’s
little band placed itself under the orders of John, and
although John in the temple and Simon in the city con-
tinued to play the part of masters, they, while quarrelling
among themselves, fought shoulder to shoulder against
the Romans.

The task of the assailants was not an easy one. It
is true that the army, which had received in place of the
detachments sent to Italy a considerable contingent from
the Egyptian and the Syrian troops, was quite sufficient
for the investment; and, in spite of the long interval
which had been granted to the Jews to prepare for the
siege, their provisions were inadequate, the more especially
as a part of them had been destroyed in the street
conflicts, and, as the siege began about the time of the
Passover, numerous strangers who had come on that
account to Jerusalem were also shut in. But though
the mass of the population soon suffered distress, the
combatant force took what they needed where they found
it, and, well provided as they were, they carried on the

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 215

struggle without reference to the multitudes that were
famishing and soon dying of hunger. The young general
could not make up his mind to a mere blockade; a siege
with four legions, brought to an end in this way, would
yield to him personally no glory, and the new government
needed a brilliant feat of arms. The town, everywhere
else defended by inaccessible rocky slopes, was assailable
only on the north side; here, too, it was no easy labour
to reduce the threefold rampart-wall erected without regard
to cost from the rich treasures of the temple, and further
within the city to wrest the citadel, the temple, and the
three vast towers of Herod from a strong, fanatically
inspired, and desperate garrison. John and Simon not
merely resolutely repelled the assaults, but often attacked
with good success the troops working at the trenches,
and destroyed or burnt the besieging machines.

But the superiority of numbers and the art of war
decided for the Romans. The walls were stormed, and
thereafter the citadel Antonia; then, after long resistance,
first the porticoes of the temple went on fire, and further
on the roth Ab (August) the temple itself, with all the
treasures accumulated in it for six centuries. Lastly,
after fighting in the streets which lasted for a month,
on the 8th Elul (September) the last resistance in the town
itself was broken, and the holy Salem was razed. The
bloody work had lasted for five months. The sword and
the arrow, and still more famine, had claimed countless
victims ; the Jews killed every one so much as suspected
of deserting, and forced women and children in the city
to die of hunger; the Romans just as pitilessly put to
the sword the captives or crucified them. The combatants
that remained, and particularly the two leaders, were
drawn forth singly from the sewers, in which they had
taken refuge. At the Dead Sea, just where once king
David and the Maccabees in their utmost distress had
found a refuge, the remnants of the insurgents still held
out for years in the rock-castles Machaerus and Massada,
till at length, as the last of the free Jews, Eleazar grandson
of Judas the Galilean, and his adherents put to death first

Destruction
of Jeru-
salem,

Breaking
up of the
Jewish cen-
tral power,

216 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

their wives and children, and then themselves. The work
was done. That the emperor Vespasian, an able soldier,
did not disdain on account of such an inevitable success
over a small long-subject people to march as victor
to the Capitol, and that the seven-armed candelabrum
brought home from the Holy of Holies of the temple is
still to be seen at the present day on the honorary arch
which the imperial senate erected to Titus in the market
of the capital,’ gives no high conception of the warlike
spirit of this time. It is true that the deep aversion,
which the Occidentals cherished towards the Jewish
people, made up in some measure for what was wanting
in martial glory, and if the Jewish name was too vile for
the emperors to assign it to themselves, like those of the
Germans and the Parthians, they deemed it not beneath
their dignity to prepare for the populace of the capital
this triumph commemorative of the victor’s pleasure in
the misfortunes of others. |

The work of the sword was followed by a change of
policy. The policy pursued by the earlier Hellenistic
states, and taken over from them by the Romans—which
reached in reality far beyond mere tolerance towards
foreign ways and foreign faith, and recognised .the Jews
in their collective character as a national and religious
community—had become impossible. In the Jewish
insurrection the dangers had been too clearly brought to
light, which this formation of a national-religious union
—on the one hand rigidly concentrated, on the other
spreading over the whole East and having ramifications
even in the West—involved. The central worship was
accordingly once for all set aside. This resolution of the

1 This arch was erected to Titus
after his death by the imperial senate.
Another, dedicated to him during his
short government by the same senate
in the circus (C. 4 Z. vi. 944)
specifies even with express words as
the ground of erecting the monument,
“ because he, according to the pre-
cept and direction and under the
superintendence of his father, subdued
the people of the Jews and destroyed

the town of Hierusolyma, which up
to his time had either been besieged
in vain by all generals, kings, and
peoples, or not assailed at all.” The
historic knowledge of this singular
document, which ignores not merely
Nebuchadnezzar and Antiochus Epi-
phanes, but their own Pompeius,
stands on the same level with its
extravagance in the praise of a very
ordinary feat of arms.

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 217

government stood undoubtedly fixed, and had nothing
in common with the question, which cannot be answered
with certainty, whether the destruction of the temple took
place by design or by accident ; if, on the one hand, the
suppression of the worship required only the closing of
the temple and the magnificent structure might have
been spared, on the other hand, had the temple been
accidentally destroyed, the worship might have been
continued in a temple rebuilt. No doubt it will always
remain probable that it was not the chance of war that
here prevailed, but the flames of the temple were rather
the programme for the altered policy of the Roman
government with reference to Judaism? More clearly
even than in the events at Jerusalem the same change is
marked in the closing—which ensued at the same time
on the order of Vespasian—of the central sanctuary of
the Egyptian Jews, the temple of Onias, not far from
Memphis, in the Heliopolitan district, which for centuries
stood alongside of that of Jerusalem, somewhat as the
translation by the Alexandrian Seventy stood side by
side with the Old Testament ; it too was divested of its
votive gifts, and the worship of God in it was forbidden.
In the further carrying out of the new order of things
the high priesthood and the Synhedrion of Jerusalem
disappeared, and thereby the Jews of the empire lost their
outward supreme head and their chief authority having
jurisdiction hitherto generally in religious questions. The
annual tribute—previously at least tolerated—on the
part of every Jew, without distinction of dwelling-place,
to the temple did not certainly fall into abeyance, but
was with bitter parody transferred to the Capitoline

1 The account of Josephus, that
Titus with his council of war resolved
not to destroy the temple, excites
suspicion by the manifest intention of
it, and, as the use made of Tacitus in
the chronicle of Sulpicius Severus is
completely proved by Bernays, it may
certainly well be a question whether
his quite opposite account (Chron. ii.
30, 6), that the council of war had

resolved to destroy the temple, does
not proceed from Tacitus, and whether
the preference is not to be given to it,
although it bears traces of Christian
revision. This view further commends
itself through the fact that the dedi-
cation addressed to Vespasian of the
Argonautica of the poet Valerius Flac-
cus celebrates the victor of Solyma,
who hurls the fiery torches.

218 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

Jupiter, and his representative on earth, the Roman
emperor. From the character of the Jewish institutions
the suppression of the central worship involved dissolu-
tion of the community of Jerusalem. The city was not
merely destroyed and burnt down, but was left lying in
ruins, like Carthage and Corinth once upon a time; its
territory, public as well as private land, became imperial
domain.’ Such of the citizens of the populous town as
had escaped famine or the sword came under the hammer
of the slave market. Amidst the ruins of the destroyed
town was pitched the camp of the legion, which, with its
Spanish and Thracian auxiliaries, was thenceforth to do
garrison duty in the Jewish land. The provincial troops
hitherto recruited in Palestine itself were transferred
elsewhere. In Emmaus, in the immediate neighbourhood
of Jerusalem, a number of Roman veterans were settled,
but urban rights were not conferred on this place. On
the other hand, the old Sichem, the religious centre of
the Samaritan community, perhaps a Greek city even
from the time of Alexander the Great, was now reorganised
in the forms of Hellenic polity under the name Flavia
Neapolis. The capital of the land, Caesarea, hitherto a
Greek urban community, obtained as “first Flavian
colony” Roman organisation and Latin as the language
of business. These were essays towards the Occidental
municipalising of the Jewish land. Nevertheless Judaea
proper, though depopulated and impoverished, remained
still Jewish as before ; the light in which the government
looked upon the land is shown by the thoroughly anomalous
permanent military occupation, which, as Judaea was not
situated on the frontier of the empire, can only have been
destined to keep down the inhabitants.

The Herodians, too, did not long survive the de-

1 That the emperor took this land
for himself (l8iay airy riv xuwpay
gvAdrrwyv) is stated by Josephus, Bell.
Jud, vii. 6, 6; not in accord with
this is his command wdacav yiv
drodéc0a trav Iovdalwy (/. c.) in
which doubtless there lurks an error
or a copyist’s mistake. It is in

keeping with the expropriation that
land was by way of grace assigned
elsewhere to individual Jewish land-
owners (Josephus, vi. 16). We
may add that the territory was prob-
ably employed as an endowment for
the legion stationed there (ÆA. epigr.
ii. n. 696; Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 54).

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 219

struction of Jerusalem. King Agrippa II., the ruler of The end of
Caesarea Paneas and of Tiberias, had rendered faithful ea
service to the Romans in the war against his country-

men, and had even scars, honourable at least in a military

sense, to show from it; besides, his sister Berenice, a
Cleopatra on a small scale, held the heart of the conqueror

of Jerusalem captive with the remnant of her much
asserted charms. So he remained personally in possession

of the dominion; but after his death, some thirty years

later, this last reminiscence of the Jewish state was
merged in the Roman province of Syria.

No hindrances were put in the way of the Jews Further
exercising their religious customs either in Palestine or DET ca,
elsewhere. Their religious instruction itself, and the
assemblies in connection with it of their law-teachers
and law-experts, were at least permitted in Palestine ;
and there was no hindrance to these Rabbinical unions
attempting to put themselves in some measure in the
room of the former Synhedrion of Jerusalem, and to fix
their doctrine and their laws in the groundwork of the
Talmud. Although individual partakers in the Jewish
insurrection who fled to Egypt and Cyrene produced
troubles there, the bodies of Jews outside of Palestine, so
far as we see, were left in their previous position. Against
the Jew-hunt, which just about the time of the destruction
of Jerusalem was called forth in Antioch by the circum-
stance that the Jews there had been publicly charged by
one of their renegade comrades in the faith with the
intention of setting the town on fire, the representative
of the governor of Syria interfered with energy, and did
not allow what was proposed—that they should compel
the Jews to sacrifice to the gods of the land and to
refrain from keeping the Sabbath. Titus himself, when
he came to Antioch, most distinctly dismissed the leaders
of the movement there with their request for the ejection
of the Jews, or at least the cancelling of their privileges.
People shrank from declaring war on the Jewish faith
as such, and from driving the far-branching Diaspora
to extremities; it was enough that Judaism was in

The conse-
quences of
the catas-
trophe.

The
Christians,

220 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

its political representation deleted from the common-
wealth.

The alteration in the policy pursued since Alexander’s
time towards Judaism amounted in the main to the
withdrawing from this religious society unity of leader-
ship and external compactness, and to the wresting out
of the hands of its leaders a power which extended not
merely over the native land of the Jews, but over the
bodies of Jews generally within and beyond the Roman
empire, and certainly in the East was prejudicial to the
unity of imperial government. The Lagids as well as
the Seleucids, and not less the Roman emperors of the
Julio-Claudian dynasty, had put up with this; but the
immediate rule of the Occidentals over Judaea had
sharpened the contrast between the imperial power and
this power of the priests to such a degree, that the
catastrophe set in with inevitable necessity and brought
its consequences. From a political standpoint we may
censure, doubtless, the remorselessness of the conduct of
the war—which, moreover, is pretty much common to
this war with all similar ones in Roman history—but
hardly the religious-political dissolution of the nation
ordained in consequence of it. If the axe was laid at the
root of institutions which had led, and could not but with
a certain necessity lead, to the formation of a party like
that of the zealots, there was but done what was right
and necessary, however severely and unjustly in the
special case the individual might be affected by it.
Vespasian, who gave the decision, was a judicious and
moderate ruler. The question concerned was one not
of faith but of power; the Jewish church-state, as head
of the Diaspora, was not compatible with the absoluteness
of the secular great-state. From the general rule of
toleration the government did not even in this case
depart ; it waged war not against Judaism but against
the high priest and the Synhedrion. |

Nor did the destruction of the temple wholly fail in
this its aim. There were not a few Jews and still more
proselytes, particularly in the Diaspora, who adhered

cHaP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 221

more to the Jewish moral law and to Jewish Monotheism
than to the strictly national form of faith; the whole
respectable sect of the Christians had inwardly broken
off from Judaism and stood partly in open opposition to
the Jewish ritual. For these the fall of Jerusalem was
by no means the end of things, and within this extensive
and influential circle the government obtained in some
measure what it aimed at by breaking up the central seat
of the Jewish worship. The separation of the Christian
faith common to the nations from the national Jewish,
the victory of the adherents of Paul over those of Peter,
was essentially promoted by the abeyance of the Jewish
central cultus.

But among the Jews of Palestine, where the language
spoken was not Hebrew indeed, but Aramaic, and
among the portion of the Diaspora which clung firmly
to Jerusalem, the breach between Judaism and the rest of
the world was deepened by the destruction of the temple.
The national-religious exclusiveness, which the govern-
ment wished to obviate, was in this narrow circle rather
strengthened by the violent attempt to break it down,
and driven, in the first instance, to further desperate
struggles.

Not quite fifty years after the destruction of Jeru-
salem, in the year 116, the Jews of the eastern Medi-
terranean rose against the imperial government. The
rising, although undertaken by the Diaspora, was of a
purely national character in its chief seats, Cyrene, Cyprus,
Egypt, directed to the expulsion of the Romans as of the
Hellenes, and, apparently, to the establishment of a sepa-
rate Jewish state. It ramified even into Asiatic territory,
and seized Mesopotamia and Palestine itself. When the
insurgents were victorious they conducted the war with
the same exasperation as the Sicarii in Jerusalem ; they
killed those whom they seized—the historian Appian,
a native of Alexandria, narrates how he, running from

1 Eusebius, Æ. Æ. iv. 2, puts the the penultimate year of Trajan ; and
outbreak on the 18th, and so, accord- therewith Dio, lxviii. 32, agrees.
ing to his reckoning (in the Chronicle),

Palestinian
Jews.

The Jewish
rising under
Trajan,

222 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 200K ViIL

them for his life, with great difficulty made his escape to
Pelusium—and often they put the captives to death under
excruciating torture, or compelled them—yjust as Titus
formerly compelled the Jews captured in Jerusalem—to
fall as gladiators in the arena in order to delight the eyes
of the victors. In Cyrene 220,000, in Cyprus even
240,000 men are said to have been thus put to death by
them. On the other hand, in Alexandria, which does not
appear itself to have fallen into the hands of the Jews,
the besieged Hellenes slew whatever Jews were then in
the city. The immediate cause of the rising is not clear.
The blood of the zealots, who had taken refuge at Alex-
andria and Cyrene, and had there sealed their loyalty to
the faith by dying under the axe of the Roman execu-
tioner, may not have flowed in vain ; the Parthian war,
during which the insurrection began, so far promoted
it, as the troops stationed in Egypt had probably been
called to the theatre of war. To all appearance it was
an outbreak of the religious exasperation of the Jews,
which had been glowing in secret like a volcano since the
destruction of the temple and broke out after an incal-
culable manner into flames, of such a kind as the East
has at all times produced and produces ; if the insurgents
really proclaimed a Jew as king, this rising certainly had,
like that in their native country, its central seat in the
great mass of the common people. That this Jewish
rising partly coincided with the formerly-mentioned (p.
68) attempt at liberation of the peoples shortly before
subdued by the emperor Trajan, while the latter was in
the far East at the mouth of the Euphrates, gave to it
even a political significance; if the successes of this ruler
melted away under his hands at the close of his career,
the Jewish insurrection, particularly in Palestine and Meso-
potamia, contributed its part to that result. In order to
put down the insurrection the troops had everywhere to

1 Eusebius himself (in Syncellus) of this a restoration of Alexandria de-
says only: ’Adpiavds “Jovdalovs xara stroyed by the Jews, of which Euse-
"Aretavdpéwy oracidfovras éxédd\acev. bius, Æ. Æ. iv. 2, and Dio, lxviii. 32,

The Armenian and Latin translations know nothing.
appear to have erroneously made out

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 223

take the field ; against the “king” of the Cyrenaean Jews,
Andreas or Lukuas, and the insurgents in Egypt, Trajan
sent Quintus Marcius Turbo with an army and fleet ;
against the insurgents in Mesopotamia, as was already
stated, Lusius Quietus—two of his most experienced
generals. The insurgents were nowhere able to offer
resistance to the compact troops, although the struggle
was prolonged in Africa-as in Palestine to the first times
of Hadrian, and similar punishments were inflicted on this
Diaspora as previously on the Jews of Palestine. That
Trajan annihilated the Jews in Alexandria, as Appian
says, is hardly an incorrect, although perhaps a too blunt
expression for what took place; for Cyprus it is attested
that thenceforth no Jew might even set foot upon the
island, and death there awaited even the shipwrecked
Israelites. If our traditional information was as copious
in regard to this catastrophe as in regard to that of Jeru-
salem, it would probably appear as its continuation and
completion, and in some sense also as its explanation ;
this rising shows the relation of the Diaspora to the
home-country, and the state within a state, into which
Judaism had developed.

Even with this second overthrow the revolt of Judaism
against the imperial power was not at an end. We
cannot say that the latter gave further provocation to it;
ordinary acts of administration, which were accepted
without opposition throughout the empire, affected the
Hebrews just where the full resisting power of the
national faith had its seat, and thereby called forth, probably
to the surprise of the governors themselves, an insurrection
which was in fact a war. If the emperor Hadrian, when
his tour through the empire brought him to Palestine,
resolved in the year 130 to re-erect the destroyed holy
city of the Jews as a Roman colony, he certainly did not
do them the honour of fearing them, and had no thought
of propagating religious-political views ; but he ordained
that this legionary camp should—as shortly before or soon
afterwards was the case on the Rhine, on the Danube, in
Africa—be connected with an urban community recruit-

The Jewish
rising under
Hadrian.

224 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BooK vin.

ing itself primarily from the veterans, which received its
name partly from its founder, partly from the god to whom
at that time the Jews paid tribute instead of Jehovah.
Similar was the state of the case as to the prohibition of
circumcision ; it was issued, as will be observed at a later
point, probably without any design of thereby making
war on Judaism as such. As may be conceived, the
Jews did not inquire as to the motives for that founding
of the city and for this prohibition, but felt both as an
attack on their faith and their nationality, and answered
it by an insurrection which, neglected at first by the
Romans, thereupon had not its match for intensity and
duration in the history of the Roman imperial period.
The whole body of the Jews at home and abroad was
agitated by the movement and supported more or less
openly the insurgents on the Jordan ;! even Jerusalem
fell into their hands,? and the governor of Syria and
indeed the emperor Hadrian appeared on the scene of
conflict. The war was led, significantly enough, by the
priest Eleazar® and the bandit-chief Simon, surnamed Bar-
Kokheba, z.e. son of the stars, as the bringer of heavenly
help, perhaps as Messiah. The financial power and the
organisation of the insurgents are testified by the silver
and copper coins struck through several years in the name
of these two. After a sufficient number of troops was
brought together, the experienced general Sextus Julius

1 This is shown by the expressions
of Dio, Ixix. 13: ol adravraxod yijs
"Tovdaioe and wdaons ws elreiy xwoupévns
ml rovTw Tis olkoupévns.

2 If, according to the contemporary
Appian (Syr. 50), Hadrian once more
destroyed (xaréoxaye) the town, this
proves as well that it was preceded by
an at least in some measure complete
formation of the colony, as that it was
captured by the insurgents. Only
thereby is explained the great loss
which the Romans suffered (Fronto,
de bello Parth. p. 218 Nab. : Hadriano
imperium obtinente quantum militum
a ludaesis . . . caesum; Dio, lxix.
14); and it accords at least well with
this, that the governor of Syria, Pub-

licius Marcellus, left his province to
bring help to his colleague Tineius
Rufus (Eusebius, Z. Æ. iv. 6; Bor-
ghesi, Opp. iii. 64), in Palestine
(C. £ Gr. 4033, 4034).

3 That the coins with this name
belong to the Hadrianic insurrection
is now proved (v. Sallet, Zertschr. pur
Numism, v. 110); this is conse-
quently the Rabbi Eleazar from
Modein of the Jewish accounts
(Ewald, Gesch. dsr. vii.?, 418; Schiirer,
Lehrbuch, p. 357). That the Simon
whom these coins name partly with
Eleazar, partly alone, is the Bar-
Kokheba of Justin Martyr and Euse-
ibus is at least very probable.

cHaP. xl. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 225

Severus gained the upper hand, but only by a gradual and
slow advance; quite as in the war under Vespasian no
pitched battle took place, but one place after another cost
time and blood, till at length after a three years’ warfare’
the last castle of the insurgents, the strong Bether, not
far from Jerusalem, was stormed by the Romans. The
numbers handed down to us in good accounts of 50
fortresses taken, 985 villages occupied, 580,000 that
fell, are not incredible, since the war was waged with
inexorable cruelty, and the male population was probably
everywhere put to death.

In consequence of this rising the very name of the
vanquished people was set aside ; the province was thence-
forth termed, not as formerly Judaea, but by the old name
of Herodotus Syria of the Philistines, or Syria Palaestina.
The land remained desolate; the new city of Hadrian
continued to exist, but did not prosper. The Jews were
prohibited under penalty of death from even setting foot
in Jerusalem ; the garrison was doubled ; the limited terri-
tory between Egypt and Syria, to which only a small strip
of the Transjordanic domain on the Dead Sea belonged,
and which nowhere touched the frontier of the empire,
was thenceforth furnished with two legions. In spite of
all these strong measures the province remained disturbed,
primarily doubtless in consequence of the bandit-habits
long interwoven with the national cause. Pius issued
orders to march against the Jews, and even under Severus
there is mention of a war against Jews and Samaritans.
But no movements on a great scale among the Jews
recurred after the Hadrianic war.

It must be acknowledged that these repeated out-
breaks of the animosity fermenting in the minds of the
Jews against the whole of their non-Jewish fellow-citizens
did not change the general policy of the government.

1 Dio (lxix. 12) calls the war pro-
tracted (od7’ ddyoxpdyeos) ; Eusebius
in his Chronicle puts its beginning in
the sixteenth, its end in the eighteenth
or nineteenth year of Hadrian; the
coins of the insurgents are dated from

VOL. II.

the first or from the second year of
the deliverance of Israel. We have
not trustworthy dates ; the Rabbinic
tradition (Schiirer, Lehrbuch, p. 361)
is not available in this respect.

15

Judaea
after
Hadrian,

Position of
the Jews in
the second
and third
centuries.

Corporat-
ive unions,

226 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

Like Vespasian, the succeeding emperors maintained, as
respects the Jews in the main, the general standpoint of
political and religious toleration ; and not only so, but the
exceptional laws issued for the Jews were, and continued .
to be, chiefly directed to release them from such general
civil duties as were not compatible with their habits and
their faith, and they are therefore designated directly as
privileges,}

Since the time of Claudius, whose suppression of Jewish
worship in Italy (p. 199) is at least the last measure of
the sort which we know of, residence and the free exercise
of religion in the whole empire appear to have been in
law conceded to the Jew. It would have been no wonder
if those insurrections in the African and Syrian provinces
had led to the expulsion generally of the Jews settled
there ; but restrictions of this sort were enacted, as we
saw, only locally, eg. for Cyprus. The Greek provinces
always remained the chief seat of the Jews ; even in the
capital in some measure bilingual, whose numerous body
of Jews had a series of synagogues, these formed a portion
of the Greek population of Rome. Their epitaphs in
Rome are exclusively Greek ; in the Christian church at
Rome developed from this Jewish body the baptismal
confession was uttered in Greek down to a late period,
and throughout the first three centuries the authorship
was exclusively Greek. But restrictive measures against
the Jews appear not to have been adopted even in the
Latin provinces ; through and with Hellenism the Jewish
system penetrated into the West, and there too com-
munities of Jews were found, although they were still in

‘number and importance even now, when the blows directed

against the Diaspora had severely injured the Jew-com-
munities of the East, far inferior to the latter.

Political privileges did not follow of themselves from

the toleration of worship. The Jews were not hindered

1 Biography of Alexander, c. 22: to light—a position, which certainly

Judaeis privilegia reservavit, Christ- rests in its turn on the fact that the

tanos esse passus est. Clearly the former represent a nation the latter

privileged position of the Jews as com- do not.
pared with the Christians comes here

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 227

in the construction of their synagogues and proseuchae
any more than in the appointment of a president for the
same (dpyicuvaryaryos), as well as of a college of elders
(apyovres), with a chief elder (yepovovdpyns) at its head.
Magisterial functions were not meant to be connected
with these positions ; but, considering the inseparableness
of the Jewish church-organisation and the Jewish adminis-
tration of law, the presidents probably everywhere exer-
cised, like the bishops in the Middle Ages, a jurisdiction,
although merely de facto. The bodies of Jews in the
several towns were not recognised generally as corpora-
tions, certainly not, for example, those of Rome; yet
there subsisted at many places on the ground of local
privileges such corporative unions with ethnarchs or, as
they were now mostly called, patriarchs at their head.
Indeed, in Palestine we find at the beginning of the third
century once more a president of the whole Jewish body,
who, in virtue of hereditary sacerdotal right, bears sway
over his fellow-believers almost like a ruler, and has power
even over life and limb, and whom the government at
least tolerates.' Beyond question this patriarch was for
the Jews the old high priest, and thus, under the eyes
and under the oppression of the foreign rule, the obstinate
people of God had once more reconstituted themselves, and
in so far overthrown Vespasian’s work.

As respects the bringing of the Jews under obligations
of public service, their exemption from serving in war as
incompatible with their religious principles had long since
been and continued to be recognised. The special poll-

1 In order to make good that even
in bondage the Jews were able to
exercise a certain self-administration,
Origen (about the year 226) writes to
Africanus, c. 14: ‘‘ How much even
now, where the Romans rule and the
Jews pay to them the tribute (7d
5ldpaxuov), has the president of the
people (ò ¿0vápxns) among them in his
power with permission of the emperor
(cvyxwpotvros Kalcapos)? Even courts
are secretly held according to the
law, and even on various occasions
sentence of death is pronounced. This

I, who have long lived in the land of
this people, have myself experienced
and ascertained.” The patriarch of
Judaea already makes his appearance
in the letter forged in the name of
Hadrian in the biography of the
tyrant Saturninus (c. 8), in the ordi-
nances first in the year 392 (C. Th.
xvi. 8, 8). Patriarchs as presidents
of individual Jewish communities, for
which the word from its signification
is better adapted, meet us already in
the ordinances of Constantine I.
(C. Th. xvi. 8, I, 2).

Public
services.

Forbidding
of circum-
cision.

228 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII:

tax to which they were subject, the old temple-payment,
might be regarded as a compensation for this exemption,
though it had not been imposed in this sense. For other
services, as ¢.g. for the undertaking of wardships and muni-
cipal offices, they were at least from the time of Severus
regarded in general as capable and under obligation, but
those which ran counter to their “superstition” were
remitted to them ;! in connection with which we have to
take into account that exclusion from municipal offices

became more and more converted from a slight into a

privilege. Even in the case of state offices in later times
a similar course was probably pursued.

The only serious interference of the state-power with
Jewish customs concerned the ceremony of circumcision ;
the measures directed against this, however, were probably
not taken from a religious-political standpoint, but were
connected with the forbidding of castration, and arose
doubtless in part from misunderstanding of the Jewish
custom. The evil habit of mutilation, becoming more and
more prevalent, was first brought by Domitian within the
sphere of penal offences; when Hadrian, making the
precept more stringent, placed castration under the law of
murder, circumcision appears also to have been appre-
hended as castration,’ which certainly could not but be
felt and was felt (p. 224) by the Jews as an attack upon
their existence, although this was perhaps not its intention.
Soon afterwards, probably in consequence of the insurrec-
tion thereby occasioned, Pius allowed the circumcision of
children of Jewish descent, while otherwise even that of
the non-free Jew and of the proselyte was to involve,
afterwards as before, the penalty of castration for all par-

1 The jurists of the third century
lay down this rule, appealing to an
edict of Severus (Dig. xxvii. 1, 15, 6;
l. 2, 3, 3). According to the ordi-
nance of the year 321 (C. TA. xvi. 8,
3) this appears even as a right, not as
a duty of the Jews, so that it depended
on them to undertake or decline the
office.

2 The analogous treatment of cas-

tration in the Hadrianic edict, Deg.
xlviii. 8, 4, 2, and of circumcision in
Paulus, Sent. v. 22, 3, 4, and Modes-
tinus, Dig. xlviii. 8, 11 pr., naturally
suggests this point of view. The
statement that Severus Judaeos fieri
sub gravi poena vetuit (Vita, 17),
is doubtless nothing but the enforce-
ment of this prohibition.

CHAP. XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 229

ticipating in it. This was in so far also of political
importance, as thereby the formal passing over to Juda-
ism became a penal offence; and probably the prohibi-
tion in this very sense was not remitted but maintained.’
It must have contributed its part to the abrupt demarca-
tion of the Jews from the non-Jews.

If we look back on the fortunes of Judaism in the
epoch from Augustus to Diocletian, we recognise a
thorough transformation of its character and of its posi-
tion. It enters upon this epoch as a national and religious
power firmly concentrated round its narrow native land—
a power which even confronts the imperial government in
and beyond Judaea with arms in hand, and in the field of
faith evolves a mighty propagandist energy. We can
understand that the Roman government would not tolerate
the adoration of Jehovah and the faith of Moses on another
footing than that on which the cultus of Mithra and the
faith of Zoroaster were tolerated. The reaction against
this exclusive and self-centred Judaism came in the
crushing blows directed by Vespasian and Hadrian against
the Jewish land, and by Trajan against the Jews of the
Diaspora, the effect of which reached far beyond the
immediate destruction of the existing society and the
reduction of the repute and power of the Jews as a body.
In fact, the later Christianity and the later Judaism were
the consequences of this reaction of the West against the
East. The great propagandist movement, which carried
the deeper view of religion from the East into the West,
was liberated in this way, as was already said (p. 220 f.), from
the narrow limits of Jewish nationality ; if it by no means
gave up the attachment to Moses and the prophets, it
necessarily became released at any rate from the govern-
ment of the Pharisees, which had gone to pieces. The
Christian ideals of the future became universal, since there
was no longer a Jerusalem upon earth. But as the en-
larged and deepened faith, which with its nature changed

1 The remarkable account in Ori- de iure the penalty of death, although
gen’s treatise against Celsus, ii. 13 it is not clear how far this found
(written about 250), shows that the application to Samaritans or Sicaril.
circumcision of the non-Jew involved

Altered
position of
the Jews in
theimperial
period.

Altered
character of
Judaism.

230 JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. BOOK VIII.

also its name, arose out of these disasters, so not less the
narrowed and hardened orthodoxy, which found a rallying
point, if no longer in Jerusalem, at any rate in hatred
towards those who had destroyed it, and still more in
hatred towards the more free and higher intellectual
movement which evolved Christianity out of Judaism.
The external power of the Jews was broken, and risings,
such as took place in the middle of the imperial period,
are not subsequently met with ; the Roman emperors were
done with the state within the state, and, as the properly
dangerous element—the propagandist diffusion—passed
over to Christianity, the confessors of the old faith, who
shut themselves off from the New Covenant, were set aside,
so far as the further general development was concerned.

But if the legions could destroy Jerusalem, they could
not raze Judaism itself; and what on the one side was
a remedy, exercised on the other the effect of a poison.
Judaism not only remained, but it became an altered
thing. There is a deep gulf between the Judaism of the
older time, which seeks to spread its faith, which has its
temple-court filled with the Gentiles, and which has its
priests offering daily sacrifices for the emperor Augustus,
and the rigid Rabbinism, which knew nothing and wished
to know nothing of the world beyond Abraham’s bosom
and the Mosaic law. Strangers the Jews always were,
and had wished to be so; but the feeling of estrangement
now culminated within them as well as against them
after a fearful fashion, and rudely were its hateful and
pernicious consequences drawn on both sides. From the
contemptuous sarcasm of Horace against the intruding
Jew from the Roman Ghetto there is a wide step to the
solemn enmity which Tacitus cherishes against this scum
of the human race, to which everything pure is impure
and everything impure pure; in the interval lie those
insurrections of the despised people, and the necessity of
conquering it and of expending continuously money and
men for its repression. The prohibitions of maltreating
the Jew, which are constantly recurring in the imperial
ordinances, show that those words of the cultured were

CHAP, XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. 231

translated, as might be expected, by their inferiors into
deeds. The Jews, on their part, did not mend the matter.
They turned away from Hellenic literature, which was now
regarded as polluting, and even rebelled against the use
of the Greek translation of the Bible ; the ever-increasing
purification of faith turned not merely against the Greeks
and the Romans, but quite as much against the “ half-
Jews” of Samaria and against the Christian heretics ; the
reverence toward the letter of the Holy Scriptures rose to
a giddy height of absurdity, and above all an—if possible—
still holier tradition established itself, in the fetters of which
all life and thought were benumbed. The gulf between that
treatise on the Sublime which ventures to place Homer’s
Poseidon shaking land and sea and Jehovah, who creates
the shining sun, side by side, and the beginnings of the
Talmud which belong to this epoch, marks the con-
trast between the Judaism of the first and that of the
third century. The living together of Jews and non-Jews
showed itself more and more to be just as inevitable, as
under the given conditions it was intolerable; the con-
trast in faith, law, and manners became sharpened, and
mutual arrogance and mutual hatred operated on both
sides with morally disorganising effect. Not merely was
their conciliation not promoted in these centuries, but
its realisation was always thrown further into the distance,
the more its necessity was apparent. This exasperation,
this arrogance, this contempt, as they became established
at that time, were indeed only the inevitable growth of a
perhaps not less inevitable sowing; but the heritage of
these times is still at the present day a burden on man-
kind.

The an-
nexation of

Egypt.

81.

55. iv. 153.

CHAPTER XII.
EGYPT.

THE two kingdoms of Egypt and Syria, which had so
long striven and vied with each other in every respect, fell
nearly about the same time without resistance into the
power of the Romans. If these made no use of the
alleged or real testament of Alexander II. (t 673) and
did not then annex the land, the last rulers of the Lagid
house were confessedly in the position of clients of Rome ;
the senate decided in disputes as to the throne, and after
the Roman governor of Syria, Aulus Gabinius, had with
his troops brought back the king Ptolemaeus Auletes to
Egypt (699; comp. iv. 160), the Roman legions did not
again leave the land. Like the other client-kings, the
rulers of Egypt took part in the civil wars on the sum-
mons of the government recognised by them or rather
imposing itself on them; and, if it must remain unde-
cided what part Antonius in the fanciful eastern empire
of his dreams had destined for the native land of the
wife whom he loved too well (p. 25), at any rate the
government of Antonius in Alexandria, as well as the last
struggle in the last civil war before the gates of that city,
belongs as little to the special history of Egypt as the
battle of Actium to that of Epirus. But doubtless this
catastrophe, and the death connected with it of the last
prince of the Lagid house, gave occasion for Augustus not
to fill up again the vacant throne, but to take the kingdom
of Egypt under his own administration. This annexation
of the last portion of the coast of the Mediterranean to the

CHAP. XII. EG YPT.

233

sphere of direct Roman administration, and the settlement,
coincident with it in point of time and of organic connec-
tion, of the new monarchy, mark—as. regards the constitu-
tion and administration of the huge empire respectively—
the turning-point, the end of the old and the beginning of
a new epoch.

The incorporation of Egypt into the Roman empire
was accomplished after an abnormal fashion, in so far as
the principle—elsewhere dominating the state—of dyarchy,
ze. of the joint rule of the two supreme imperial powers,
the princeps and the senate, found—apart from some sub-
ordinate districts—no application in Egypt alone ;! but, on
the contrary, in this land the senate as such, as well as
every individual of its members, were cut off from all par-
ticipation in the government, and indeed senators and
persons of senatorial rank were even prohibited from
setting foot in this province? We may not apprehend
this possibly as if Egypt were connected with the rest of
the empire only by a personal union; the princeps is,
according to the meaning and spirit of the Augustan
organisation, an integral and permanently acting element
of the Roman polity just like the senate, and his rule over
Egypt is quite as much a part of the imperial rule as is
the rule of the proconsul of Africa. We may rather

1 This exclusion of the joint rule of
the senate as of the senators is indi-
cated by Tacitus (Mist. i. 11) with
the words that Augustus wished to
have Egypt administered exclusively
by his personal servants (domed retinere ;
comp. Staatsrecht, ii. p. 963). In
principle this abnormal form of govern-
ment was applicable for all the pro-
vinces not administered by senators,
the presidents of which were also at
the outset called chiefly pracfecti
(C. 7. L. v. p. 809, 902). But at

the first division of the provinces’

between emperor and senate there
was probably no other of these but
just Egypt ; and subsequently the
distinction here came into sharper
prominence, in so far as all the other
provinces of this category obtained no
legions. For in the emergence of

the equestrian commandants of the
legion instead of the senatorial, as
was the rule in Egypt, the exclusion
of the senatorial government finds its
most palpable expression.

2 This ordinance holds only for
Egypt, not for the other territories
administered by non-senators. How
essential it appeared to the govern-
ment, we see from the constitutional
and religious apparatus called into
requisition to secure it (7rig. tyr. c.
22).

3 The current assertion that %ro-
vincia is only by an abuse of lan-
guage put for the districts not adminis-
tered by senators is not well founded.
Egypt was private property of the
emperor just as much or just as little
as Gaul and Syria—yet Augustus him-
self says (Mon. Anmcyr. 5, 24):

Egypt ex-

clusively an
imperial
possession.

234 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

illustrate the position of the case in state-law by saying
that the British Empire would find itself in the same
plight if the ministry and Parliament should be taken into
account only for the mother-land, whereas the colonies
should have to obey the absolute government of the
Empress of India. What motives determined the new
monarch at the very outset of his sole rule to adopt this
deeply influential and at no time assailed arrangement,
and how it affected the general political relations, are
matters belonging to the general history of the empire ;
here we have to set forth how the internal relations of
Egypt shaped themselves under the imperial rule.

What held true in general of all Hellenic or Hellenised
territories—that the Romans, when annexing them to
the empire, preserved the once existing institutions, and
introduced modifications only where these seemed
absolutely necessary—found application in its full
compass to Egypt.

Like Syria, Egypt, when it became Roman, was a
land of twofold nationality ; here too alongside of, and
over, the native stood the Greek—the former the slave,
the latter the master. But in law and in fact the rela-
tions of the two nations in Egypt were wholly different
from those of Syria.

Greek and Syria, substantially already in the pre-Roman and

pel ss entirely in the Roman epoch, came under the government
of the land only after an indirect manner; it was broken
up, partly into principalities, partly into autonomous urban
districts, and was administered, in the first instance,
by the rulers of the land or municipal authorities. In
Egypt,’ on the other hand, there were neither native
princes nor imperial cities after the Greek fashion. The.
two spheres of administration into which Egypt was
Aegyptum imperio populi Romani the possessions subject to the Lagids.
adtect, and assigns to the governor, Cyrene was similarly organised (p.
since he as egues could not be fro 165). But the properly Egyptian
practore, by special law the same juris- government was never applied to
diction in processes as the Roman prae- southern Syria and to the other ter-
tors had (Tacitus, As. xii. 60). ritories which were for a longer or

1 As a matter of course what is a shorter time under the power of
here meant is the land of Egypt, not Egypt.

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 235

divided—the “land” (4 ywpa) of the Egyptians, with its
originally thirty-six districts (vowo/), and the two Greek
cities, Alexandria in lower and Ptolemais in upper
Egypt '—were rigidly separated and sharply opposed to
each other, and yet in a strict sense hardly different.
The rural, like the urban, district was not merely marked
off territorially, but the former as well as the latter was
a home-district ; the belonging to each was independent
of dwelling-place and hereditary. The Egyptian from
the Chemmitic nome belonged to it with his dependents,
just as much when he had his abode in Alexandria as
the Alexandrian dwelling in Chemmis belonged to the
burgess-body of Alexandria. The land-district had for
its centre always an urban settlement, the Chemmitic, for
example, the town of Panopolis, which grew up round
the temple of Chemmis or of Pan, or, as this is expressed
in the Greek mode of conception, each nome had its
metropolis; so far each land-district may be regarded
also as a town-district. Like the cities, the nomes also
became in the Christian epoch the basis of the episcopal
dioceses. The land-districts were based on the arrange-
ments for worship which dominated everything in Egypt;
the centre for each one is the sanctuary of a definite
deity, and usually it bears the name of this deity or of
the animal sacred to the same; thus the Chemmitic
district is called after the god Chemmis, or, according
to Greek equivalent, Pan; other districts after the dog,
the lion, the crocodile. But, on the other hand, the
town-districts are not without their religious centre;
the protecting god of Alexandria is Alexander, the
protecting god of Ptolemais the first Ptolemy, and the
priests, who are installed in the one place as in the
other for this worship and that of their successors, are
the Eponymi for both cities. The land-district is quite
destitute of autonomy: administration, taxation, justice,
are placed in the hands of the royal officials, and the

1 To these falls to be added Nau- deed in some measure lies beyond
cratis, the oldest Greek town already the bounds of Egypt.
founded in Egypt before the Ptolemies, 2 There was not wanting of course
and further Paraetonium, which in- a certain joint action, similar to that

236 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.
collegiate system, the Palladium of the Greek as of the
Roman commonwealth, was here in all stages absolutely
excluded. But in the two Greek cities it was not much
otherwise. There was doubtless a body of burgesses
divided into phylae and demes, but no common council ;!
the officials were doubtless different and differently
named from those of the nomes, but were also through-
out officials of royal nomination and likewise without
collegiate arrangement. Hadrian was the first to give to
an Egyptian township, Antinoopolis, laid out by him in
memory of his favourite drowned in the Nile, urban rights
according to the Greek fashion ; and subsequently Severus,
perhaps as much out of spite to the Antiochenes as for
the benefit of the Egyptians, granted to the capital of
Egypt and to the town of Ptolemais, and to several other
Egyptian communities, not urban magistrates indeed, but

which is exercised by the regiones
and the vč of self -administering
urban communities ; to this category
belongs what we meet with of ago-
ranomy and gymnasiarchy in the
nomes, as also the erection of honorary
memorials and the like, all of which,
we may add, make their appearance
only to a small extent and for the
most part but late. According to
the edict of Alexander (C. Z. Gr.
4957, l 34) the strategot do not
seem to have been, properly speaking,
nominated by the governor, but only
to have been confirmed after an
examination; we do not know who
had the proposing of them.

1 The position of matters is clearly
apparent in the inscription set up at
the beginning of the reign of Pius to
the well-known orator Aristides by
the Egyptian Greeks (C. Z Gr.
4679); as dedicants are named % wéds
trav *Adetavdpéwy kal ‘EppotvroXs Ù
peyddn kal 7 Bov) 7 Avrivodwy véwy
E\Ajvwv xal ol èv ry AddrAre rijs
Alytrrov xal of rdv OnfSaixov voudy
olxotyres “EXAnves. Thus only An-
tinoopolis, the city of the ‘‘new
Hellenes,” has a Boule; Alexandria
appears without this, but as a Greek
city in the aggregate. Moreover

there take part in this dedication the
Greeks living in the Delta and those
living in Thebes, but of the Egyptian
towns Great- Hermopolis alone, on
which probably the immediate vicinity
of Antinoopolis has exercised an in-
fluence. To Ptolemais Strabo (xvii.
1, 42, p. 813) attributes a odornua
wokurudy ep 7Q@ EMG rpdry ;
but in this we may hardly think of
more than what belonged to the
capital according to its constitution
more exactly known to us—and so
specially of the division of the bur-
gesses into phylae. That the pre-
Ptolemaic Greek city Naucratis
retained in the Ptolemaic time the
Boule, which it doubtless had, is
possible, but cannot be decisive for
the Ptolemaic arrangements.—Dio’s
statement (ii. 17) that Augustus left
the other Egyptian towns with their
existing organisation, but took the
common council from the Alexand-
rians on account of their untrust-
worthiness, rests doubtless on mis-
understanding, the more especially as,
according to it, Alexandria appears
slighted in comparison with the other
Egyptian communities, which is not
at all in keeping with probability.

CHAP, XII. EGYPT.

237

at any rate an urban council. Hitherto, doubtless, in
official language the Egyptian town calls itself Nomos, the
Greek Polis, but a Polis without Archontes and Bouleutae
is a meaningless name. So was it also in the coinage.
The Egyptian nomes did not possess the right of coining;
but still less did Alexandria ever strike coins. Egypt is,
among all the provinces of the Greek half of the empire,
the only one which knows no other than royal money.
Nor was this otherwise even in the Roman period. The
emperors abolished the abuses that crept in under the last
Lagids ; Augustus set aside their unreal copper coinage,
and when Tiberius resumed the coinage of silver he gave
to the Egyptian silver money just as real value as to the
other provincial currency of the empire.’ But the character
of the coinage remained substantially the same.” There
is a distinction between Nomos and Polis as between the
god Chemmis and the god Alexander; in an administrative |
respect there is not any difference. Egypt consisted of
a majority of Egyptian and of a minority of Greek
townships, all of which were destitute of autonomy, and
all were placed under the immediate and absolute
administration of the king and of the officials nominated
by him.

1 The Egyptian coining of gold
naturally ceased with the annexation
of the land, for there was in the
Roman empire only imperial gold.
With the silver also Augustus dealt
in like manner, and as ruler of Egypt
caused simply copper to be struck,
and even this only in moderate
quantities. At first Tiberius coined,
after 27-28 A.D., silver money for
Egyptian circulation, apparently as
token-money, as the pieces correspond
nearly in point of weight to four, in
point of silver value to one, of the
Roman denarius (Feuardent, Nurmis-
matique, Egypte ancienne, ii. p. Xi.).
But as in legal currency the Alex-
andrian drachma was estimated as
obolus (consequently as a sixth, not
as a fourth ; comp. Ròm. ALiinzwesen,
P. 43, 723) of the Roman denarius
(Hermes, v. p. 136), and the pro-

vincial silver always lost as compared
with the imperial silver, the Alex-
andrian tetradrachmon of the silver
value of a denarius has rather been
estimated at the current value of
two-thirds of a denarius. Accordingly
down to Commodus, from whose time
the Alexandrian tetradrachmon is
essentially a copper coin, the same
has been quite as much a coin of
value as the Syrian tetradrachmon
and the Cappadocian drachma ; they
only left to the former the old name
and the old weight.

2 That the emperor Hadrian,
among other Egyptising caprices,
gave to the nomes as well as to his
Antinoopolis for once the right of
coining, which was thereupon done
subsequently on a couple of occasions,
makes no alteration in the rule. |

Absence of
a land-diet.

The gov-
ernment of
the Lagids.

238 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

It was a consequence of this, that Egypt alone of all
the Roman provinces had no general representation. The
diet is the collective representation of the self-administer-
ing communities of the province. But in Egypt there was
none such; the nomes were simply imperial or rather
royal administrative districts, and Alexandria not merely
stood virtually alone, but was likewise without proper
municipal organisation. The priest standing at the head
of the capital of the country might doubtless call himself
“chief priest of Alexandria and all Egypt” (p. 248, note),
and has a certain resemblance to the Asiarch and the
Bithyniarch of Asia Minor, but the deep diversity of the
organisations is thereby simply concealed.

The rule bore accordingly in Egypt a far different
character than in the rest of the domain of Greek and
Roman civilisation embraced under the imperial govern-
ment. In the latter the community administers throughout;
the ruler of the empire is, strictly taken, only the common
president of the numerous more or less autonomous
bodies of burgesses, and alongside of the advantages of
self-administration its disadvantages and dangers every-
where appear. In Egypt the ruler is king, the inhabitant
of the land is his subject, the administration that of a
domain. This administration, in principle as haughtily and
absolutely conducted as it was directed to the equal welfare
of all subjects without distinction of rank and of estate, was
the peculiarity of the Lagid government, developed pro-
bably more from the Hellenising of the old Pharaonic rule
than from the urban organisation of the universal empire,
as the great Macedonian had conceived it, and as it was
most completely carried out in the Syrian New-Macedonia
(p. 120). The system required a king not merely leading
the army in his own person, but engaged in the daily
labour of administration, a developed and strictly dis-
ciplined hierarchy of officials, scrupulous justice towards
high and low; and as these rulers, not altogether without
ground, ascribed to themselves the name of benefactor
(evepyérns), so the monarchy of the Lagids may be
compared with that of Frederick, from which it was in

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 239

its principles not far removed. Certainly Egypt had
also experienced the reverse side, the inevitable collapse
of the system in incapable hands. But the standard
remained ; and the Augustan principate alongside of the
rule of the senate was nothing but the intermarriage of
the Lagid government with the old urban and federal
development.

A further consequence of this form of government
was the undoubted superiority, more especially from a
financial point of view, of the Egyptian administration
over that of the other provinces. We may designate
the pre-Roman epoch as the struggle of the financially
dominant power of Egypt with the- Asiatic empire, filling,
so far as space goes, the rest of the East; under the
Roman period this was continued in a certain sense in
the fact that the imperial finances stood forth superior
in contrast to those of the senate, especially through the
exclusive possession of Egypt. If it is the aim of the
state to work out the utmost possible amount from its
territory, in the old world the Lagids were absolutely
the masters of statecraft. In particular they were in this
sphere the instructors and the models of the Caesars.
How much the Romans drew out of Egypt we are not
able to say with precision. In the Persian period Egypt
had paid an annual tribute of 700 Babylonish talents
of silver, about £200,000; the annual income of the
Ptolemies from Egypt, or rather from their possessions
generally, amounted in their most brilliant period to
14,800 Egyptian silver talents, or £2,850,000, and
besides 1,500,000 artabae = 591,000 hectolitres of
wheat; at the end of their rule fully 6000 talents, or
£1,250,000. The Romans drew from Egypt annually
the third part of the corn necessary for the consumption
of Rome, 20,000,000 Roman bushels! 1,740,000

1 This figure is given by the so-
called Epitome of Victor, c. 1, for
the time of Augustus. After this
payment was transferred to Con-
stantinople there went thither under
Justinian (Ædď. xiii. c. 8) annually

8,000,000 artabae (for these are to
be understood, according to c. 6, as
meant), or 26% millions of Roman
bushels (Hultsch, Afetrol. p. 628),
to which falls further to be added the
similar payment to the town of Alex-

Egypt and
theimperial
administra-
tion,

Privileged
position of
the Hel-
lenes.

240 EG YPT. BOOK VIII.
hectolitres; a part of it, however, was certainly derived
from the domains proper, another perhaps supplied in
return for compensation, while, on the other hand, the
Egyptian tribute was assessed, at least for a great part,
in money, so that we are not in a position even approxi-
mately to determine the Egyptian income of the Roman
exchequer. But not merely by its amount was it of
decisive importance for the Roman state-economy, but
because it served as a pattern in the first instance for
the domanial possessions of the emperors in the other
provinces, and generally for the whole imperial administra-

_ tion, as this falls to be explained when we set it forth.

But if the communal self-administration had no place
in Egypt, and in this respect a real diversity does not
exist between the two nations of which this state, just
like the Syrian, was composed, there was in another
respect a barrier erected between them, to which Syria
offers no parallel. According to the arrangement of the
Macedonian conquerors, the belonging to an Egyptian
locality disqualified for all public offices and for the
better military service. Where the state made gifts to
its burgesses these were restricted to those of the Greek
communities ;' on the other hand, the Egyptians only
paid the poll-tax; and even from the municipal burdens,
which fell on the settlers of the individual Egyptian
district, the Alexandrians settled there were exempted.”
Although in the case of trespass the back of the Egyptian
as of the Alexandrian had to suffer, the latter might
boast, and did boast, that the cane struck him, and not
the lash, as in the case of the former. Even the

andria, introduced by Diocletian. To
the shipmasters for the freight to Con-
stantinople 8000 solidi = £5000 were
annually paid from the state-chest.

1 At least Cleopatra on a distribu-
tion of grain in Alexandria excluded
the Jews (Josephus, contra Ap. ii. 5),
and all the more, consequently, the
Egyptians.

2 The edict of Alexander (C. Z.
Gr. 4957), 1. 33 ff., exempts the
évyeveis ’AXetavdpets dwelling év ry

xwpe (not é» ry móe) on account of
their business from the Aeroupylac
xwpiKal,

3 «c There subsist,” says the Alex-
andrian Jew Philo (in Face. 10),
‘fas respects corporal chastisement
(rv pagriywv), distinctions in our
city according to the rank of those
to be chastised; the Egyptians are
chastised with different scourges and
by others, but the Alexandrians with
canes (owd@ats ; ráðn is the stem of

CHAP. XII, EG YPT. 241
acquiring of better burgess-rights was forbidden to the
Egyptians. The burgess-lists of the two large Greek
towns organised by and named after the two founders
of the empire in lower and upper Egypt embraced in
them the ruling population, and the possession of the
franchise of one of these towns was in the Egypt of the
Ptolemies the same as the possession of the Roman
franchise was in the Roman empire. What Aristotle
recommended to Alexander—to be a ruler (7jryepwv) to
the Hellenes and a master to the barbarians, to provide
for the former as friends and comrades, to use the latter
like animals and plants—the Ptolemies practically carried
out in all its extent. The king, greater and more free
than his instructor, carried in his mind the higher idea
of transforming the barbarians into Hellenes, or at least
of replacing the barbarian settlements by Hellenic, and to
this idea his successors almost everywhere, and particularly
in Syria, allowed ample scope. In Egypt this was not the
case. Doubtless its rulers sought to keep touch with the
natives, particularly in the religious sphere, and wished not
to rule as Greeks over the Egyptians, but rather as earthly
gods over their subjects in common ; but with this the in-
equality of rights on the part of the subjects was quite com-
patible, just as the preference de ture and de facto of the
nobility was quite as essential a part of the government of
Frederick as the equality of justice towards gentle and simple.

the palm-leaf), and by the Alex-
andrian cane - bearers” (oradndédpo.,
perhaps bacillarius) He afterwards
complains bitterly that the elders of
his community, if they were to be
scourged at all, should not have been
provided at least with decorous bur-
gess-lashes (rats é\evOepwrépats Kal
woXtirixwrépas wdoritiv),

1 Josephus, contra Ap. ii. 4, pdvots
Alyurrios ol xiptor viv 'Pwuato rijs
olxoupévys peradauBdvew norwocoiy
woritelas dmrephxaow, 6, Aegyptiis
negue regum quisguam videtur tus
cruitatis fuisse largitus neque nunc
quilibet imperatorum (comp. Eph.
epigr. v. p. 13). The same upbraids
his adversary (ii. 3, 4) that he, a

. VOL. II.

native Egyptian, had denied his home
and given himself out as an Alex-
andrian. — Individual exceptions are
not thereby excluded.

2 Alexandrian science, too, pro-
tested in the sense of the king against
this proposition (Plutarch, de fort.
Alex. i. 6); Eratosthenes designated
civilisation as not peculiar to the
Hellenes alone, and not to be denied
to all barbarians, e.g. not to the
Indians, the Arians, the Romans, the
Carthaginians; men were rather to
be divided into ‘“‘ good” and ‘‘ bad ”
(Strabo, i. fin. p. 66). But of this
theory no practical application was
made to the Egyptian race even under
the Lagids.

16

Personal
privileges
in the
Roman
period.

242 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

As the Romans in the East generally continued the
work of the Greeks, so the exclusion of the native
Egyptians from the acquiring of Greek citizenship not
merely continued to subsist, but was extended to the
Roman citizenship. The Egyptian Greek, on the other
hand, might acquire the latter just like any other non-
burgess. Entrance to the senate, it is true, was as little
allowed to him as to the Roman burgess from Gaul
(p. 89), and this restriction remained much longer in
force for Egypt than for Gaul;’ it was not till the
beginning of the third century that it was disregarded in
isolated cases, and it held good, as a rule, even in the
fifth, In Egypt itself the positions of the upper officials,
that is, of those acting for the whole province, and likewise
the officers’ posts, were reserved for Roman citizens in
the form of the knight’s horse being required as a
qualification for them; this was given by the general
organisation of the empire, and similar privileges had in
fact been possessed in Egypt by the Macedonians in
contrast to the other Greeks. The offices of the second
rank remained under the Roman rule, as previously,
closed to the Egyptian Egyptians, and were filled
with Greeks, primarily with the burgesses of Alexandria
and Ptolemais. If in the imperial war-service for the
first class Roman citizenship was required, they, at any
rate in the case of the legions stationed in Egypt itself,
not seldom admitted the Egyptian Greek on the foot-
ing that Roman citizenship was conferred on him upon
occasion of the levy. For the category of auxiliary
troops the admission of the Greeks was subject to no
limitation; but the Egyptians were little or not at all
employed for this purpose, while they were employed
afterwards in considerable number for the lowest class,
the naval force still in the first imperial times formed of
slaves. In the course of time the slighting of the native

1 Admission to the equestrian posi- note 2). Yet we meet early with

tions was at least rendered difficult: individual Alexandrians in equestrian
non est ex albo iudex fatre Aegyptio offices, like Tiberius Julius Alexander

' (C. Z. L. iv. 19433; comp. Staatsrecht, (p. 246, note).

ii. 919, note 2; Eph. epigr. V. p. 13,

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 243

Egyptians doubtless had its rigour relaxed, and they
more than once attained to Greek, and by means of it
also to Roman, citizenship ; but on the whole the Roman
government was simply the continuation, as of the Greek
rule, so also of the Greek exclusiveness. As the
Macedonian government had contented itself with Alex-
andria and Ptolemais, so in this province alone the
Romans did not found a single colony.’

The linguistic arrangement in Egypt remained Native
essentially under the Romans as the Ptolemies had /278¥38
settled it. Apart from the military, among whom the
Latin alone prevailed, the business-language for the
intercourse of the upper posts was the Greek. Of the
native language, which, radically different from the
Semitic as from the Arian languages, is most nearly
akin perhaps to that of the Berbers in North Africa, and
of the native writing, the Roman rulers and their governors
never made use; and, if already under the Ptolemies a
Greek translation had to be appended to official docu-
ments written in Egyptian, at least the same held good
for these their successors. Certainly the Egyptians were
not prohibited from making use, so far as it seemed
requisite according to ritual or otherwise appropriate, of
the native language and of its time-hallowed written
signs ; in this old home, moreover, of the use of writing
in ordinary intercourse the native language, alone familiar
to the great public, and the usual writing must necessarily
have been allowed not merely in the case of private
contracts, but even as regards tax-receipts and similar
documents, But this was a concession, and the ruling
Hellenism strove to enlarge its domain. The effort to
create for the views and traditions prevailing in the land
an universally valid expression also in Greek gave an
extension to the system of double names in Egypt
such as we see nowhere else. All Egyptian gods whose

1 If the words of Pliny (Æ. N. v. 31, Alexander, gone beyond the thought
128) are accurate, that the island of of Aristotle. But there can be no
Pharos beforetheharbourof Alexandria doubt as to the point, that after the

was a colonia Caesaris dictatoris (comp. annexation of Egypt there never was
iv. 544. iv. 574), the dictator has here too, like a Roman colony there.

244 EG YPT. BOOK VIII.

names were not themselves current among the Greeks,
like that of Isis, were equalised with corresponding or else
not corresponding Greek ones; perhaps the half of the
townships and a great number of persons bore as well
a native as a Greek appellation. Gradually Hellenism
in this case prevailed. The old sacred writing meets us
on the preserved monuments last under the emperor
Decius about the middle of the third, and its more
current degenerated form last about the middle of the fifth
century ; both disappeared from common use considerably
earlier. The neglect and the decay of the native elements
of civilisation are expressed in these facts. The language
of the land itself maintained its ground still for long

- afterwards in remote places and in the lower ranks, and

Abolition of
a resident
court.

only became quite extinct in the seventeenth century,
after it—the language of the Copts—had, just like the
Syriac, experienced in the later imperial period a limited
regeneration in consequence of the introduction of
Christianity and of the efforts directed to the production
of a national-Christian literature.

In the government the first thing that strikes us is
the suppression of the court and of its residency, the
necessary consequence of the annexation of the land by
Augustus, There was left doubtless as much as could
be left. On the inscriptions written in the native
language, and so merely for Egyptians, the emperors are
termed, like the Ptolemies, kings of upper and lower
Egypt, and the elect of the Egyptian native gods, and
indeed withal—which was not the case with the
Ptolemies—great-kings.’ Dates were reckoned in Egypt,

1 The titles of Augustus run with
the Egyptian priests to the following
effect: ‘The beautiful boy, lovely
through worthiness to be loved, the
prince of princes, elect of Ptah and
Nun the father of the gods, king of
upper Egypt and king of lower
Egypt, lord of the two lands, Auto-
krator, son of the sun, lord of diadems,
Kaisar, ever living, beloved by Ptah
and Isis;” in this case the proper
names ‘‘ Autokrator, Kaisar,” are

retained from the Greek. The title
of Augustus occurs first in the case
of Tiberius in an Egyptian translation
(nti xu), and with the retention of the
Greek ZeSaoréds first under Domitian.
The title of the fair, lovely boy,
which in better times was wont to be
given only to the children proclaimed
as joint-rulers, afterwards became
stereotyped, and is found employed,
as for Caesarion and Augustus, so
also for Tiberius, Claudius, Titus,

CHAP, XII, EG YPT. 245

as previously, according to the current calendar of the
country and its royal year passing over to the Roman
rulers ; the golden cup which every year the king threw
into the swelling Nile was now thrown in by the Roman
viceroy. But these things did not reach far. The Roman
ruler could not carry out the part of the Egyptian king,
which was incompatible with his imperial position. The
new lord of the land had unpleasant experiences in his
representation by a subordinate on the very first occasion
of his sending a governor to Egypt; the able officer and
talented poet, who had not been able to refrain from
inscribing his name also on the Pyramids, was deposed on
that account and thereby ruined. It was inevitable that
limits should here be set. The affairs, the transaction
of which according to the system of Alexander devolved
on the prince personally! not less than according to the
arrangement of the Roman principate, might be managed
by the Roman governor as by the native king; king he
might neither be nor seem.* That was to a certainty
deeply and severely felt in the second city of the world.
The mere change of dynasty would not have told so very
heavily. But a court like that of the Ptolemies, regulated
according to the ceremonial of the Pharaohs, king and
queen in their dress as gods, the pomp of festal
processions, the reception of the priesthoods and of
ambassadors, the court-banquets, the great ceremonies of
the coronation, of the taking the oath, of marriage, of
burial, the court-offices of the bodyguards and the chief
of that guard (adpytowparodvrAat), of the introducing
chamberlain (eicayyeXevs), of the chief master of the
table (dpyeSéarpos), of the chief master of the huntsmen

Domitian. It is more important that
in deviation from the older title, as
it is found, e.g. in Greek on the
inscription of Rosetta (C. Z. Gr.
4697), in the case of the Caesars
from Augustus onward the title
4‘ prince of princes ” is appended, by
which beyond doubt it was intended
to express their position of great-king,
which the earlier kings had not.

1 If people knew, king Seleucus
was wont to say (Plutarch, Anr seni,
11), what a burden it was to write and |
to read so many letters, they would
not take up the diadem if it lay at
their feet.

2 That he wore other insignia than
the officers generally (Hirschfeld,
Verw. Gesch. p. 271%), it is hardly
allowable to infer from vita Hadr. 4.

The
officials.

246 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

(dpyvxuynyos), the cousins and friends of the king, the
wearers of decorations—all this was lost for the Alex-
andrians once for all with the transfer of the seat of the
ruler from the Nile to the Tiber. Only the two famous
Alexandrian libraries remained there, with all their
belongings and staff, as a remnant of the old regal
magnificence. Beyond question Egypt lost by being
dispossessed of its rulers very much more than Syria ;
both nations indeed were in the powerless position of
having to acquiesce in what was contrived for them, and
not more here than there was a rising for the lost
position of a great power so much as thought of.

The administration of the land lay, as has been already
said, in the hands of the “deputy,” that is, the viceroy ;
for, although the new lord of the land, out of respect for
his position in the empire, refrained as well for himself as
for his delegates of higher station from the royal appella-
tions in Egypt, he yet in substance conducted his rule
throughout as successor of the Ptolemies, and the whole
civil and military supreme power was combined in his
hand and that of his representative. We have already
observed that neither non-burgesses nor senators might
fill this position ; it was sometimes committed to Alex-
andrians, if they had attained to burgess-rights, and by
way of exception to equestrian rank! We may add that
this office stood at first before all the rest of the non-
senatorial in rank and influence, and subsequently was
inferior only to the commandership of the imperial guard.
Besides the officers proper, in reference to whom the only
departure from the general arrangement was the exclusion
of the senator and the lower title, thence resulting, of the
commandant of the legion (praefectus instead of legatus),

1 Thus Tiberius Julius Alexander,
an Alexandrian Jew, held this gover-
norship in the last years of Nero
(p. 204); certainly he belonged to a
very rich family of rank, allied by
marriage even with the imperial house,
and he had distinguished himself in
the Parthian war as chief of the staff
of Corbulo—a position which he soon

afterwards took up once more in the
Jewish war of Titus. He must have
been one of the ablest officers of this
epoch. To him is dedicated the
pseudo - Aristotelian treatise mept
xogo? (p. 168), evidently composed
by another Alexandrian Jew (Bernays,
Gesammelte Abhandl, ii. 278).

CHAP, XII. EG YPT.

247

there acted alongside of and under the governor, and
likewise for all Egypt, a supreme official for justice and
a supreme finance-administrator, both likewise Roman
citizens of equestrian rank, and apparently not borrowed
from the administrative scheme of the Ptolemies, but
attached and subordinated to the governor after a fashion
applied also in other imperial provinces.’

All other officials acted only for individual districts, and
were in the main taken over from the Ptolemaic arrange-
ment. That the presidents of the three provinces of lower,
middle, and upper Egypt, provided—apart from the com-
mand—with the same sphere of business as the governor,
were taken in the time of Augustus from the Egyptian
Greeks, and subsequently, like the superior officials proper,
from the Roman knighthood, deserves to be noted as a symp-
tom of the increasing tendency in the course of the imperial
period to repress the native element in the magistracy.

Under these superior and intermediate authorities
stood the local officials, the presidents of the Egyptian
as of the Greek towns, along with the very numerous
subalterns employed in the collecting of the revenue and

1 Unmistakably the suridicus Ae-
gypti (C. T. L. x. 6976; also missus
in Aegyptum ad iurisdictionem, Bull.
del? Inst. 1856, p. 1423 turidicus
Alexandreae, C. vi. 1564, viii. 8925,
8934; Dig. i. 20, 2), and the sdrologus
ad Aegyptum (C.x. 4862; procurator
ducenarius Alexandriae tdinlogu, Eph.
ep. v. p. 30, and C. Z. Gr. 3751;
6 yvúpw» ToD lõiov Abyov, C. I. Gr.
4957, V. 44, comp. v. 39) are
modelled on the assistants associated
with the legates of the imperial pro-
vinces for the administration of justice
(gati iuridic) and the finances
(procuratores provinciae ; Staatsrecht
13, p. 223, note 5). That they were
appointed for the whole land, and
were subordinate to the praefectus
Aegypti, is stated by Strabo expressly
(xvii. I, 12, p. 797), and this as-
sumption is required by the frequent
mention of Egypt in their style and
title as well as by the turn in the edict
C. I. Gr. 4957, v. 39. But their

jurisdiction was not exclusive; ‘‘many
processes,” says Strabo, ‘‘are decided
by the official administering justice ”
(that he assigned guardians, we learn
from Dig. i. 20, 2), and according to
the same it devolved on the Idiologus
in particular to confiscate for the ex-
chequer the dona vacantia et caduca.
—This does not exclude the view
that the Roman suridicus came in place
of the older court of thirty with the
apxidixagrys at its head (Diodorus,
i. 75), who was Egyptian, and may
not be confounded with the Alex-
andrian åpxıôĉıxaorhs, had moreover
perhaps been setaside already before the
Roman period, and that the Idiologus
originated out of the subsistence in
Egypt of a claim of the king on
heritages, such as did not occur to
the same extent in the rest of the
empire, which latter view Lumbroso
(Recherches, p. 285) has made very
probable.

EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

248
the manifold imposts laid on business-dealings, and again
in the individual district the presidents of the sub-districts
and of the villages—positions, which were looked upon
more as burdens than as honours, and were imposed by
the higher officials upon persons belonging to, or settled
in, the locality, to the exclusion, however, of the Alex-
andrians ; the most important among them, the presidency
of the nome, was filled up every three years by the
governor. The local authorities of the Greek towns were
different as to number and title; in Alexandria in par-
ticular four chief officials acted, the priest of Alexander,

1 The étnynr7s, according to Strabo,
xvii. I, 12, p. 797, the first civic
official in Alexandria under the Ptole-
mies as under the Romans, and en-
titled to wear the purple, is certainly
identical with the year-priest in the
testament of Alexander appearing in
the Alexander-romance very well in-
structed in such matters (iii. 33, p.
149, Müller) As the Exegetes
has, along with his title, doubtless
to be taken in a religious sense, the
émipédeca Tov TH móet xpnoiuwv, that
priest of the romance is émimeNorns
THs wo\ews. The romance-writer will
not have invented the payment with
a talent and the hereditary character
any more than the purple and the
golden chaplet; the hereditary ele-
ment, in reference to which Lumbroso
(P Egitto al tempo det Greci e Romani,
p. 152) recalls the éġmynrhs Evapyxos
of the Alexandrian inscriptions (C. J.
Gr. 4688, 4976 c.), is presumably
to be conceived to the effect that a
certain circle of persons was called
by hereditary right, and out of these
the governor appointed the year-priest.
This priest of Alexander (as well as
of the following Egyptian kings, ac-
cording to the stone of Canopus and
that of Rosetta, C. Z. Gr. 4697), was
under the earlier Lagids the eponym
for Alexandrian documents, while
later as under the Romans the kings’
names come in for that purpose. Not
different from him probably was the
“chief priest of Alexandria and all
Egypt,” of an inscription of the city

of Rome from Hadrian’s time (C. Z.
Gr. 5900: dpxcepe: “AXetavdpelas kal
Alytwrou wdons Aeuxly 'Ioviiy Oio-
Tiv xalémordry rod Movceiou kal émt
Tay év ‘Poun BiBA\obnxdy ‘PwyaKar re
kal 'Ed\Anuexadv Kal éxl ris wacdelas
"Adpiavod, émcorodet Tou a’rot avroxpd-
Topos); the proper title éfnyn7%s, was
avoided out of Egypt, because it
usually denoted the sexton. If the
chief priesthood, as the tenorof the
inscription suggests, is to be assumed
as having been at that time permanent,
the transition from the annual tenure
to the at Jeast titular, and not seldom
also real, tenure for life repeats itself,
as is well known, in the sacerdotia of the
provinces, to which this Alexandrian
one did not indeed belong, but the
place of which it represented in Egypt
(p. 238). That the priesthood and
the presidency of the Museum are two
distinct offices is shown by the in-
scription itself. We learn the same
from the inscription of a royal chief
physician of a good Lagid period,
who is withal as well exegete as pre-
sident of the Museum (Xpvceppor
“Hpaxdelrov ’AdeSavdpéa tov ovyyer#
Bacw\éws IIroXenalou kal ¢tyynrhy kal
éml trav larpay kal émordryy roi
Moveeiov). But the two monuments
at the same time suggest that the
post of first official of Alexandria and
the presidency of the Museum were
frequently committed to the same
man, although in the Roman time
the former was conferred by the
prefect, the latter by the emperor.

CHAP, XII, EGYPT.

249
the town-clerk (iropynpatoypddgos),' the supreme judge
(apytduxaorns), and the master of the night-watch (vuxre-
pivos otparnyos). That they were of more consequence
than the strategot of the nomes, is obvious of itself, and
is shown clearly by the purple dress belonging to the first
Alexandrian official We may add that they originate
likewise from the Ptolemaic period, and are nominated
for a time by the Roman government, like the presidents
of the nomes, from the persons settled therein. Roman
officials of imperial nomination are not found among these
urban presidents. But the priest of the Mouseion, who is
at the same time president of the Alexandrian Academy of
Sciences and also disposes of the considerable pecuniary
means of this institute, is nominated by the emperor ; in
like manner the superintendency of the tomb of Alexander
and the buildings connected with it, and some other import-
ant positions in the capital of Egypt, were filled up by the
government in Rome with officials of equestrian rank.?
As a matter of course, Alexandrians and Egyptians
were drawn into those movements of pretenders which
had their origin in the East, and regularly participated in
them ; in this way Vespasian, Cassius, Niger, Macrianus
(p. 103), Vaballathus the son of Zenobia, Probus, were here
proclaimed as rulers. But the initiative in all those cases
was taken neither by the burgesses of Alexandria nor by
the little esteemed Egyptian troops ; and most of those
revolutions, even the unsuccessful, had for Egypt no con-
sequences specially felt. But the movement connected
with the name of Zenobia (p. 107) became almost as fate-
ful for Alexandria and for all Egypt as for Palmyra. In
town and country the Palmyrene and the Roman par-
tisans confronted each other with arms and blazing

1 Not to be confounded with the
similar ofice which Philo (in Face.
16) mentions and Lucian (A folog. 12)
held ; this was not an urban office,
but a subaltern’s post in the praefec-
ture of Egypt, in Latin a commentariis
or ab actis,

2 This is the procurator Neaspoleos
et mausolei Alexandriae (C. I. L.

viii. 8934; Henzen, 6929). Officials
of a like kind and of like rank, but
whose functions are not quite clear,
are the procurator ad Mercurium
Alexandreae (C. I. L. x. 3847), and
the procurator Alexandreae Pelusii
(C. vi. 1024). The Pharos also is
placed under an imperial freedman
(C. vi. 8582).

Insurrec-
tions.

In the

Palmyrene
period.

250 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.
torches in their hands. On the south frontier the bar-
barian Blemyes advanced, apparently in agreement with
the portion of the inhabitants of Egypt favourable to
Palmyra, and possessed themselves of a great part of
upper Egypt! In Alexandria the intercourse between
the two hostile quarters was cut off; it was difficult and
dangerous even to forward letters.2 The streets were
filled with blood and with dead bodies unburied. The
diseases thereby engendered made even more havoc than
the sword ; and, in order that none of the four steeds of
destruction might be wanting, the Nile also failed, and
famine associated itself with the other scourges. The
population melted away to such an extent that, as a con-
temporary says, there were formerly more gray-haired
men in Alexandria than there were afterwards citizens.
When Probus, the general sent by Claudius, at length
gained the upper hand, the Palmyrene partisans, including
the majority of the members of council, threw themselves
into the strong castle of Prucheion in the immediate
neighbourhood of the city; and, although, when Probus
promised to spare the lives of those that should come out,
the great majority submitted, yet a considerable portion
of the citizens persevered to the uttermost in the struggle
of despair. The fortress, at length reduced by hunger
(270), was razed and lay thenceforth desolate; but the
city lost its walls. The Blemyes still maintained them-

1 The alliance of the Palmyrenes
and the Blemyes is pointed to by the
notice of the via Firmi, c. 3, and
by the statement, according to Zosi-
mus, i. 71, that Ptolemais fell away to
the Blemyes (comp. Eusebius, //7s¢.
Eccl, vii. 32), Aurelian only nego-
tiated with these (Fria, 34, 41); it
was Probus who first drove them
again out of Egypt (Zosimus, /.¢.;
Vita, 17).

2 We still possess letters of this
sort, addressed by the bishop of the
city, at that time Dionysius (+ 265),
to the members of the church shut
off in the hostile half of the town
(Eusebius, Zst. Eccl. vii. 21, 22,
comp. 32). When it is therein said :

“one gets more easily from the West
to the East than from Alexandria
to Alexandria,” and 7 peocacrdrn rìs
móňews od6s, consequently the street
furnished with colonnades, running
from the Lochias point right through
the town (comp. Lumbroso, l Ægitto
al tempo dei Greci e Romani, 1882,
p. 137) is compared with the desert
between Egypt and the promised
land, it appears almost as if Severus
Antoninus had carried out his threat
of drawing a wall across the town
and occupying it in a military fashion
(Dio, lxxvii. 23), The razing of the
walls after the overthrow of the revolt
(Ammianus, xxii. 16, 15) would then
have to be referred tothis very building.

CHAP, XII. EG YPT. 251
selves for years in the land; the emperor Probus first
wrested from them again Ptolemais and Coptos, and drove
them out of the country.

The state of distress, which these troubles prolonged
through a series of years, must have produced, may pro-
bably thereupon have brought to an outbreak, the only
revolution that can be shown to have arisen in Egypt.)
Under the government of Diocletian, we do not know why
or wherefore, as well the native Egyptians as the burgesses
of Alexandria rose in revolt against the existing govern-
ment. Lucius Domitius Domitianus and Achilleus were
set up as opposition-emperors, unless possibly the two
names denote the same person; the revolt lasted from
three to four years, the towns Busiris in the Delta and
Coptos not far from Thebes were destroyed by the troops
of the government, and ultimately under the leading of
Diocletian in person in the spring of 297 the capital was
reduced after an eight months’ siege. Nothing testifies
so clearly to the decline of the land, rich, but thoroughly
dependent on inward and outward peace, as the edict
issued in the year 302 by the same Diocletian, that a
portion of the Egyptian grain hitherto sent to Rome
should for the future go to the benefit of the Alexandrian
burgesses.” This was certainly among the measures which
aimed at the decapitalising of Rome; but the supply
would not have been directed towards the Alexandrians,
whom this emperor had truly no cause to favour, unless
they had urgently needed it.

Economically Egypt, as is well-known, is above all the
land of agriculture. It is true that the “black earth ”—
that is the meaning of the native name for the country,
Chemi—is only a narrow stripe on either side of the
mighty Nile flowing from the last rapids near Syene, the

1 The alleged Egyptian tyrants, 7Z/eod. xiv. 26, 2. Stated distribu-

Aemilianus, Firmus, Saturninus, are
at least not attested as such. The
so-called description of the life of the
second is nothing else than the sadly
disfigured catastrophe of Prucheion,

2 Chr. Pasch. p. 5143 Procopius,
fist. arc. 263 Gothofred. on Cod.

tions of corn had already been in-
stituted earlier in Alexandria, but
apparently only for persons old and
decayed, and—it may be conjectured
—on account of the city, not of the
state (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vil. 21).

Revolt
under Dio-
cletian,

Agricul-
ture,

252 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

southern limit of Egypt proper, for 550 miles in a copious
stream, through the yellow desert extending right and
left, to the Mediterranean Sea; only at its lower end the
“sift of the river,” the Nile-delta, spreads itself out on
both sides between the manifold arms of its mouth. The
produce of these tracts depends year by year on the Nile
and on the sixteen cubits of its flood-mark—the sixteen
children playing round their father, as the art of the
Greeks represented the river-god ; with good reason the
Arabs designate the low cubits by the name of the angels
of death, for, if the river does not reach its full height,
famine and destruction come upon the whole land of Egypt.
But in general Egypt—where the expenses of cultivation
are singularly low, wheat bears an hundred fold, and the
culture of vegetables, of the vine, of trees, particularly the
date-palm, as well as the rearing of cattle, yield good pro-
duce—is able not merely to feed a dense population, but
also to send corn in large quantity abroad. This led to
the result that, after the installation of the foreign rule,
not much of its riches was left to the land itself. The
Nile rose at that time nearly as in the Persian period and
as it does to-day, and the Egyptian toiled chiefly for other
lands ; and thereby in the first instance Egypt played an
important part in the history of imperial Rome. After
the grain-cultivation in Italy itself had decayed and Rome
had become the greatest city of the world, it needed con-
stant supplies of moderately-priced transmarine grain ;
and the principate strengthened itself above all by the
solution of the far from easy economic problem how to
make the supply of the capital financially possible and to
render it secure. This solution depended on the possession
of Egypt, and, in as much as here the emperor bore
exclusive sway, he kept Italy with its dependencies in
check through Egypt. When Vespasian seized the
dominion he sent his troops to Italy, but he went in
person to Egypt and possessed himself of Rome through
the corn-fleet. Wherever a Roman ruler had, or is alleged
to have had, the idea of transferring the seat of govern-
ment to the East, as is told us of Caesar, Antonius, Nero,

CHAP. XII. EG YPT. 253

Geta, there the thoughts were directed, as if spontaneously,
not to Antioch, although this was at that time the regular
court-residence of the East, but towards the birthplace
and the stronghold of the principate—to Alexandria.

For that reason,,accardingly, the Roman government
applied itself more zealously to the elevation of agriculture
in Egypt than anywhere else. As it is dependent on the
inundation of the Nile, it was possible to extend consider-
ably the surface fitted for cultivation by systematically
executed water-works, artificial canals, dykes, and reser-
voirs. In the good times of Egypt, the native land of the
measuring-chain and of artificial building, much was done
for it, but these beneficent structures fell, under the last
wretched and financially oppressed governments, into sad
decay. Thus the Roman occupation introduced itself
worthily by Augustus subjecting the canals of the Nile to
a thorough purifying and renewal by means of the troops
stationed in Egypt. -If at the time of the Romans taking
possession a full harvest required a state of the river of
fourteen cubits, and at eight cubits failure of the harvest
occurred, at a later period, after the canals were put into
order, twelve cubits were enough for a full harvest, and
eight cubits still yielded a sufficient produce. Centuries
later the emperor Probus not merely liberated Egypt from
the Ethiopians but also restored the water-works on the
Nile. It may be assumed, generally, that the better suc-
cessors of Augustus administered in a similar sense, and
that especially with the internal peace and security hardly
interrupted for centuries, Egyptian agriculture stood in a
permanently flourishing state under the Roman principate.
What reflex effect this state of things had on the Egypt-
ians themselves we are not able to follow out more
exactly. To a great extent the revenues from Egypt
rested on the possession of the imperial domains, which
in Roman as in earlier times formed a considerable part
of the whole area ;! here, especially considering the small

1 In the town of Alexandria there xxii. 11, 63 Staatsrecht, ii. 963,
appears to have been no landed pro- note 1); but otherwise private pro-
perty in the strict sense, but only a perty in the soil prevailed also in
sort of hereditary lease (Ammianus, Egypt, in the sense in which the pro-

Trades.

EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

254

cost of cultivation, only a moderate proportion of the
produce must have been left to the small tenants who
provided it, or a high money-rent must have been im-
posed. But even the numerous, and as a rule smaller,
owners must have paid a high land-tax in corn or in
money. The agricultural population, contented as it was,
remained probably numerous in the imperial period ; but
certainly the pressure of taxation, as well in itself as on
account of the expenditure of the produce abroad, lay as
a heavier burden on Egypt under the Roman foreign rule
than under the by no means indulgent government of the
Ptolemies.

Of the economy of Egypt agriculture formed but a
part ; as it in this respect stood far before Syria, so it had
the advantage of a high prosperity of manufactures and
commerce as compared with the essentially agricultural
Africa. The linen manufacture in Egypt was at least
equal in age, extent, and renown to the Syrian, and main-

tained its ground through
although the finer sorts at
manufactured in Syria and

vincial law knows such a thing at all.
There is often mention of domanial
possession e.g. Strabo, xvii. I, 51,
p. 828, says that the best Egyptian
dates grow on an island on which
private persons might not possess any
land, but it was formerly royal, now
imperial, and yiclded a large income.
Vespasian sold a portion of the Egypt-
ian domains and thereby exasperated
the Alexandrians (Dio, Ixvi. 8)—be-
yond doubt the great farmers who
then gave the land in sub-lease to the
peasants proper. Whether landed
property in mortmain, especially of
the priestly colleges, was in the Ro-
man period still as extensive as for-
merly, may be doubted; as also
whether otherwise large estates or
small properties predominated ; petty
husbandry was certainly general. We
possess figures neither for the doman-
ial quota nor for that of the land-
tax; that the fifth sheaf in Orosius, i.
8, 9, is copied including the ssgue ad

the whole imperial period,
this epoch were especially
Phoenicia ;! when Aurelian

nunc from Genesis, is rightly observed
by Lumbroso, Recherches, p. 94. The
domanial rent cannot have amounted
to less than the half; even for the
land-tax the tenth (Lumbroso, 7, c. p.
289, 293) may have hardly sufficed.
Export of grain otherwise from Egypt
needed the consent of the governor
(Hirschfeld, Annona, p. 23), doubt-
less because otherwise scarcity might
easily set in in the thickly-peopled
land. Yet this arrangement was cer-
tainly more by way of control than of
prohibition; in the Periplus of the
Egyptian corn is on several occasions
(c. 7, 17, 24, 28, comp. 56) adduced
among the articles of export. Even
the cultivation of the fields seems to
have become similarly controlled ;
“the Egyptians, it is said, are fonder
of cultivating rape than corn, so far as
they may, on account of the rape-
seed oil” (Plinius, Æ. W. xix. $,

9).
1 In the edict of Diocletian among

CHAP, XII, EGYPT. 255

extended the contributions made from Egypt to the
capital of the empire to other articles than corn, linen
cloth and tow were not wanting among them. In fine
glass wares, both as regards colouring and moulding, the
Alexandrians held decidedly the first place, in fact, as
they thought, the monopoly, in as much as certain best
sorts were only to be prepared with Egyptian material.
Indisputably they had such a material in the papyrus.
This plant, which in antiquity was cultivated in masses on
the rivers and lakes of lower Egypt, and flourished no-
where else, furnished the natives as well with nourishment
as with materials for ropes, baskets, and boats, and fur-
nished writing materials at that time for the whole writing
world. What produce it must have yielded, we may
gather from the measures which the Roman senate took,
when once in the Roman market the papyrus became
scarce and threatened to fail; and, as its laborious pre-
paration could only take place on the spot, numberless
men must have subsisted by it in Egypt. The deliveries
of Alexandrian wares introduced by Aurelian in favour of
the capital of the empire extended, along with linen, to
glass and papyrus.’ The intercourse with the East must
have had a varied influence on Egyptian manufactures as
regards supply and demand. Textures were manufactured
there for export to the East, and that in the fashion
required by the usage of the country ; the ordinary clothes
of the inhabitants of Habesh were of Egyptian manufac-
ture; the gorgeous stuffs especially of the weaving in
colours and in gold skilfully practised at Alexandria went
to Arabia and India. In like manner the glass beads
prepared in Egypt played the same part in the commerce
of the African coast as at the present day. India pro-
cured partly glass cups, partly unwrought glass for its

the five fine sorts of linen the first 1 It was related of a rich man in
four are Syrian or Cilician (of Tarsus) Egypt that he had lined his palace
and the Egyptian linen appears not with glass instead of with marble, and
merely in the last place, but is also that he possessed papyrus and lime
designated as Tarsian-Alexandrian, enough to provide an army with them
that is, prepared in Alexandria after (Vita Firmi, 3).

the Tarsian model.

256 EG YPT. BOOK VIIL
own manufacture ; even at the Chinese court the glass
vessels, with which the Roman strangers did homage to
the emperor, are said to have excited great admiration.
Egyptian merchants brought to the king of the Axomites
(Habesh) as standing presents gold and silver vessels
prepared after the fashion of that country, to the civilised
rulers of the South-Arabian and Indian coast among
other gifts also statues, probably of bronze, and musical
instruments. On the other hand the materials for the
manufacture of luxuries which came from the East,
especially ivory and tortoise-shell, were worked up
hardly perhaps in Egypt, chiefly, in all probability, at
Rome. Lastly, at an epoch, which never had its match
in the West for magnificent public buildings, the costly
building materials supplied by the Egyptian quarries
came to be employed in enormous masses outside of
Egypt; the beautiful red granite of Syene, the green
breccia from the region of Kosér, the basalt, the alabaster,
after the time of Claudius the gray granite, and especially
the porphyry of the mountains above Myos Hormos.
The working of them was certainly effected for the most
part on imperial account by penal colonists; but the
transport at. least must have gone to benefit the whole
country and particularly the city of Alexandria. The
extent to which Egyptian traffic and Egyptian manufac-
tures were developed is shown by an accidentally-pre-
served notice as to the cargo of a transport ship (àxaros),
distinguished by its size, which under Augustus brought
to Rome the obelisk now standing at the Porta del Popolo
with its base; it carried, besides 200 sailors, 1200 pas-
sengers, 400,000 Roman bushels (34,000 hectolitres) of
wheat, and a cargo of linen cloth, glass, paper, and pepper.
“ Alexandria,” says a Roman author of the third century,!

1 That the alleged letter of Hadrian
(Vita Saturnini, 8) is a late fabrica-
tion, is shown e.g. by the fact, that
the emperor in this highly friendly
letter addressed to his father-in-law,
Servianus, complains of the injuries
which the Alexandrians at his first

departure had heaped on his son Verus,
while on the other hand it is estab-
lished that this Servianus was executed
at the age of ninety in the year 136,
because he had disapproved the adop-
tion of Verus, which had taken place
shortly before.

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 257

“is a town of plenty, of wealth, and of luxury, in which
nobody goes idle ; this one is a glass-worker, that one a
paper-maker, the third a linen-weaver ; the only god is
money.” This held true proportionally of the whole land.

Of the commercial intercourse of Egypt with the
regions adjoining it on the south, as well as with Arabia
and India, we shall speak more fully in the sequel. The
traffic with the countries of the Mediterranean comes less
into prominence in the traditional account, partly, doubt-
less, because it belonged to the ordinary course of things,
and there was not often occasion to make special mention
of it. The Egyptian corn was conveyed to Italy by
Alexandrian shipmasters, and in consequence of this there
arose in Portus near Ostia a sanctuary modelled on the
Alexandrian temple of Sarapis with a mariner’s guild ;'
but these transport-ships would hardly be concerned to
any considerable extent in the sale of the wares going
from Egypt to the West. This sale lay probably just as
much, and perhaps more, in the hands of the Italian ship-
owners and captains than of the Egyptian; at least there
was already under the Lagids a considerable Italian settle-
ment in Alexandria,? and the Egyptian merchants had
not the same diffusion in the West as the Syrian. The
ordinances of Augustus, to be mentioned afterwards, which
remodelled the commercial traffic on the Arabian and
Indian Seas, found no application to the navigation of

1 The vadxrnpor rol mopeurixod
*Arckaydpewod orddov, who set up the
stone doubtless belonging to Portus,
C. I. Gr. 5889, were the captains of
these grain-ships. From the Sera-
peum of Ostia we possess a series of
inscriptions (C. J. Z. xiv. 47), accord-
ing to which it was in all parts a copy
of that at Alexandria ; the president
is at the same time éwieAnris wayrds
tod ‘Anetaydpelvou orbdrou (C. I. Gr.
5973). Probably these transports
were employed mainly with the car-
riage of grain, and this consequently
took place by succession, to which also
the precautions adopted by the em-
peror Gaius in the straits of Reggio
(Josephus, Arch, xix. 2, 5) point.

VOL. II.

With this well comports the fact, that
the first appearance of the Alexandrian
fleet in the spring was a festival for
Puteoli (Seneca, Æp. 77, 1).

2 This is shown by the remarkable
Delian inscriptions, Æ/4. epigr. i.
p. 600, 602. ?

3 Already in the Delian inscriptions
of the last century of the republic the
Syrians predominate. The Egyptian
deities had doubtless a much revered
shrine there, but among the numer-
ous priests and dedicators we meet
only a single Alexandrian (Hauvette-
Besnault, Bull. de corr. Hell. vi. 316
f.). Guilds of Alexandrian merchants
are known to us at Tomi (I. 310, note)
and at Perinthus (C. Z Gr. 2024).

17

Egyptian
navigation
of the Medi-
terranean.

Population.

Egyptian
manners.

L-

258 EG YPT. BOOK VIII.

the Mediterranean ; the government had no interest in
favouring the Egyptian merchants more than the rest in
its case. The trafic there remained, presumably, as it
was.

Egypt was thus not merely occupied, in its portions
capable of culture, with a dense agricultural population,
but also as the numerous and in part very considerable
hamlets and towns enable us to recognise, a manufac-
turing land, and hence accordingly by far the most
populous province of the Roman empire. The old Egypt
is alleged to have had a population of seven millions ;
under Vespasian there were counted in the official lists
seven and a half millions of inhabitants liable to poll tax,
to which fall to be added the Alexandrians and other
Greeks exempted from poll tax, so that the population,
apart from the slaves, is to be estimated at least at eight
millions of persons. As the area capable of cultivation
may be estimated at present at 10,500 English square
miles, and for the Roman period at the most at 14,700,
there dwelt at that time in Egypt on the average about
520 persons to the square mile.

When we direct our glance upon the inhabitants of
Egypt, the two nations inhabiting the country—the great
mass of the Egyptians and the small minority of the
Alexandrians—are circles thoroughly different,’ although
the contagious power of vice and the similarity of character
belonging to all vice have instituted a bad fellowship of
evil between the two.

The native Egyptians must not have been far different
either in position or in character from their modern
descendants. They were contented, sober, capable of
labour, and active, skilful artisans and mariners, and adroit
merchants, adhering to old customs and to old faith.
If the Romans assure us that the Egyptians were proud

1 After Juvenal has described the andrian festival of Sarapis, notorious
wild drinking bouts of the native forits unbridled licentiousness (Strabo,
Egyptians in honour of the local gods xvii. I, 17, p. 801): Aorrida sane
of the several nomes, he adds that Aegyptus, sed luxuria quantum ipse
therein the natives were in no respect notavi, barbara famoso non cedit turba
inferior to the Canopus, #.¢. the Alex- Canopo (Sat. xv. 44). `

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 259

of the scourge-marks received for perpetrating frauds
in taxation,’ these are views derived from the stand-
point of the tax officials. There was no want of good
germs in the national culture ; with all the superiority of
the Greeks in the intellectual competition of the two so
utterly different races, the Egyptians in turn had the
advantage of the Hellenes in various and essential things,
and they felt this too. Lastly, it is at any rate the
reflection of their own feeling, when the Egyptian priests
of the Greek conversational literature ridicule the so-called
historical research of the Hellenes and its treatment of
poetical fables as real tradition from primitive past times,
saying that in Egypt they made no verses, but their whole
ancient history was described in the temples and monu-
ments ; although now, indeed, there were but few who
knew it, since many monuments were destroyed, and
tradition was made to perish through the ignorance and
the indifference of later generations. But this well-war-
ranted complaint carried in itself hopelessness ; the vener-
able tree of Egyptian civilisation had long been marked
for cutting down. Hellenism penetrated with its decom-
posing influence even to the priesthood itself. An
Egyptian temple-scribe Chaeremon, who was called to
the court of Claudius as teacher of Greek philosophy for
the crown-prince, attributed in his Egyptian History the
elements of Stoical physics to the old gods of the country,
and expounded in this sense the documents written in the
native character. In the practical life of the imperial
period the old Egyptian habits come into consideration
almost only as regards the religious sphere. Religion was
for this people all in all. The foreign rule in itself was
willingly borne, we might say hardly felt, so long as it did
not touch the sacred customs of the land and what was
therewith connected. It is true that in the internal
government of the country nearly everything had such
a connection—writing and language, priestly privileges and
priestly arrogance, the manners of the court and the cus-

1 Ammianus, xxii. 16, 23: Eru- fitiando tributa plurimas in corpore
bescit apud (Aegyptios), si gui non in- vibices ostendat.

260 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

toms of the country ; the care of the government for the
sacred ox living at the moment, the provisions made for its
burial at its decease, and for the finding out of the fitting
successor, were accounted by these priests and this
people as the test of the capacity of the ruler of the
land for the time, and as the measure of the respect
and homage due to him. The first Persian king intro-
duced himself in Egypt by giving back the sanctuary of
Neith in Sais to its destination—that is, to the priests ;
the first Ptolemy, when still a Macedonian governor,
brought back the images of the Egyptian gods, that had
been carried off to Asia, to their old abode, and restored
to the gods of Pe and Tep the land-gifts estranged from
them ; for the sacred temple-images brought home from
Persia in the great victorious expedition of Euergetes the
native priests convey their thanks to the king in the
famous decree of Canopus in the year 238 B.C.; the cus-
tomary insertion of the living rulers male or female in the
circle of the native gods these foreigners acquiesced in for
themselves just as did the Egyptian Pharaohs. The
Roman rulers followed their example only to a limited
extent. As respects title they doubtless entered, as we saw
(p. 244, note) in some measure into the native cultus, but
avoided withal, even in the Egyptian setting, the customary
predicates that stood in too glaring a contrast to Occi-
dental views. When these favourites of Ptah and of Isis
took steps in Italy against the Egyptian worship of the
gods as against the Jewish, they, as may readily be
understood, betrayed nothing of such love beyond the
hieroglyphs, and even in Egypt nowise took part in the
service of the native gods. TAN obstinately the reli-
gion of the land was still retained under the foreign rule
among. the Egyptians proper, the Pariah position in which
these found themselves alongside of the ruling Greeks and
Romans, necessarily told heavily on the cultus and the
priests ; and of the leading position, the influence, the
culture of the old Egyptian priestly order but scanty
remains were discernible under the Roman government.
On the other hand, the indigenous religion, from the out-

CHAP. XII. EG YPT. 261

set disinclined to beauty of form and spiritual transfigura-
tion, served, in and out of Egypt, as a starting-point and
centre for all conceivable pious sorcery and sacred fraud
—it is enough to recall the thrice-greatest ,Hermes at
home in Egypt, with the literature attaching to his name
of tractates and marvel-books, as well as the correspond-
ing widely diffused practice. But in the circles of the
natives the worst abuses were connected at this epoch with
their cultus—not merely drinking-bouts continued through
many days in honour of the individual local deities, with
the unchastity thereto appertaining, but also permanent
religious feuds between the several districts for the pre-
cedence of the ibis over the cat, or of the crocodile over
the baboon. In the year 127 A.D., on such an occasion,
the Ombites in southern Egypt were suddenly assailed by
a neighbouring community’ at a drinking-festival, and the
victors are said to have eaten one of the slain. Soon
afterwards the community of the Hound, in defiance of the
community of the Pike, consumed a pike, and the latter in
defiance of the other consumed a hound, and thereupon a
war broke out between these two nomes, till the Romans
interfered and chastised both parties. Such incidents|
were of ordinary occurrence in Egypt. Nor was there al
want otherwise of troubles in the land. The very first
viceroy of Egypt appointed by Augustus had, on account
of an increase of the taxes, to send troops to upper Egypt,
and not less, perhaps likewise in consequence of the pres-
sure of taxation, to Heroonpolis at the upper end of the
Arabian Gulf. Once, under the emperor Marcus, a rising
of the native Egyptians assumed even a threatening
character. When in the marshes, difficult of access, on
the coast to the east of Alexandria—the so-called “ cattle-
pastures” (ducolza), which’ served as a place of refuge for
criminals and robbers, and formed a sort of colony of
them—some people were seized by a division of Roman
troops, the whole banditti rose to liberate them, and the

1 This was according to Juvenal but the list of the Ravennate chro-
Tentyra, which must be a mistake, if nicler, iii. 2, names the two places
the well known Tentyra is meant; together.

Revolt
of the

‘‘ Herds-
men.”

Alexandria,

262 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

population of the country joined the movement. The
Roman legion from Alexandria went to oppose them, but
it was defeated, and Alexandria itself had almost fallen
into the hands of the insurgents. The governor of the
East, Avidius Cassius, arrived doubtless with his troops,
but did not venture on a conflict against the superiority of
numbers, and preferred to provoke dissension in the league
of the rebels; after the one band ranged itself against
the other the government easily mastered them all. This
so-called revolt of the herdsmen probably bore, like such
peasant wars for the most part, a religious character ; the
leader Isidorus, the bravest man of Egypt, was by station
a priest; and the circumstance that for the consecration of
the league, after taking the oath, a captive Roman officer
was sacrificed and eaten by those who swore, was as well
in keeping with it as with the cannibalism of the Ombite
war. An echo of these events is preserved in the stories
of Egyptian robbers in the late-Greek minor literature.
Much, moreover, as they may have given trouble to the
Roman administration, they had not a political object,
and interrupted but partially and temporarily the general
tranquillity of the land.

By the side of the Egyptians stood the Alexandrians,
somewhat as the English in India stand alongside of the
natives of the country. Generally, Alexandria was re-
garded in the imperial period before Constantine’s time as
the second city of the Roman empire and the first com-
mercial city of the world. It numbered at the end of the
Lagid rule upwards of 300,000 free inhabitants, in the
imperial period beyond doubt still more. The compari-
son of the two great capitals that grew up in rivalry on
the Nile and on the Orontes yields as many points of simi-
larity as of contrast. Both were comparatively new cities,
monarchical creations out of nothing, of symmetrical plan
and regular urban arrangements. Water ran into every
house in Alexandria as at Antioch. In beauty of site and
magnificence of buildings the city in the valley of the
Orontes was as superior to its rival as the latter excelled
it in the favourableness of the locality for commerce on

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 263

a large scale and in the number of the population. The
great public buildings of the Egyptian capital, the royal
palace, the Mouseion dedicated to the Academy, above all
the temple of Sarapis, were marvellous works of an earlier
epoch, whose architecture was highly developed ; but the
Egyptian capital, in which few of the Caesars set foot, has
nothing corresponding to set off against the great number
of imperial structures in the Syrian residency.

The Antiochenes and Alexandrians stood on an equal
footing in insubordination and eagerness to oppose the
government; we may add also in this, that the two
cities, and Alexandria more particularly, flourished pre-
cisely under and through the Roman government, and had
much more reason to thank it than to play the Fronde.
The attitude of the Alexandrians to their Hellenic rulers
is attested by the long series of nicknames, in part still
used at the present day, for which the royal Ptolemies
without exception were indebted to the public of their
capital. The Emperor Vespasian received from the
Alexandrians for the introducing of a tax on salt fish the

title of the “sardine-dealer” (Ku8sood«tns); the Syrian —

Severus Alexander that of the “chief Rabbin ;” but the
emperors came rarely to Egypt, and the distant and
foreign rulers offered no genuine butt for this ridicule. In
their absence the public bestowed at least on the viceroys
the same attention with persevering zeal; even the pros-
pect of inevitable chastisement was not able to put to
silence the often witty and always saucy tongue of these
townsmen.’ Vespasian contented himself in return for
that attention shown to him with raising the poll-tax
about six farthings, and got for doing so the further name
of the “sixfarthing-man ;” but their sayings about Severus
Antoninus, the petty ape of Alexander the Great and the
favourite of Mother Jocasta, were to cost them more
dearly. The spiteful ruler appeared in all friendliness,
and allowed the people to keep holiday for him, but then
ordered his soldiers to charge into the festal multitude, so

1 Seneca, ad Helv. 19,6: loguax et provincia . . . etiam periculosi sales
in contumelias praefectorum ingentosa placent.

Alexan-
drian
tumults.

264 EGYPT. BOOK VIIL

that for days the squares and streets of the great city ran
with blood; in fact, he enjoined the dissolution of the
Academy and the transfer of the legion into the city
itself—neither of which, it is true, was carried into
effect.

But while in Antioch, as a rule, the matter did not go
beyond sarcasm, the Alexandrian rabble took on the
slightest pretext to stones and to cudgels. In street uproar,
says an authority, himself Alexandrian, the Egyptians are
before all others ; the smallest spark suffices here to kindle
a tumult. On account of neglected visits, on account of
the confiscation of spoiled provisions, on account of exclu-
sion from a bathing establishment, on account of a dispute
between the slave of an Alexandrian of rank and a Roman
foot-soldier as to the value or non-value of their respective
slippers, the legions were under the necessity of charging
among the citizens of Alexandria. It here became
apparent that the lower stratum of the Alexandrian popu-
lation consisted in greater part of natives; in these riots
the Greeks no doubt acted as instigators, as indeed the
rhetors, that is, in this case the inciting orators, are
expressly mentioned ;1 but in the further course of the
matter the spite and the savageness of the Egyptian
proper came into the conflict. The Syrians were cowardly,
and as soldiers the Egyptians were so too; but in a street
tumult they were able to develop a courage worthy of a
better cause.” The Antiochenes delighted in race-horses
like the Alexandrians ; but among the latter no chariot
race ended without stone-throwing and stabbing. Both
cities were affected by the persecution of the Jews under

2 Dio Cassius, xxxix. 58: ‘The

1 Dio Chrysostum says in his ad-
dress to the Alexandrians (Or. xxxii.
p. 663 Reiske): ‘* Because now (the
intelligent) keep in the background
and are silent, there spring up among
you endless disputes and quarrels and
disorderly clamour, and bad and un-
bridled speeches, accusers, aspersions,
trials, a rabble of orators.” In the
Alexandrian Jew-hunt, which Philo
so drastically describes, we see these
mob-orators at work.

Alexandrians do the utmost in all
respects as to daring, and speak out
everything that occurs tothem. In
war and its terrors their conduct is
cowardly ; but in tumults, which with
them are very frequent and very serious,
they without scruple come to mortal
blows, and for the sake of the success of
the moment account their life nothing,
nay, they go to their destruction as if
the highest things were at stake.”

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 265

the emperor Gaius ; but in Antioch an earnest word of the
authorities sufficed to put an end to it, while thousands of
human lives fell a sacrifice to the Alexandrian outbreak
instigated by some clowns with a puppet-show. The
Alexandrians, it was said, when a riot arose, gave them-
selves no peace till they had seen blood. The Roman
officers and soldiers had a difficult position there. “ Alex-
andria,” says a reporter of the fourth century, “is entered
by the governors with trembling and despair, for they fear
the justice of the people ; where a governor perpetrates a
wrong, there follows at once the setting of the palace on
fire and stoning.” The naive trust in the rectitude of
this procedure marks the stand-point of the writer, who
belonged to this “people.” The continuation of this
Lynch-system, dishonouring alike to the government and to
the nation, is furnished by what is called Church-history,
in the murder of the bishop Georgius, alike obnoxious to
the heathen and to the orthodox, and of his associates
under Julian, and that of the fair freethinker Hypatia by
the pious community of Bishop Cyril under Theodosius
II. These Alexandrian tumults were more malicious,
more incalculable, more violent than the Antiochene, but
just like these, not dangerous either for the stability of
the empire or even for the individual government. Mis-
chievous and ill-disposed lads are very inconvenient, but
not more than inconvenient, in the household as in the
commonwealth.

In religious matters also the two cities had an analogous
position. To the worship of the land, as the native popu-
lation retained it in Syria as in Egypt, the Alexandrians
as well as the Antiochenes were disinclined in its original
shape. But the Lagids, as well as the Seleucids, were
careful of disturbing the foundations of the old religion of
the country; and, merely amalgamating the older national
views and sacred rites with the pliant forms of the Greek
Olympus, they Hellenised these outwardly in some measure;
they introduced, eg. the Greek god of the lower world
Pluto into the native worship, under the hitherto little
mentioned name of the Egyptian god Sarapis, and then

Alexan-
drian
worship.

266

EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

gradually transferred to this the old Osiris worship.?
Thus the genuinely Egyptian Isis and the pseudo-Egypt-
ian Sarapis played in Alexandria nearly the same part as
Belus and Elagabalus in Syria, and made their way in a
similar manner with these, although less strongly and with
more vehement opposition, by degrees into the Occidental
worship of the imperial period. As regards the immorality
developed on occasion of these religious usages and festi-
vals, and the unchastity approved and stimulated by
priestly blessing, neither city was in a position to upbraid

the other.

Down to a late time the old cultus retained its

firmest stronghold in the pious land of Egypt.

1 The “pious Egyptians” offered
resistance, as Macrobius, Saf. i. 7,
14, reports, but ¢yvannide Prolemae-
orum pressi hos quoque deos (Sarapis
and Saturnus) in cultum recipere Alex-
andrinorum more, apud guos potis-
simum colebantur, coacti sunt. As
they thus had to present bloody sacri-
fices, which was against their ritual,
they did not admit these gods, at least
into the towns; nullum Aegypti oppi-
dum intra muros suos aut Saturni
aut Sarapis fanum recepit.

2 The often -quoted anonymous
author of a description of the empire
from the time of Constantius, a good
heathen, praises Egypt particularly on
account of its exemplary piety: ‘“No-
where are the mysteries of the gods so
well celebrated as there from of old
and still at present.” Indeed, he
adds, some were of opinion that the
Chaldaeans—he means the Syrian
cultus—worshipped the gods better ;
but he held to what he had seen
with his own eyes—‘* Here there are
shrines of all sorts and magnificently
adorned temples, and there are found
numbers of sacristans and priests and
prophets and believers and excellent
theologians, and all goes on in its
order ; you find the altars everywhere
blazing with flame and the priests
with their fillets and the incense-
vessels with deliciously fragrant
spices.” Nearly from the same time

The

(not from Hadrian), and evidently
also from a well-informed hand, pro-
ceeds another more malicious de-
scription (vita Saturnini, 8): ‘He
who in Egypt worships Sarapis is also
a Christian, and those who call them-
selves Christian bishops likewise adore
Sarapis ; every grand Rabbi of the
Jews, every Samaritan, every Christian
clergyman is there at the same time
a sorcerer, a prophet, a quack (a/tf/es).
Even when the patriarch comes to
Egypt some demand that he pray to
Sarapis, others that he pray to Christ.”
This diatribe is certainly connected
with the circumstance that the Chris-
tians declared the Egyptian god to be
the Joseph of the Bible, the son of
Sara, and rightfully carrying the
bushel. The position of the Egyptian
orthodox party is apprehended in a
more earnest spirit by the author,
belonging presumably to the third
century, of the Dialogue of the Gods,
preserved in a Latin translation among
the writings attributed to Appuleius,
in which the thrice-greatest Hermes
announces things future to Asklepios :
‘« Thou knowest withal, Asklepios,
that Egypt is a counterpart of heaven,
or, to speak more correctly, a trans-
migration and descent of the whole
heavenly administration and activity ;
indeed, to speak still more correctly,
our fatherland is the temple of the
whole universe. And yet a time will

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 267
restoration of the old faith, as well scientifically in the
philosophy annexed to it as practically in the repelling of
the attacks directed by the Christians against Polytheism,
and in the revival of the heathen temple-worship and the
heathen divination, had its true centre in, Alexandria.
Then, when the new faith conquered this stronghold also,
the character of the country remained nevertheless true to
itself; Syria was the cradle of Christianity, Egypt was
the cradle of monachism. Of the significance and the
position of the Jewish body, in which the two cities like-
wise resembled each other, we have already spoken in
another connection (p. 163). Immigrants called by the
government into the land like the Hellenes, the Jews were
doubtless inferior to these and were liable to poll-tax
like the Egyptians, but accounted themselves, and were
accounted, more than these. Their number amounted
under Vespasian to a million, about the eighth part of the
whole population of Egypt, and, like the Hellenes, they
dwelt chiefly in the capital, of the five wards of which two
were Jewish. In acknowledged independence, in repute,
culture, and wealth, the body of Alexandrian Jews was
even before the destruction of Jerusalem the first in the
world ; and in consequence of this a good part of the last
act of the Jewish tragedy, as has been already set forth,
was played out on Egyptian soil.

Alexandria and Antioch were pre-eminently seats of The

wealthy merchants and manufacturers; but in Antioch

set in, when it would appear as if
Egypt had vainly with pious mind in
diligent service cherished the divine,
when all sacred worship of the gods
will be without result and a failure.
For the deity will betake itself back
into heaven, Egypt will be forsaken,
and the land, which was the seat of
religious worships, will be deprived
of the presence of divine power and
left to its own resources. Then will
this consecrated land, the abode of
shrines and temples, be densely filled
with graves and corpses. O Egypt,
Egypt, of thy worships only rumours
will be preserved, and even these will

seem incredible to thy coming genera-
tions, only words will be preserved
on the stones to tell of thy pious
deeds, and Egypt will be inhabited
by the Scythian or Indian or other
such from the neighbouring barbarian
land. New rights will be introduced,
a new law, nothing holy, nothing
religious, nothing worthy of heaven
and of the celestials will be heard or
in spirit believed. A painful separa-
tion of the gods from men sets in;
only the bad angels remain there, to
mingle among mankind ” (according
to Bernays’s translation, Ges. AbA. i.

330).

learned
world of
Alexandria.

Scholar-life
in Alex-
andria,

268 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

there was wanting the seaport and its belongings, and,
however stirring matters were on the streets there, they
bore no comparison with the life and doings of the Alex-
andrian artisans and sailors. On the other hand, for enjoy-
ment of life, dramatic spectacles, dining, pleasures of love,
Antioch had more to offer than the city in which “no one
went idle.” Literary pursuits proper, linking themselves
especially with the rhetorical exhibitions—such as we
sketched in the description of Asia Minor—fell into the
background in Egypt,’ doubtless more amidst the pres-
sure of the affairs of the day than through the influence of
the numerous and well-paid savants living in Alexandria,
and in great part natives of it. These men of the
Museum, of whom we shall have to speak further on,
did not prominently affect the character of the town as a
whole, especially if they did their duty in diligent work.
But the Alexandrian physicians were regarded as the
best in the whole empire; it is true that Egypt was no
less the genuine home of quacks and of secret remedies,
and of that strange civilised form of the “shepherd-
medicine,” in which pious simplicity and speculating deceit
draped themselves in the mantle of science. Of the
thrice-greatest Hermes we have already made mention
(p. 261); the Alexandrian Sarapis, too, wrought more
marvellous cures in antiquity than any one of his
colleagues, and he infected even the practical emperor
Vespasian, so that he too healed the blind and lame, but
only in Alexandria.

Although the place which Alexandria occupies, or
seems to occupy, in the intellectual and literary develop-
ment of the later Greece and of Occidental culture
generally cannot be fitly estimated in a description of the

1 When the Romans ask from the
famous rhetor Proaeresios (end of the
third and beginning of the fourth
century) one of his disciples for a
professorial chair, he sends to them
Eusebius from Alexandria; ‘*as re-
spects rhetoric,” it is said of the
latter (Eunapius, Proaer. p. 92 Boiss. ),
‘it is enough to say that he was an

Egyptian ; for this people, no doubt,
pursues versemaking passionately, but
earnest oratory (ò owrovdaios “Epuns)
is not at home among them.” The
remarkable resumption of Greek
poetry in Egypt, to which, eg. the
epic of Nonnus belongs, lies beyond
the bounds of our narrative.

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 269

local circumstances of Egypt, but only in the delineation
of this development itself, the Alexandrian scholarship
and its continuation under the Roman government are
too remarkable a phenomenon not to have its general
position touched on in this connection. We have already
observed (p. 126) that the blending of the Oriental and
the Hellenic intellectual world was accomplished pre-
eminently in Egypt alongside of Syria; and if the new
faith which was to conquer the West issued from Syria,
the science homogeneous with it—that philosophy which,
alongside of and beyond the human mind, acknowledges
and proclaims the supra-mundane God and the divine
revelation—came pre-eminently from Egypt: probably
already the new Pythagoreanism, certainly the philo-
sophic Neo-Judaism—of which we have formerly spoken
(p. 170)—as well as the new Platonism, whose founder,
the Egyptian Plotinus, was likewise already mentioned
(p. 126). Upon this interpenetration of Hellenic and
Oriental elements, that was carried out especially in
Alexandria, mainly depends the fact, that—as falls to be
set forth more fully in surveying the state of things in
Italy—tthe Hellenism there in the earlier imperial period
bears pre-eminently an Egyptian form. As the old-new
wisdoms associated with Pythagoras, Moses, Plato, pene-
trated from Alexandria into Italy, so Isis and her
belongings played the first part in the easy, fashionable
piety, which the Roman poets of the Augustan age and
the Pompeian temples from that of Claudius exhibit to
us. Art as practised in Egypt prevails in the Campanian
frescoes of the same epoch, as in the Tiburtine villa of
Hadrian. In keeping with this is the position which
Alexandrian erudition occupies in the intellectual life of
the imperial period. Outwardly it is based on the care
of the state for intellectual interests, and would with
more warrant link itself to the name of Alexander than
to that of Alexandria ; it is the realisation of the thought
that in a certain stage of civilisation art and science
must be supported and promoted by the authority and
the resources of the state, the consistent sequel of the

270 EG YPT. BOOK VIII.

brilliant moment in the world’s history which placed
Alexander and Aristotle side by side. It is not our
intention here to inquire how in this mighty conception
truth and error, the injuring and elevating of the intellectual
life, became mingled, nor is the scanty after-bloom
of the divine singing and of the high thinking of the
free Hellenes to be once more placed side by side with
the rank and yet also noble produce of the later
collecting, investigating, and arranging. If the institu-
tions which sprang from this thought could not, or, what
was worse, could only apparently, renew to the Greek
nation what was irrecoverably lost, they granted to it
on the still free arena of the intellectual world the only
possible compensation, and that, too, a glorious one. For
us the local circumstances are above all to be taken into
account. Artificial gardens are in some measure in-
dependent of the soil, and it is not otherwise with these
scientific institutions ; only that they from their nature
are directed towards the courts. Material support may be
imparted to them otherwise; but more important than
this is the favour of the highest circles, which swells their
sails, and the connections, which, meeting together in the
great centres, replenish and extend these circles of science.
In the better time of the monarchies of Alexander there
were as many such centres as there were states, and that
of the Lagid court was only the most highly-esteemed
among them. The Roman republic had brought the
others one after another into its power, and had set aside
with the courts also the scientific institutes and circles
belonging to them. The fact that the future Augustus,
when he did away with the last of these courts, allowed
the learned institutes connected with it to subsist, is a
genuine, and not the worst, indication of the changed
times. The more energetic and higher Philhellenism
of the government of the Caesars was distinguished to
its advantage from that of the republic by the fact that
it not merely allowed Greek literati to earn money in
Rome, but viewed and treated the great guardianship of
Greek science as a part of the sovereignty of Alexander.

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 271
= No doubt, as in this regeneration of the empire as a
whole, the building-plan was grander than the building.
The royally patented and pensioned Muses, whom the
Lagids had called to Alexandria, did not disdain to
accept the like payments also from the Romans; and
the imperial munificence was not inferior to the earlier
regal. The funds of the library of Alexandria and the
fund of free places for philosophers, poets, physicians, and
scholars of all sorts,’ as well as the immunities granted
to these, were not diminished by Augustus, and were
increased by the emperor Claudius—with the injunction,
indeed, that the new Claudian academicians should have
the Greek historical works of the singular founder publicly
read year by year in their sittings. With the first library
in the world Alexandria retained at the same time,
through the whole imperial period, a certain primacy of
scientific work, until Islam burnt the library and killed
the ancient civilisation. It was not merely the opportunity
thus offered, but at the same time the old tradition and
turn of mind of these Hellenes, which preserved for the
city that precedence, as indeed among the scholars
the native Alexandrians are prominent in number and
importance. In this epoch numerous and respectable
labours of erudition, particularly philological and physical,
proceeded from the circle of the savants “ of the Museum,”
as they entitled themselves, like the Parisians “of the
Institute”; but the literary importance, which the Alex-
andrian and the Pergamene court-science and court-art

1 A “Homeric poet” éx Movoelouv
is ready to sing the praise of Memnon
in four Homeric verses, without add-
ing a word of his own (C. Z. Gr.
4748). Hadrian makes an Alex-
andrian poet a member in reward for
a loyal epigram (Athenaeus, xv. p.
677 e) Examples of rhetors from
Hadrian’s time may be seen in Philo-
stratus, Vit. Soph. i. 22, 3 c. 25, 3.
A pıħócopos dd Moveelov in Halicar-
nassus (Bull. de corr. Hell. iv. 405).
At a later period, when the circus
was everything, we find a noted
pugilist — perhaps, one may say—as

an honorary member of the philo-
sophical class (inscription from Rome,
C. I. Gr. 5914: vewxdpos rod peyd-
[Aou Zapárıð]os kal ray év ry Movoely
[ceirov]uévwv adreddv girocddur ;
comp. #6, 4724, and Firmicus Mater-
nus, de errore prof. rel. 13, 3). Ob
év 'Ed¢écw dmd rod Movaeiov larpol
(Wood, Ephesus, inscriptions from
tombs, n. 7), a society of Ephesian
physicians, have relation doubtless to
the Museum at Alexandria, but were
hardly members of it; they were
rather trained in it.

272 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

had in the better epoch of Hellenism for the whole
Hellenic and Hellenising world, was never even remotely
attached to the Romano-Alexandrian. The cause lay
not in the want of talents or in other accidents, least of
all in the fact that places in the Museum were bestowed
by the empcror sometimes according to gifts and always
according to favour, and the government dealt with them
quite as with the horse of the knight and the posts of
officials of the household; the case was not otherwise
at the older courts. Court-philosophers and court- poets
remained in Alexandria, but not the court; it was here
very clearly apparent that the main matter was not
pensions and rewards, but the contact—quickening for
both sides—of great political and great scientific work.
The latter doubtless presented itself for the new monarchy
and brought its consequences with it; but the place for
it was not Alexandria: this bloom of political develop-
ment justly belonged to the Latins and to the Latin
capital. The Augustan poetry and Augustan science
attained, under similar circumstances, to a similar im-
portant and pleasing development with that attained by
the Hellenistic at the court of the Pergamenes and the
earlier Ptolemies. Even in the Greek circle, so far as the
Roman government operated upon it in the sense of the
Lagids, this development was linked more with Rome than
with Alexandria. It is true that the Greek libraries of
the capital were not equal to the Alexandrian, and there
was no institute in Rome comparable to the Alexandrian
Museum. But a position at the Roman libraries opened
up relations to the court. The professorship of Greek
rhetoric in the capital, instituted by Vespasian, filled up
and paid for by the government, gave to its holder,
although he was not an officer of the household in the
same sense as the imperial librarian, a similar position,
and was regarded, doubtless on that account, as the chief
professorial chair of the empire’ But, above all, the
office of imperial cabinet secretary in its Greek division
was the most esteemed and the most influential position

1‘O dyw Opdvos in Philostratus, Vit, Soph. ii. 10, 5.

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 273

to which a Greek man of letters could at all attain.
Transference from the Alexandrian academy to such an
office in the capital was demonstrably promotion.’ Even
apart from all which the Greek literati otherwise found
in Rome alone, the court-positions and the court-offices
were enough to draw the most distinguished of them
thither rather than to the Egyptian “free table.” The
learned Alexandria of this time became a sort of
“jointure ” of Greek science, worthy of respect and useful,
but of no pervading influence on the great movement of
culture or mis-culture of the imperial period ; the places
in the Museum were, as was reasonable, not seldom
bestowed on scholars of note from abroad, and for the
institution itself the books of the library were of more
account than the burgesses of the great commercial and
manufacturing city.

The military circumstances of Egypt laid down, just
as in Syria, a double task for the troops there; the pro-
tection of the south frontier and of the east coast, which
indeed may not be remotely compared with that required
for the line of the Euphrates, and the maintenance of
internal order in the country as in the capital. The
Roman garrison consisted, apart from the ships stationed
at Alexandria and on the Nile, which seem chiefly to
have served for the control of the customs, under Augustus
of three legions, along with the not numerous auxiliary
troops belonging to them, about 20,000 men. This was
about half as many as he destined for all the Asiatic
provinces—which was in keeping with the importance
of this province for the new monarchy. But the occupy-

1 Examples are Chaeremon, the
teacher of Nero, previously installed
in Alexandria (Suidas, Arovdacos ' AXeé-
avdpevs; comp. Zeller, Hermes, xi.
430, and above, p. 259); Dionysius,
son of Glaucus, at first in Alexandria,
successor of Chaeremon, then from
Nero down to Trajan librarian in

VOL. II.

Rome and imperial cabinet secretary
(Suidas, /¢.); L. Julius Vestinus
under Hadrian, who, even after the
presidency of the Museum, filled the
same positions as Dionysius in Rome
(p. 248 note), known also as a philo-
logical author.

18

The
Egyptian
army.

Aethiopia

274 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

ing force was probably even under Augustus himself
diminished about a third, and then under Domitian by
about a further third. At first two legions were stationed
outside of the capital; but the main camp, and soon the
only one, lay before its gates, where Caesar the younger
had fought out the last battle with Antonius, in the
suburb called accordingly Nicopolis. The suburb had its
own amphitheatre and its own imperial popular festival,
and was quite independently organised; so that for a
time the public amusements of Alexandria were thrown
into the shade by those of Nicopolis. The immediate
watching of the frontier fell to the auxiliaries. The same
causes therefore which relaxed discipline in Syria—the
police-character of their primary task and their immediate
contact with the great capital—came into play also for
the Egyptian troops ; to which fell to be added, that the
bad custom of allowing to the soldiers with the standards
a married life or at any rate a substitute for it, and of
filling up the troop from their camp-children, had for
long been naturalised among the Macedonian soldiers of
the Ptolemies, and soon prevailed also among the Romans,
at least up to a certain degree. Accordingly, the Egypt-
ian corps, in which the Occidentals served still more
rarely than in the other armies of the East, and which
was recruited in great part from the citizens and the
camp of Alexandria, appears to have been among all the
sections of the army the least esteemed ; as indeed also
the officers of this legion, as was already observed, were °
inferior in rank to those of the rest.

The properly military task of the Egyptian troops
was closely connected with the measures for the elevation
of Egyptian commerce. It will be convenient to take
the two together, and to set forth in connection, in the
first instance, the relations to the continental neighbours
in the south, and then those to Arabia and India.

Egypt reaches on the south, as was already remarked,
as far as the barrier which the last cataract, not far from
Syene (Assouan), opposes to navigation. Beyond Syene
begins the stock of the Kesch, as the Egyptians call them,

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 275

or, as the Greeks translated it, the dark-coloured, the
Aethiopians, probably akin to the Axomites to be after-
wards mentioned, and, although perhaps sprung from the
same root as the Egyptians, at any rate confronting them
in historical development as a foreign people. Further
to the south follow the Nahsiu of the Egyptians, that is,
the Blacks, the Nubians of the Greek, the modern Negroes.
The kings of Egypt had in better times extended their
rule far into the interior, or at least emigrant Egyptians
had established for themselves here dominions of their
own; the written monuments of the Pharaonic govern-
ment go as far as above the third cataract to Dongola,
where Nabata (near Nari) seems to have been the
centre of their settlements ; and considerably further up
the stream, some six days’ journey to the north of Khar-
toum, near Shendy, in Sennaar, in the neighbourhood
of the long forgotten Aethiopian town Meroe, are found
groups of temples and pyramids, although destitute of
writing. When Egypt became Roman, all this develop-
ment of power was long a matter of the past ; and beyond
Syene there ruled an Aethiopian stock under queens, who
regularly bore the name or the title Candace,’ and resided
in that once Egyptian Nabata in Dongola; a people at
a low stage of civilisation, predominantly shepherds, in a
position to bring into the field an army of 30,000, but
equipped with shields of ox-hides, armed mostly not with
swords, but with axes or lances and iron-mounted clubs,
predatory neighbours, not a match for the Romans in
combat. In the year 730 or 731 these invaded the
Roman territory—as they asserted, because the presidents
of the nearest nomes had injured them—as the Romans
thought, because the Egyptian troops were then to a
large extent occupied in Arabia, and they hoped to be
able to plunder with immunity. In reality they over-
came the three cohorts who covered the frontier, and
dragged away the inhabitants from the nearest Egyptian

1 The eunuch of Candace, who Candace reigned also in Nero’s time
reads in Isaiah (Acts of the Apostles, (Plinius, Æ. WV. vi. 29, 182).
viii. 27) is well known; and a

24, 23.

War with
queen
Candace.

276 EGYPT. BOOK VIIL

districts— Philae, Elephantine, Syene—as slaves, and the
statues of the emperor, which they found there, as tokens
of victory. But the governor, who just then took up the
administration of the province, Gaius Petronius, speedily
requited the attack; with 10,000 infantry and 800
cavalry he not merely drove them out, but followed them
along the Nile into their own land, defeated them empha-
tically at Pselchis (Dekkeh), and stormed their strong-
hold Premis (Ibrim), as well as the capital itself, which
he destroyed. It is true that the queen, a brave woman,
renewed the attack next year and attempted to storm
Premis, where a Roman garrison had been left; but
Petronius brought seasonable relief, and so the Aethiopian
queen determined to send envoys and to sue for peace.
The emperor not merely granted it, but gave orders to
evacuate the subject territory, and rejected the proposal
of his governor to make the vanquished tributary. This
event, otherwise not important, is remarkable in so far as
just then the definite resolution of the Roman govern-
ment became apparent, to maintain absolutely the Nile
valley as far as the river was navigable, but not at all to
contemplate taking possession of the wide districts on the
upper Nile. Only the tract from Syene, where under
Augustus the frontier-troops were stationed, as far as
Hiera Sycaminos (Maharraka), the so-called Twelve-mile-
land (Awdexacyouvos), while never organised as a nome
and never viewed as a part of Egypt, was yet regarded
as belonging to the empire ; and at least under Domitian
the posts were even advanced as far as Hiera Sycaminos.’

1 That the imperial frontier reached
to Hiera Sycaminos, is evident for
the second century from Ptolemaeus,
v.5, 74, for thetimeof Diocletian from
the Itineraries, which carry the im-
perial roads thus far. In the Nofitia
dignitatum, a century later, the posts
again do not reach beyond Syene,
Philae, Elephantine. In the tract
from Philae to Hiera Sycaminos, the
Dodecaschoinos of Herodotus (ii. 29)
temple-tribute appears to have been
raised already in early times for the
Isis of Philae always common to

the Egyptians and Aethiopians ; but
Greek inscriptions from the Lagid
period have not been found here,
whereas numerous dated ones occur
from the Roman period, the oldest
from the time of Augustus (Pselchis,
2 A.D.; C. J. Gr. n. 5086), and of
Tiberius (*6. 26 A.D., n. 5104, 33
A.D., n. 5101), the most recent from
that of Philippus (Kardassi, 248 A.D.,
n. 5010). These do not prove ab-
solutely that the place where the
inscription was found belonged to the
empire ; but that of a land-measuring

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 277

On that footing substantially the matter remained. The
Oriental expedition planned by Nero (p. 61) was cer-
tainly intended to embrace Aethiopia; but it did not go
beyond the preliminary reconnoitring of the country by
Roman officers as far as Meroe. The relations with the
neighbours on the Egyptian southern frontier down to
the middle of the third century must have been on the
whole of a peaceful kind, although there were not wanting
minor quarrels with that Candace and with her successors,
who appear to have maintained their position for a con-
siderable time, and subsequently perhaps with other tribes,
that attained to ascendency beyond the imperial bounds.
It was not till the empire was unhinged in the period
of Valerian and Gallienus, that the neighbours broke over
this boundary. We have already mentioned (p. 250) that
the Blemyes settled in the mountains on the south-east fron-
tier, formerly obeying the Aethiopians, a barbarous people
of revolting savageness, who even centuries later had
not abandoned human sacrifices, advanced at this epoch
independently against Egypt, and by an understanding
with the Palmyrenes occupied a good part of upper Egypt,
and held it for a series of years. The vigorous emperor
Probus drove them out; but the inroads once begun did
not cease,! and the emperor Diocletian resolved to draw

soldier of the year 33 (n. 5101), and
that of a praesidium of the year 84
(Talmis, n. 5042 f.), as well as numer-
ous others certainly presuppose it. Be-
yond the frontier indicated no similar
stone has ever been found ; for the
remarkable inscription of the regina
(C. I. L. iii. 83), found at Messaurat,
to the south of Shendy (16° 25’ lat.,
§ leagues to the south of the ruins
of Naga), the most southern of all
known Latin inscriptions, now in the
Berlin Museum, has been set up, not
by a Roman subject, but presumably
by an envoy of an African queen,
who was returning from Rome, and
who spoke Latin perhaps only in
order to show that he had been in
Rome.

1 The tropaea Niliaca, sub quibus

Acthiops ad Indus intremuit, in an
oration probably held in the year 296
(Paneg. v. 5), apply to such a ren-
contre, not to the Egyptian insurrec-
tion ; and the oration of the year 289
speaks of attacks of the Blemyes
(Paneg. iii. 17).— Procopius, Bell.
Pers. i. 19, reports the cession of the
‘* Twelve-mile-territory” to the Nubi-
ans. It is mentioned as standing under
the dominion, not of the Nubians, but
of the Blemyes by Olympiodorus, fr.
37, Müll and the inscription of Silko,
C. J. Gr. 5072. The fragment re-
cently brought to light of a Greek
heroic poem as to the victory of a late
Roman emperor over the Blemyes is
referred by Biicheler (Rhein. Mus,
xxxix. 279 f.) to that of Marcianus, in
the year 451 (comp. Priscus, fr. 27).

The
Blemyes.

Aethiopian
commercial
traffic,

The
Egyptian
east coast
and general
commerce,

278 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

back the frontier. The narrow “ Twelve-mile-land” de-
manded a strong garrison, and brought in little to the
state. The Nubians, who roamed in the Libyan desert,
and were constantly visiting in particular the great Oasis,
agreed to give up their old abodes and to settle in this
region, which was formally ceded to them; at the same
time fixed annual payments were made to them as well
as to their eastern neighbours the Blemyes, nominally in
order to compensate them for guarding the frontier, in
reality beyond doubt to buy off their plundering expedi-
tions, which nevertheless of course did not cease. It was
a retrograde step—the first, since Egypt became Roman.

Of the mercantile intercourse on this frontier little is
reported from antiquity. As the cataracts of the upper
Nile closed the direct route by water, the traffic between
the interior of Africa and the Egyptians, particularly the
trade in ivory, was carried on in the Roman period more
by way of the Abyssinian ports than along the Nile; but
it was not wanting also in this direction? The Aethi-
opians who dwelt in numbers beside the Egyptians on
the island of Philae were evidently mostly merchants, and
the border-peace that here prevailed must have contributed
its part to the prosperity of the frontier-towns of upper
Egypt and of Egyptian trade generally.

The east coast of Egypt presented to the development
of general traffic a problem difficult of solution. The
thoroughly desolate and rocky shore was incapable of
culture proper, and in ancient as in later times a desert.”
On the other hand the two seas, eminently important for
the development of culture in the ancient world, the
Mediterranean and the Red or Indian, approach each
other most closely at the two most northern extremities
of the latter, the Persian and the Arabian gulfs; the
former receives into it the Euphrates, which in the middle
of its course comes near to the Mediterranean ; the latter
is only a few days’ march distant from the Nile, which

1 Juvenal (xi. 124) mentions the Ptolemy (iv. 5, 14, 15) treats of this
elephant’s teeth, guos mittit forta coast, it seems, just like the ‘* Twelve-
Syenes. mile-land,” to have lain outside of the

2 According to the mode in which division into nomes.

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 279

flows into the same sea. Hence in ancient times the
commercial intercourse between the East and the West
took preponderantly either the direction along the
Euphrates to the Syrian and Arabian coast, or it made
its way from the east coast of Egypt to the Nile. The
traffic routes from the Euphrates were older than those
by way of the Nile; but the latter had the advantage of
the stream being better for navigation and of the shorter
land-transport ; the getting rid of the latter by preparing
an artificial water-route was in the case of the Euphrates
excluded, in that of Egypt found in ancient as in modern
times difficult doubtless, but not impossible. Accordingly
nature itself prescribed to the land of Egypt to connect
the east coast with the course of the Nile and the northern
coast by land or water routes ; and the beginnings of such
structures go back to the time of those native rulers who
first opened up Egypt to foreign countries and to traffic
on a great scale. Following in the traces apparently of The sea-
older structures of the great rulers of Egypt, Sethi I. and Iia.
Rhamses II., king Necho, the son of Psammetichus (610-
594 B.C.) began the building of a canal, which, branching
off from the Nile in the neighbourhood of Cairo, was to
furnish a water-communication with the bitter lakes near
Ismailia, and through these with the Red Sea, without
being able, however, to complete the work. That in this
he had in view not merely the control of the Arabian
Gulf and the commercial traffic with the Arabians, but
already brought within his horizon the Persian and the
Indian seas, and the more remote East, is probable, for
this reason, that the same ruler suggested the only cir-
cumnavigation of Africa executed in antiquity. Beyond
doubt this was for king Darius I., the lord of Persia as
well as of Egypt; he completed the canal, but, as his
memorial-stones found on the spot mention, he caused it
to be filled up again, probably because his engineers feared
that the water of the sea, admitted into the canal, would
overflow the fields of Egypt.

The rivalry of the Lagids and the Seleucids, which
dominated the policy of the post-Alexandrine period

The
Egyptian
eastern
ports.

Abyssinia.

280 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

generally, was at the same time a contest between the
Euphrates and the Nile. The former was in possession,
the latter the pretender ; and in the better time of the
Lagids the peaceful offensive was pursued with great
energy. Not only was that canal undertaken by Necho
and Darius, now named the “river of Ptolemaeus,” opened
for the first time to navigation by the second Ptolemy
Philadelphus (f 247 B.C.); but comprehensive harbour-
structures were carried out at the points of the difficult
east coast that were best fitted for the security of the ships
and for the connection with the Nile. Above all, this was
done at the mouth of the canal leading to the Nile, at the
townships of Arsinoe, Cleopatris, Clysma, all three in the
region of the present Suez. Further downward, besides
several minor structures, arose the two important em-
poria, Myos Hormos, somewhat above the present Kosér,
and Berenice, in the land of the Trogodytes, nearly in
the same latitude with Syene on the Nile as well as with
the Arabian port Leuce Come, the former distant six or
seven, the latter eleven days’ march from the town Coptos,
near which the Nile bends farthest to the eastward, and
connected with this chief emporium on the Nile by roads
constructed across the desert and provided with large
cisterns. The goods traffic of the time of the Ptolemies
probably went less through the canal than by these land
routes to Coptos.

Beyond that Berenice, in the land of the Trogodytes,
the Egypt proper of the Lagids did not extend. The settle-
ments lying farther to the south, Ptolemais “ for the chase”
below Suakim, and the southmost township of the Lagid
kingdom, the subsequent Adulis, at that time perhaps
named “Berenice the Golden” or “near Saba,” Zula not
far from the present Massowah, by far the best harbour
on all this coast, were not more than coast-forts and had
no communication by land with Egypt. These remote
settlements were beyond doubt either lost or voluntarily
abandoned under the later Lagids, and at the epoch when
the Roman rule began, the Trogodytic Berenice was on the
coast, like Syene in the interior, the limit of the empire.

CHAP, XII. EG YPT. 281

In this region, never occupied or early evacuated by the
Egyptians there was formed—whether at the end of the
Lagid epoch or in the first age of the empire—an independ-
ent state of some extent and importance, that of the Axo-
mites,! corresponding to the modern Habesh. It derives
its name from the town Axômis, the modern Axum, situated
in the heart of this Alpine country eight days’ journey from
the sea, in the modern country of Tigre ; the already-men-
tioned best emporium on this coast, Adulis in the bay of
Massowah, served it as a port. The original population
of the kingdom of Axômis, of which tolerably pure rem-
nants still maintain themselves at the present day in
individual tracts of the interior, belonged from its language,
the Agau, to the same Hamitic cycle with the modern
Bego, Sali, Dankali, Somali, Galla; to the Egyptian
population this linguistic circle seems related in a similar
way as the Greeks to the Celts and Slaves, so that here
doubtless for research an affinity may subsist, but for
their historical existence rather nothing but contrast. But
before our knowledge of this country so much as begins,
superior Semitic immigrants belonging to the Himyaritic
stocks of southern Arabia must have crossed the narrow
gulf of the sea and rendered their language as well as
their writing at home there. The old written language of
Habesh, extinct in popular use since the seventeenth cen-
tury, the Ge’ez, or as it is for the most part erroneously

1 Our best information as to the
kingdom of Axomis is obtained from
a stone erected to one of its kings,
beyond doubt in the better period of
the empire, at Adulis (C. Z. Gr.
5127 6), a sort of writing commemo-
rative of the deeds of this apparent
empire-founder in the’ style of that of
Darius at Persepolis, or that of Au-
gustus at Ancyra, and fixed on the
king’s throne, before which down to
the sixth century criminals were exe-
cuted. The skilful disquisition of
Dillmann (4bh. der Berliner Akade-
mie, 1877, p. 195 f.), explains as
much of it as is explicable. From the
Roman standpoint it is to be noted
that the king does not name the

Romans, but clearly has in view their
imperial frontiers when he subdues
the Tangaites éxp ray ris AlyúrrTov
òplwv, and constructs a road drò rév
ris éuns Bacirelas rómwv uéixp Aiyúr-
Trov, and further, names as the north-
em limit of his Arabian expedition
Leuce Come, the last Roman station
on the Arabian west coast. Hence
it follows further, that this inscription
is more recent than the Periplus of the
Red Sea written under Vespasian ;
for according to this (c. 5) the king of
Axomis rules ard raw Mosxopáywv
péxpe TH EAAns BapBaplas, and this is
to be understood exclusively, since he
names in c. 2 the rúpavvo: of the
Moscophages, and likewise remarks

The king-
dom of the
Axomites.

Its extent
and devel-
opment.

282 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

termed, the Aethiopic,’ is purely Semitic, and the still
living dialects, the Amhara and the Tigrifia, are so also
in the main, only disturbed by the influence of the older
Agau.

As to the beginnings of this commonwealth no tradi-
tion has been preserved. At the end of Nero’s time, and
perhaps already long before, the king of the Axomites
ruled on the African coast nearly from Suakim to the
Straits of Bab el Mandeb. Some time afterwards—the
epoch cannot be more precisely defined—we find him as
a frontier-neighbour of the Romans on the southern border
of Egypt, and on the other coast of the Arabian Gulf in
warlike activity in the territory intervening between the
Roman possession and that of the Sabaeans, and so
coming into immediate contact towards the north with
the Roman territory also in Arabia; commanding, more-
over, the African coast outside of the Gulf perhaps as far
as Cape Guardafui. How far his territory of Axémis
extended inland is not clear ; Aethiopia, that is, Sennaar
and Dongola, at least in the earlier imperial period, hardly
belonged to it; perhaps at this time the kingdom of
Nabata may have subsisted alongside of the Axomitic.
Where the Axomites meet us, we find them at a com-
paratively advanced stage of development. Under
Augustus the Egyptian commercial traffic increased not
less with these African harbours than with India. The
king had the command not merely of an army, but, as his
very relations to Arabia presuppose, also of a fleet. A
Greek merchant, who was present in Adulis, terms king

in c. 14, that beyond the Straits of
Bab el Mandeb there is no ‘‘ king,” but
only ‘‘ tyrants.” Thus at that time
the Axomitic kingdom did not reach
to the Roman frontier, but only to
somewhere about Ptolemais ‘‘ of the
chase,” just as in the other direction
not to Cape Guardafui, but only as
far as the Straits of Bab el Mandeb.
Nor does the Periplus speak of pos-
sessions of the king of Axomis on the
Arabian coast, although he on several
occasions mentions the dynasts there.

1 The name of the Aethiopians was

associated in the better period with
the country on the Upper Nile, espe-
cially with the kingdoms of Meroe
and Nabata (p. 275), and so with the
region which we now call Nubia. In
later antiquity, for example by Pro-
copius, the designation is referred to
the state of Axomis, and hence in
more recent times is frequently em-
ployed for Abyssinia.

2 Hence the legend that the Axo-
mites were Syrians settled by Alex-
ander in Africa, and still spoke Syrian
(Philostorgius, Asst. Zccl. iii. 6).

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 283

Zoskales, who ruled in Vespasian’s time in Axémis, an
upright man and acquainted with Greek writing ; one of
his successors has set up on the spot a memorial-writing
composed in current Greek which told his deeds to the
foreigners; he even names himself in it a son of Ares
—which title the kings of the Axomites retained down to
the fourth century—and dedicates the throne, which bears
that memorial inscription, to Zeus, to Ares, and to
Poseidon. Already in Zoskales’s time that foreigner
names Adulis a well organised emporium ; his successors
compelled the roving tribes of the Arabian coast to keep
peace by land and by sea, and restored a land communi-
cation from their capital to the Roman frontier, which,
considering the nature of this district primarily left
dependent on communication by sea, was not to be
esteemed of slight account. Under Vespasian brass
pieces, which were divided according to need, served the
natives instead of money, and Roman coin circulated only
among the strangers settled in Adulis; in the later
imperial period the kings themselves coined. The Axomite
ruler withal calls himself king of kings, and no trace
points to Roman clientship ; he practises coining in gold,
which the Romans did not allow, not merely in their own
territory but even within the range of their power. There
was hardly another land in the imperial period beyond
the Romano-Hellenic bounds which had appropriated to
itself Hellenic habits with equal independence and to an
equal extent as the state of Habesh. That in the course
of time the popular language, indigenous or rather natur-
alised from Arabia, gained the upper hand and dispos-
sessed the Greek, is probably traceable partly to Arabian
influence, partly to that of Christianity and the revival
connected with it of the popular dialects, such as we found
also in Syria and Egypt; and it does not exclude the
view that the Greek language in Axomis and Adulis in
the first and second centuries of our era had a similar
position to what it had in Syria and Egypt, so far as it is
allowable to compare small and great.

Of political relations of the Romans to the state of

Rome and
the Ax-
omites.

The west
coast of
Arabia.

284 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

Axomis hardly anything is mentioned from the first three
centuries of our era, to which our narrative is confined.
With the rest of Egypt they took possession also of the
ports of the east coast down to the remote Trogodytic
Berenice, which on account of that remoteness was in the
Roman period placed under a commandant of its own."
Of extending their territory into the inhospitable and
worthless mountains along the coast there was never any
thought ; nor can the sparse population, standing at the
lowest stage of development, in the immediately adjoining
region have ever given serious trouble to the Romans.
As little did the Caesars attempt, as the early Lagids had
done, to possess themselves of the emporia of the
Axomitic coast. There is express mention only of the
fact that envoys of the Axomite kings negotiated with the
emperor Aurelian. But this very silence, as well as the
formerly indicated independent position of the ruler, leads
to the inference that here the recognised frontier was
permanently respected on both sides, and that a relation
of good neighbourhood subsisted, which proved advan-
tageous to the interests of peace and especially of Egyptian
commerce. That the latter, especially the important
traffic in ivory, in which Adulis was the chief entrepot for
the interior of Africa, was carried on predominantly from
Egypt and in Egyptian vessels, cannot—considering the
superior civilisation of Egypt—be subject to any doubt
even as regards the Lagid period ; and in Roman times
this traffic probably only increased in amount, without
undergoing further change.

Far more important for Egypt and the Roman empire
generally than the traffic with the African south was that

1 This is the pracfectus pracsidiorum another on an equal footing ; he re-

et montis Beronices (C. T. L.ix. 3083),
praefectus montis Berenicidis (Orelli,
3881), praefectus Bernicidis (C. T. L.
x. 1129), an officer of equestrian rank,
analogous to those adduced above
(p. 249), as stationed in Alexandria.
2 The letter, which the emperor
Constantius in the year 356 directs to
Aeizanas, the king of the Axomites at
that time, is that of one ruler to

quests his friendly and neighbourly
assistance against the spread of the
Athanasian heresy, and for the deposi-
tion and delivering up of an Axomitic
clergyman suspected of it. The fel-
lowship of culture comes here into the
more definite prominence, as the

` Christian invokes against the Chris-

tian the arm of the heathen.

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 285

which subsisted with Arabia and the coasts situated farther
to the east. The Arabian peninsula remained aloof from
the sphere of Hellenic culture. It would possibly have
been otherwise had king Alexander lived a year longer ;
death swept him away amidst the preparations for sailing
round and occupying the already-explored south coast of
Arabia, setting out from the Persian Gulf. But the voyage
which the great king had not been able to enter on was
never undertaken by any Greek after him. From the
most remote times, on the other hand, a lively intercourse
had taken place between the two coasts of the Arabian
Gulf over its moderately broad waters. In the Egyptian
accounts from the time of the Pharaohs the voyages to
the land of Punt, and the spoils thence brought home in
frankincense, ebony, emeralds, leopards’ skins, play an
important part. It has been already (p. 148) mentioned
that subsequently the northern portion of the Arabian
west coast belonged to the territory of the Nabataeans,
and with this came into the power of the Romans. This
was a desolate beach ;! only the emporium Leuce Come,
the last town of the Nabataeans and so far also of the
Roman empire, was not merely in maritime intercourse

1 Inland lay the primeval Teimâ,
the son of Ishmael of Genesis, enu-
merated by the Assyrian king Tiglath-
Pilesar in the eighth century before
Christ among his conquests, named
by the prophet Jeremiah together
with Sidon, around which gather in a
remarkable way Assyrian, Egyptian,
Arabian relations, the further unfold-
ing of which, after bold travellers
have opened up the place, we may
await from Oriental research. In
Teima itself Euting recently found
Aramaic inscriptions of the oldest
epoch (Noldeke, Sitsungsberichte der
Berliner Akademie, 1884, p. 813 f.)
From the not far distant place Medain-
Sâlih (Hijr) proceed certain coins
modelled after the Attic, which in
part replace the owl of Pallas by that
imagé of a god which the Egyptians
designate as Besa the lord of Punt,
i.e. of Arabia (Erman, Zeitschrift für
Numismatik, ix. 296 f.) We have

already mentioned the Nabataean
inscriptions just found there (p. 148,
note 3). Not far from thence, near
‘Ola (el-Ally) inscriptions have been
found, which correspond in the writ-
ing and in the names of gods and
kings to those of the South-Arabian
Minaeans, and show that these had
a considerable station here, sixty days’
journey from their home, but on the
frankincense - route mentioned by
Eratosthenes, from Minaea to Ae-
lana; and alongside of these others
of a cognate but not identical south.
Arabian stock (D. H. Müller in the
Berichte der Wiener Akademie of 17th
December 1884). The Minaean in-
scriptions belong beyond doubt to the
pre-Roman period. As on the an-
nexation of the Nabataean kingdom
by Trajan these districts were aban-
doned (p. 152), from that time another
south-Arabian tribe may have ruled
there. ©

The state
of the
Homerites.

286 EG YPT. BOOK VIII.

with Berenice lying opposite, but was also the starting-
point of the caravan-route leading to Petra and thence to
the ports of southern Syria, and in so far, one of the
centres of the traffic between the East and the West
(p. 151). The adjoining regions on the south, northward
and southward of the modern Mecca, corresponded in
their natural character to the opposite Trogodyte country,
and were, like this, neither politically nor commercially
of importance, nor yet apparently united under one
sceptre, but occupied by roving tribes. But at the south
end of this gulf was the home of the only Arabic stock,
which attained to greater importance in the pre-Islamic
period. The Greeks and the Romans name these Arabs
in the earlier period after the people most prominent at
that time Sabaeans, in later times after another tribe
usually Homerites, as, according to the new Arabic form
of the latter name, now for the most part Himjarites.
The development of this remarkable people had reached
a considerable stage long before the beginning of the
Roman rule over Egypt.’ Its native seat, the Arabia
Felix of the ancients, the region of Mocha and Aden, is
surrounded by a narrow plain along the shore intensely
hot and desolate, but the healthy and temperate interior
of Yemen and Hadramaut produces on the mountain-
slopes and in the valleys a luxuriant vegetation, and the
numerous mountain-waters permit in many respects with
careful management a garden-like cultivation. We have
even at the present day an expressive testimony to the

rich and peculiar civilisation

1 The accounts connected with the
trade in frankincense in Theophrastus
(t 287 B.C.; Hist. plant. ix. 4) and
more fully in Eratosthenes (t 194 B. C. );
in Strabo (xvi. 4, 2, p. 768) of the
four great tribes of the Minaeans
(Mamali Theophr. ?) with the capital
Carna; the Sabaeans (Saba Theophr.)
with the capital Mariaba ; the Catta-
banes (Kitibaena Theophr.) with the
capital Tamna; the Chatramotitae
(Hadramyta Theophr.) with the capi-
tal Sabata, describe the very circle out

of this region in the remains

of which the Homerite kingdom de-
veloped itself, and indicate its begin-
nings. The much sought for Minaei
are now pointed out with certainty in
Ma’in in the interior above Marib and
Hadramaut, where hundreds of in-
Scriptions have been found, and have
yielded already no fewer than twenty-
six kings’ names. Mariaba is even
now named Marib. The region
Chatramotitis or Chatramitis is Had-
ramaut.

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 287

of city-walls and towers, of useful buildings, particularly
aqueducts, and temples covered with inscriptions, which
completely confirm the description of ancient authors as
to the magnificence and luxury of this region; the
Arabian geographers have written books concerning the
strongholds and castles of the numerous petty princes of
Yemen. Famous are the ruins of the mighty embank-
ment which once in the valley of Mariaba dammed up
the river Dana and rendered it possible to water the fields
upwards,’ and from the bursting of which, and the migra-
tion alleged to have been thereby occasioned of the inha-
bitants of Yemen to the north the Arabs for long counted
their-years. But above all this district was one of the
original seats of wholesale traffic by land and by sea, not
merely because its productions, frankincense, precious
stones, gum, cassia, aloes, senna, myrrh, and numerous
other drugs called for export, but also because this Semitic
stock was, just like that of the Phoenicians, formed by its
whole character for commerce ; Strabo says, just like the
more recent travellers, that the Arabs are all traders and
merchants. The coining of silver is here old and peculiar ;
the coins were at first modelled after Athenian dies, and

1 The remarkable remains of this of D. H. Müller, Wiener Sitsungs-

structure, executed with the greatest
precision and skill, are described by
Arnaud (Journal Asiatique, 7 série,
tome 3, for the year 1874, p. 3f.
with plans; comp. Ritter, Erdkunde,
xii. 861). On the two sides of the
embankment, which has now almost
wholly disappeared, stand respectively
two stone structures built of square
blocks, of conical almost cylindrical
form, between which a narrow open-
ing is found for the water flowing out
of the basin; at least on the one
side a canal lined with pebbles leads
it to this outlet. It was once closed
with planks placed one above another,
which could be individually removed,
to carry the water away as might be
needed. The one of those stone
cylinders bears the following inscrip-
tion (according to the translation, not
indeed quite certain in all its details,

berichte, vol. xcvii. 1880, p. 965):
‘‘ Jata’amar the glorious, son of Sa-
mah’alf the sublime, prince of Saba,
caused the Balap (mountain) to be
pierced (and erected) the sluice-struc-
ture named Rahab for easier irriga-
tion.” We have no secure basis for
fixing the chronological place of this
and numerous other royal names of
the Sabaean inscriptions. The As-
syrian king Sargon says in the Khor-
sabad inscription, after he has narrated
the vanquishing of the king of Gaza,
Hanno, in the year 716 B.C.: “I
received the tribute of Pharaoh the
king of Egypt, of Shamsiya the queen
of Arabia, and of Ithamara the Sab-
aean ; gold, herbs of the eastern land,
slaves, horses, and camels” (Müller,
l. ce. p. 988; Duncker, Gesch. des
Alterthums, ii.5 p. 327).

ft

EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

288

later after Roman coins of Augustus, but on an indepen-
dent, probably Babylonian basis.! From the land of these
Arabians the original frankincense-routes led across the
desert to the marts on the Arabian gulf, Aelana and the
already-mentioned Leuce Come, and the emporia of Syria,
Petra and Gaza ;? these routes of the land-traffic, which
along with those of the Euphrates and the Nile, furnish
the means of intercourse between East and West from the
earliest times, may be conjectured to be the proper basis
of the prosperity of Yemen. But the sea-traffic likewise
soon became associated with them; the great mart for
this was Adane, the modern Aden. From this the goods
went by water, certainly in the main in Arabian ships,
either to those same marts on the Arabian gulf and so to
the Syrian ports, or to Berenice and Myos Hormos, and
from thence to Coptos and Alexandria. We have already
stated that the same Arabs likewise at a very early time
possessed themselves of the opposite coast, and trans-
planted their language, their writing and their civilisa-
tion to Habesh. If Coptos, the Nile-emporium for the
eastern traffic, had just as many Arabs as Egypt had
inhabitants, if even the emerald-mines above Berenice
(near Jebel Zebara) were worked by the Arabs, this shows
that in the Lagid state itself they had the trade up to
a certain degree in their hands; and its passive attitude
in respect to the traffic on the Arabian Sea, whither at
most an expedition against the pirates was once under-
taken,® is the more readily intelligible, if a state well

1 Sallet in the Berliner Zeitschrift
fiir Numismatik, viii. 243; J. H.
Mordtmann in the Wiener Numism.,
Zeitschrift, xii. 289.

2 Pliny, Æ. N. xii. 14, 65,
reckons the cost of a camel’s load of
frankincense by the land-route from
the Arabian coast to Gaza at 688
denarii (= £30). ‘* Along the whole
tract fodder and water and shelter
and various custom-dues have to be
paid for; then the priests demand
certain shares and the scribes of the
kings ; moreover the guards and the
halberdiers and the body-guards and

servants have their exactions; to
which our imperial dues fall to be
added.” In the case of the water-trans-
port these intervening expenses were
not incurred.

3 The chastising of the pirates is
reported by Agatharchides in Dio-
dorus, iii. 43, and Strabo, xvi. 4, 18,
p. 777. But Ezion-Geber in Pales-
tine, on the Elanitic gulf, 4 viv Bepe-
vilky xadetra (Josephus, Arch. viii. 6,
4), was so called certainly not from
an Egyptian princess (Droysen, Zel-
lenismus, iii. 2, 349), but from the
Jewess of Titus.

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 289

organised and powerful at sea ruled these waters. We
meet the Arabs of Yemen even beyond their own sea.
Adane remained down to the Roman imperial times a
mart of traffic on the one hand with India, on the other
with Egypt, and, in spite of its own unfavourable position
on the treeless shore, rose to such prosperity that the
name of “Arabia Felix” had primary reference to this
town. The dominion, which in our days the Imam of
Muscat in the south-east of the peninsula has exercised
over the islands of Socotra and Zanzibar and the African
east coast from Cape Guardafui southward, pertained in
Vespasian’s time “from of old” to the princes of Arabia ;
the island of Dioscorides, that same Socotra, belonged
then to the king of Hadramaut, Azania, that is, the coast
of Somal and further southward, to one of the viceroys of
his western neighbour, the king of the Homerites. The
southernmost station on the east African coast which the
Egyptian merchants knew of, Rhapta in the region of
Zanzibar, was leased from this sheikh by the merchants of
Muza, that is nearly the modern Mocha, “and they send
thither their trading-ships, mostly manned by Arabian
captains and sailors, who are accustomed to deal and
are often connected by marriage with the natives, and are
acquainted with the localities and the languages of the
country.” The cultivation of the soil and industry went
hand in hand with commerce; in the houses of rank in
India, Arabian wine was drunk alongside of the Falernian
from Italy and the Laodicene from Syria; and the lances
and shoemakers’ awls, which the natives of the coast of
Malabar purchased from the foreign traders were manu-
factured at Muza. Thus this region, which moreover
sold much and bought little, became one of the richest in
the world.

How far its political development kept pace with the
economic, cannot be determined for the pre-Roman and
earlier imperial period ; only this much seems to result
both from the accounts of the Occidentals and from
the native inscriptions, that this south-west point of
Arabia was divided among several independent rulers with

VOL. II. 19

290 EG YPT. BOOK VIII.

territories of moderate size. There subsisted in that
quarter, alongside of the more prominent Sabaeans and
Homerites, the already-mentioned Chatramotitae in the
Hadramaut, and northward in the interior the Minaeans,
all under princes of their own.

With reference to the Arabians of Yemen the Romans
pursued the very opposite policy to that adopted towards
the Axomites. Augustus, for whom the non-enlargement
of the bounds was the starting-point of the imperial
government, and who allowed almost all the plans of
conquest of his father and master to drop, made an excep-

tion of the south-west coast of Arabia, and here took

aggressive measures of his own free will. This was done
on account of the position which this group of peoples
occupied at that time in Indo-Egyptian commercial
intercourse. In order to bring the province of his
dominions, which was politically and financially the most
important, up, in an economic aspect, to the level which
his predecessors in rule had neglected to establish
or had allowed to decline, he needed above all to
obtain inter-communication between Arabia and India
on the one hand and Europe on the other. The Nile-
route for long competed successfully with the Arabian
and the Euphrates routes; but Egypt played in this
respect, as we saw, a subordinate part at least under
the later Lagids. A trading rivalry subsisted not
with the Axomites, but doubtless with the Arabians ;
if the Egyptian traffic was to be converted from a
passive into an active, from indirect into direct, the Arabs
had to be overthrown; and this it was that Augustus
desired and the Roman government in some measure
achieved.

In the sixth year of his reign in Egypt (end of 729)
Augustus despatched a fleet, fitted out expressly for this
expedition, of 80 warships and 130 transports, and the
half of the Egyptian army, a corps of 10,000 men, with-
out reckoning the contingents of the two nearest client
kings, the Nabataean Obodas and the Jew Herod, against
the states of Yemen, in order either to subjugate or at

-i
%

CHAP, XII. EGYPT.

291
least to ruin them,! while at the same time the treasures
there accumulated were certainly taken into account. But
the enterprise completely miscarried, and that from the
incapacity of the leader, the governor of Egypt at the time,
Gaius Aelius Gallus. Since the occupation and the
possession of the desolate coast from Leuce Come down-
wards to the frontier of the enemy’s territory was of no
consequence at all, it was necessary that the expedition
should be directed immediately against the latter, and that
the army should be conducted from the most southern

Egyptian port at once into Arabia Felix.

1 This (xpocoxeotcfa rovrous —
rovs “ApaBas — xaracrpépecba :
Strabo, xvi. 4, 22 p. 780; el uù ò
Zvudatos avrdv—rdv T'dd\X\ov—xpovdl-
Sov, kay xarectpéyaro riv Evdaluova
wacav: ib. xvii. I, §3, p. 819) was
the proper aim of the expedition,
although also the hope of spoil, just at
that time very welcome for the trea-
sury, is expressly mentioned.

2 The account of Strabo (xvi. 4, 22
f., p. 780) as to the Arabian expedition
of his ‘‘ friend” Gallus (Hos nui kal
éraipos, Strabo, ii. 5, 12, p. 118), in
whose train he travelled in Egypt, is
indeed trustworthy and honest, like all
his accounts, but evidently accepted
from this friend without any criticism.
The battle in which 10,000 of the
enemy and two Romans fell, and the
total number of the fallen in this cam-
paign, which is seven, are self-con-
demned ; but not better is the attempt
to devolve the want of success on the
Nabataean vizier Syllaeos by means of
a ‘* treachery,” such as is familiar with
defeated generals. Certainly the latter
was so far fitted for a scapegoat, as he
some years afterwards was on the
instigation of Herod brought to trial
before Augustus, condemned and
executed (Josephus, Arch. xvi. 10) ;
but although we possess the report of
the agent who managed this matter
for Herod in Rome, there is not a
word to be found in it of this betrayal.
That Syllaeos should have had the
design of first destroying the Arabians
by means of the Romans, and then of

Instead of this

destroying the latter themselves, as
Strabo ‘‘thinks,” is, looking to the
position of the client-states of Rome,
quite irrational. It might rather be
thought that Syllaeos was averse to
the expedition, because the commercial
trafhc through the Nabataean land
might be injured by it. But to accuse
the Arabian minister of treachery be-
cause the Roman transports were not
fitted for navigating the Arabian coast,
or because the Roman army was com-
pelled to carry water with it on camels,
to eat durra and dates instead of bread
and flesh, and butter instead of oil;
to bring forward the deceitfulness of
the guidance as an excuse for the fact
that 180 days were employed for the
forward march over a distance over-
taken on the return march in 60 days ;
and lastly, to criticise the quite correct
remark of Syllaeos that a march by
land from Arsinoe to Leuce Come was
impracticable, by saying that a caravan
route went thence to Petra, only
shows what a Roman of rank was able
to make a Greek man of letters be-
lieve.

3 The sharpest criticism of the cam-
paign is furnished by the detailed
account of the Egyptian merchant as
to the state of the Arabian coast from
Leuce Come (el-Haura to the north
of Janbo, the port of Medina) to the
Catacecaumene island (Jebel Taik
near Lohaia). ‘‘ Different peoples
inhabit it, who speak languages partly
somewhat different, partly wholly so.
The inhabitants of the coast live in

292 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

the fleet was got ready at the most northerly, that of
Arsinoe (Suez), and the army was landed at Leuce Come,
just as if itwere the object to prolong as much as possible the
voyage of the fleet and the march of the troops. Besides,
the war-vessels were superfluous, since the Arabians
possessed no war-fleet, the Roman sailors were unacquainted
with the navigation on the Arabian coast, and the trans-
ports, although specially built for this expedition, were
unsuited for their purpose. The pilots had difficulty in
finding their way between the shallows and the rocks, and
even the voyage in Roman waters from Arsinoe to Leuce
Come cost many vessels and men. Here the winter was
passed ; in the spring of 730 the campaign in the enemy’s
country began. The Arabians offered no hindrance, but
Arabia undoubtedly did so. Wherever the double axes and
the slings and bows came into collision with the pilum and
the sword, the natives dispersed like chaff before the wind ;
but the diseases, which are endemic in the country, scurvy,
leprosy, palsy, decimated the soldiers worse than the most
bloody battle, and all the more as the general did not know
how to move rapidly forward the unwieldy mass of his
army. Nevertheless the Roman army arrived in front of
the walls of Mariaba, the capital of the Sabaeans first
affected by the attack. But, as the inhabitants closed the
gates of their powerful walls still standing,’ and offered

hurdles like the ‘fish-eaters’ on the
opposite coast ” (these hurdles he de-
scribes, c. 2, as isolated and built into
the clefts of the rocks), *‘ those of the
interior in villages and pastoral com-
panies; they are ill-disposed men
speaking two languages, who plunder
the seafarers that drift out of their
course and drag the shipwrecked into
slavery. For that reason they are
constantly hunted by the viceroys and
chief kings of Arabia; they are called
Kanraites (or Kassanites). In general
navigation onall this coast is dangerous,
the shore is without harbours and in-
accessible, with a troublesome surf,
rocky and in general very bad. There-
fore, when we sail into these waters, we
keep to the middle and hasten to get
to the Arabian territory at the island

Catacecaumene ; from thence onward
the inhabitants are hospitable, and we
meet with numerous flocks of sheep
and camels.” The same region be-
tween the Roman and the Homeritic
frontiers, and the same state of things
are in the view of the Axomite king,
when he writes: wépay è ris épvOpas
Gardoons olxoivras ‘AppaBtras xal
KwacdoxoArlras (comp. Ptolemaeus vi.
7, 20), orpdrevua vaurixdv kal wesixdy
ıameuyáuevos kal brordias arv rovs
Baoikas, pópovs ris yijs TedeWy Exé€Xevoa
Kal ddevecOar per’ elpfyns kal whéecPai,
amé Te Aeuxns kwuns tws roy Zaßalwy
xwpas érodéunoa.

1 These walls, built of rubble, form
a circle of a mile in diameter. They
are described by Arnaud (/.¢., comp.
p. 287, note 1).

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 293

energetic resistance, the Roman general despaired of solving
the problem proposed to him; and, after he had lain six
days in front of the town, he entered on his retreat, which
the Arabians hardly disturbed in earnest, and which was
accomplished with comparative rapidity under the pressure
of need, although with a severe loss in men.

It was a bad miscarriage ; but Augustus did not abandon
the conquest of Arabia. It has already been related
(p. 39) that the journey to the East, which the crown-
prince Gaius entered upon in the year 753, was to
terminate at Arabia; it was this time contemplated after
the subjugation of Armenia to reach, in concert with the
Parthian government or in case of need after the over-
throw of their armies, the mouth of the Euphrates, and
from thence to take the sea-route which the admiral
Nearchus had once explored for Alexander, towards
Arabia Felix? These hopes ended in another but not
less unfortunate way, through the Parthian arrow which
struck the crown-prince before the walls of Artageira.
With him was buried the plan of Arabian conquest for
all the future. The great peninsula remained through the
whole imperial period—apart from the stripes of coast on
the north and north-west—in possession of that freedom
from which Islam, the executioner of Hellenism, was in
its own time to issue.

But the Arabian commerce was at all events broken
down partly by the measures, to be explained further on,
of the Roman government for protecting the Egyptian
navigation, partly by a blow struck by the Romans against
the chief mart of Indo-Arabian traffic. Whether under
Augustus himself, possibly among the preparations for the
invasion to be carried out by Gaius, or under one of his
immediate successors, a Roman fleet appeared before
Adane and destroyed the place; in Vespasian’s time it

1 That the Oriental expedition of
Gaius had Arabia as its goal, is stated
expressly by Pliny (particularly Æ. N.
xii. 14, 55, 56; comp. ii. 67, 168;
vi. 27, 141, c. 28, 1603 xxxii. I,
10). That it was to set out from the
mouth of the Euphrates, follows from

the fact that the expedition to Armenia
and the negotiations with the Parthians
preceded it. For that reason the
Collectanea of Juba as to the impend-
ing expedition were based upon the
reports of the generals of Alexander
as to their exploring of Arabia. |

Further en-
terprises
against the
Arabs,

Injury to
Arabian
commerce.

Later for-
tunes of the
Homerites.

294

was a village, and its prosperity was gone.

EG YPT.

BOOK VIII.

We know only

the naked fact,) but it speaks for itself. A counterpart to
the destruction of Corinth and of Carthage by the republic,
it, like these, attained its end, and secured for the Romano-
Egyptian trade the supremacy in the Arabian gulf and in

the Indian Sea.

The prosperity, however, of the blessed land of Yemen
was too firmly founded to succumb to this blow; politi-
cally it was even perhaps in this epoch only that it more

1 Our only information as to this
remarkable expedition has been pre-
served to us by the Egyptian captain,
who about the year 75 has described
his voyage on the coasts of the Red
Sea. He knows (c. 26) the Adane
of later writers, the modern Aden, as
a village on the coast (cwun rapada)-
dacvos), which belongs to the realm of
Charibael, king of the Homerites, but
was earlier a flourishing town, and
was so termed (evdaluwy 8° édwexXHOn
mpbrepoy otca rós) because before
the institution of the direct Indo-
Egyptian traffic this place served
as a mart: viv è où wpd moddod
Tay nyeréepww xpbvwy Kacap aùtriw
xateorpéyaro. The last word can
here only mean ‘‘destroy,” not, as
more frequently, ‘‘ subdue,” because
the conversion of the town into a
village is to be accounted for. For
Kaisap Schwanbeck (Rhein. Mus. neue
Folge, vii. 353) has proposed Xap:Barr,
C. Miiller’IAacdp(on account of Strabo,
Xvi. 4, 21, p. 782): neither is possible
—not the latter, because this Arabian
dynast ruled in a far remote district and
could not possibly be presumed as well
known; not the former, because Chari-
bael was a contemporary of the writer,
and there is here reported an incident
which occurred before his time. We
shall not take offence at the tradition,
if we reflect what interest the Romans
must have had in setting aside the
Arabian mart between India and
Egypt, and in bringing about direct
intercourse. That the Roman accounts
are silent as to this occurrence is in
keeping with their habit ; the expedi-
tion, which beyond doubt was exe-

cuted by an Egyptian fleet and simply
consisted in the destruction of a pre-
sumably defenceless place on the coast,
would not be from a military point of
view of any importance ; about great
commercial dealings the annalists gave
themselvesnoconcem,and generallythe
incidents in Egypt came still less than
those in the other imperial provinces
to the knowledge of the senate and
therewith of the annalists. The naked
designation Kaioap, in which from the
nature of the case the ruler then reign-
ing is excluded, is probably to be
explained from the circumstance that
the reporting captain, while knowing
doubtless the fact of the destruction
by the Romans, knew not its date or
author.—It is possible that to this the
notice in Pliny (Æ. N. ii. 67, 168) is
to be referred : maiorem (oceani) par-
tem et orientis victoriae magni Alex-
andri lustravere usque in Arabicum
sinum, in quo res gerente C. Cacsare
Aug. f. signa navium ex Hispanien-
sibus naufragiis feruntur agnita. Gaius
did not reach Arabia (Plin. Æ. N. vi.
28, 160); but during the Armenian
expedition a Roman squadron may
very well have been conducted by one
of his sub-commanders to this coast,
in order to pave the way for the main
expedition. That silence reigns else-
where respecting it cannot surprise us.
The Arabian expedition of Gaius had
been so solemnly announced and then
abandoned in so wretched a way, that
loyal reporters had every reason to
obliterate a fact which could not well
be mentioned without also reporting
the failure of the greater plan.

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 295

energetically rallied its resources. Mariaba, at the time
when the arms of Gallus failed before its walls, was
perhaps no more than the capital of the Sabaeans ; but
already at that time the tribe of the Homerites, whose
capital Sapphar lay somewhat to the south of Mariaba,
also in the interior, was the strongest in Arabia Felix.
A century later we find the two united under a king of
the Homerites and of the Sabaeans reigning in Sapphar,
whose rule extends as far as Mocha and Aden, and, as was
already said, over the island of Socotra and the coast of
Somal and Zanzibar ; and at least from this time we may
speak of a kingdom of the Homerites. The desert north-
wards from Mariaba as far as the Roman frontier did not
at that time belong to it, and was under no regular
authority at all;' the principalities of the Minaei and
of the Chatramotitae continued also to be under sovereigns
of their own. The eastern half of Arabia formed con-
stantly a part of the Persian empire (p. 13), and never was
under the sceptre of the rulers of Arabia Felix. Even
now therefore the bounds were narrow and probably
remained so ; little is known as to the further develop-
ment of affairs.2 In the middle of the fourth century the
kingdom of the Homerites was united with that of the
Axomites, and was governed from Axomis*—a subjection,
however, which was subsequently broken off again. The

1 The Egyptian merchant dis-
tinguishes the &v@ecpos Baorret’s of
the Homerites (c. 23) sharply from
the rópavvæa, the tribal chiefs some-
times subordinate to him, sometimes
independent (c. 14), and as sharply
distinguishes these organised condi-
tions from the lawlessness of the
inhabitants of the desert (c. 2). If
Strabo and Tacitus had had eyes as
open for these things as that practical
man had, we should have known some-
what more of antiquity.

3 The war of Macrinus against the
Arabes eudaentones (vita, 12) and their
envoys sent to Aurelian (vita, 33),
who are named along with those of
the Axomites, would prove their con-
tinued independence at that time, if

these statements could be depended
on.
3 The king names himself, about
the year 356 (p. 284, note 2), ina
doeument (C. Z. Gr. 5128) Baordeds
Awur xal'Ounpirdr kal rot‘ Paddy
(castle in Sapphar, the capital of the
Homerites; Dillmann, 4d/. der Berl.
Akad, 1878, p. 207) . . . kal ZaBa
era kal rod Zich (castle in Mariaba,
the capital of the Sabaeans; Dill-
mann, /.c.). With this agrees the
contemporary mission of envoys ad
gentem Axumitarum et Homerita[rum]
(C. Th. xii. 12, 2). As to the later
state of things comp. especially Non-
nosus (fr. Aist. Gr. iv. p. 179, Müll.)
and Procopius, Hist. Pers. i. 20.

Commer-
cial inter-

course of

the Hom-

erites.

296 EGYPT. BOOK VIIL

kingdom of the Homerites, as well as the united Axomitico-
Homeritic, stood as independent states in intercourse
and treaty with Rome during the later imperial period.
In commerce and navigation the Arabians of the
south-west of the peninsula occupied, if no longer the
place of supremacy, at any rate a prominent position
throughout the whole imperial period. After the destruc-
tion of Adane, Muza became the commercial metropolis
of this region. The representation formerly given is still
in the main appropriate for the time of Vespasian. The
place is described to us at this time as exclusively Arabian,
inhabited by shipowners and sailors, and full of stirring
mercantile life; the Muzaites with their own ships navi-
gate the whole east coast of Africa and the west coast
of India, and not merely carry the goods of their own
country, but bring also the purple stuffs and gold em-
broideries prepared according to Oriental taste in the
workshops of the West, and the fine wines of Syria and
Italy, to the Orientals, and in turn to the western lands
the precious wares of the East. In frankincense and
other aromatics Muza and the emporium of the neigh-
bouring kingdom of Hadramaut, Cane to the east of
Aden, must always have retained a sort of practical
monopoly ; these wares, used in antiquity very much
more than at present, were produced not only on the
southern coast of Arabia, but also on the African coast
from Adulis as far as the “promontory of spices,” Cape
Guardafui, and from thence the merchants of Muza fetched
them and brought them into general commerce. On the
already mentioned island of Dioscorides there was a joint
trading settlement of the three great seafaring nations
of these seas, the Hellenes, that is, the Egyptians, the
Arabians, and the Indians. Butof relations to Hellenism,
such as we found on the opposite coast among the
Axomites (p. 283), we meet no trace in the land of Yemen ;
if the coinage is determined by Occidental types (p. 287 f.),
these were current throughout the East. Otherwise writ-
ing and language and the exercise of art, so far as we
are able to judge, developed themselves here just as inde-

CHAP. XII. EGYPT. 297
pendently as commerce and navigation ; and certainly this
co-operated in producing the result that the Axomites,
while they subjected to themselves the Homerites in a
political point of view, subsequently reverted from the
Hellenic path into the Arabic (p. 283).

In the same spirit as for the relations to southern
Africa and to the Arabian states, and in a more pleasing
way, provision was made in Egypt itself for the routes of
commercial intercourse, in the first instance by Augustus,
and beyond doubt by all its intelligent rulers. The
system of roads and harbours established by the earlier
Ptolemies in the footsteps of the Pharaohs had, like the
whole administration, fallen into sad decay amidst the
troubles of the last Lagid period. It is not expressly
mentioned that Augustus put again into order the land
and water routes and the ports of Egypt; but that it was
done, is none the less certain. Coptos remained through
the whole imperial period the rendezvous of this traffic.)
From a recently found document we gather that in the
first imperial period the two routes leading thence to the
ports of Myos Hormos and of Berenice were repaired by
the Roman soldiers and provided at the fitting places with
the requisite cisterns.2, The canal which connected the
Red Sea with the Nile, and so with the Mediterranean
Sea, was in the Roman period only of secondary rank,
employed chiefly perhaps for the conveyance of blocks of
marble and porphyry from the Egyptian east coast to the
Mediterranean ; but it remained navigable throughout the
imperial period. The emperor Trajan renewed and pro-
bably also enlarged it—perhaps it was he who placed
it in communication with the still undivided Nile near

1 Aristides (Or. xlviii. p. 485, his town -Antinoopolis near Hermo-

Dind.) names Coptos the Indian and
Arabian entrepôt. In the romance
of Xenophon the Ephesian (iv. 1),
the Syrian robbers resort to Coptos,
“for there a number of merchants
pass through, who are travelling to
Aethiopia and India.”

2 Hadrian later constructed ‘the
new Hadrian’s road ” which led from

polis, probably through the desert to
Myos Hormos, and from Myos Hormos
along the sea to Berenice,and provided
it with cisterns, stations (ora@pol), and
forts (inscription in Revue Archéol.
N. S. xxi. year 1870, p. 314). How-
ever there is no mention of this road
subsequently, and it is a question
whether it continued to subsist.

Land-
routes and
harbours
in Egypt.

Growth
of the
Egyptian
active
traffic to
the East.

298 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

Babylon (not far from Cairo), and thereby increased its
water-supply—and assigned to it the name of Trajan’s or
the emperor's river (Augustus amnis), from which in later
times this part of Egypt was named (Augustamnica).

Augustus exerted himself also in earnest for the sup-
pression of piracy on the Red and Indian Seas; the
Egyptians long even after his death thanked him, that
through his efforts piratical sails disappeared from the sea
and gave way to trading vessels. No doubt what was
done in that respect was far from enough. The facts
that, while the government doubtless from time to time
set naval squadrons to work in these waters, it did not
station there a standing war-fleet; and that the Roman mer-
chantmen regularly took archers on board in the Indian Sea
to repel the attacks of the pirates, would be surprising, if
a comparative indifference to the insecurity of the sea had
not everywhere—here, as well as on the Belgian coast, and
on those of the Black Sea—clung like a hereditary sin to
the Roman imperial government or rather to the Roman
government in general. It is true that the governments
of Axomis and of Sapphar were called by their geo-
graphical position still more than the Romans at Berenice
and Leuce Come to check piracy, and it may be partly due
to this consideration that the Romans remained, upon the
whole, on a good understanding with these weaker but in-
dispensable neighbours.

We have formerly shown that the maritime intercourse
of Egypt, if not with Adulis (p. 284), at any rate with
Arabia and India at the epoch which immediately pre-
ceded the Roman rule, was not carried on in the main
through the medium of Egyptians. It was only through
the Romans that Egypt obtained the great maritime
traffic to the East. “Not twenty Egyptian ships in the
year,’ says a contemporary of Augustus, “ventured forth
under the Ptolemies from the Arabian gulf; now 120
merchantmen annually sail to India from the port of
Myos Hormos alone.” The commercial gain, which the
Roman merchant had been obliged hitherto to share with
the Persian or Arabian intermediary, flowed to him in all

CHAP, XII. EGYPT.

299

its extent after the opening up of direct communication
with the more remote East. This result was probably
brought about in the first instance by the circumstance
that the Egyptian ports were, if not directly barred, at
any rate practically closed, by differential custom-dues
against Arabian and Indian transports ;? only by the
hypothesis of such a navigation-act in favour of their
own shipping could this sudden revolution of commercial
relations be explained. But the traffic was not merely
violently transformed from a passive into an active one ; it
was also absolutely increased, partly in consequence of the
increased inquiry in the West for the wares of the East,
partly at the expense of the other routes of traffic through
Arabia and Syria. For the Arabian and Indian commerce
with the West the route by way of Egypt more and more
proved itself the shortest and the cheapest. The frankin-
cense, which in the olden time went in great part by the
land-route through the interior of Arabia to Gaza (p. 288,
note 2), came afterwards for the most part by water through
Egypt. The Indian traffic received a new impulse about
the time of Nero, when a skilled and courageous Egyptian
captain, Hippalus, ventured, instead of making his way
along the long stretch of coast, to steer from the mouth of
the Arabian Gulf directly through the open sea for India ;
he knew the monsoon, which thenceforth the mariners, who
traversed this route after him,named the Hippalus. Thence-
forth the voyage was not merely materially shortened, but
was less exposed to the land and sea pirates. To what
extent the secure state of peace and the increasing luxury

1 This is nowhere expressly said,
but it is clearly evident from the
Periplus of the Egyptian. He
speaks at numerous places of the in-
tercourse of the non-Roman Africa
with Arabia (c. 7, 8), and conversely
of the Arabians with the non-Roman
Africa (c. 17, 21, 31; and after him
Ptolemaeus, i. 17, 6), and with Persia
(c. 27, 33), and India (c. 21, 27,
49); as also of that of the Persians
with India (c. 36), as well as of the
Indian merchantmen with the non-
Roman Africa (c. 14, 31, 32), and

with Persia (c. 36) and Arabia (c. 32).
But there is not a word indicating
that these foreign merchants came to
Berenice, Myos Hormos, or Leuce
Come ; indeed, when he remarks with
reference to the most important mart
of all this circle of traffic, Muza, that
these merchants sail with their own
ships to the African coast outside of
the Straits of Bab El Mandeb (for
that is for him 7d répa»), and to India,
Egypt cannot possibly be absent by
accident.

Romano-
Indian
commercial
intercourse,

300 EGYPT. BOOK VIII.

raised the consumption of Oriental wares in the West, may
be discerned in some measure from the complaints, which
were in the time of Vespasian loudly expressed, regarding
the enormous sums which went out of the empire for that
purpose. The whole amount of the purchase-money
annually paid to the Arabians and the Indians is estimated
by Pliny at 100,000,000 sesterces (=41,100,000), for
Arabia alone at 55,000,000 sesterces (=4600,000), of
which, it is true, a part was covered by the export of goods.
The Arabians and the Indians bought doubtless the metals
of the West, iron, copper, lead, tin, arsenic, the Egyptian
articles mentioned formerly (p. 254), wine, purple, gold and
silver plate, also precious stones, corals, saffron, balm; but
they had always far more to offer to foreign luxury than
to receive for their own. Hence the Roman gold and
silver money went in considerable quantities to the great
Arabian and Indian emporia. In India it had already
under Vespasian so naturalised itself that the people there
preferred to use it. Of this Oriental traffic the greatest
part went to Egypt; and if the increase of the traffic
benefited the government-chest by the increased receipts
from customs, the need for building ships and making
mercantile voyages of their own elevated the prosperity of
private individuals.

While thus the Roman government limited its rule in
Egypt to the narrow space which is marked off by the
navigableness of the Nile, and, whether in pusillanimity or
in wisdom, at any rate never attempted with consistent
energy to conquer either Nubia or Arabia, it strove as
energetically after the possession of the Arabian and the
Indian wholesale traffic, and attained at least an important
limitation of the competitors. As the unscrupulous pursuit
of commercial interests characterised the policy of the
republic, so not less did it mark that of the principate,
especially in Egypt.

We can only determine approximately how far the
direct Roman maritime traffic went towards the East.
In the first instance it took the direction of Barygaza
(Barétch on the Gulf of Cambay above Bombay), which

CHAP, XII. EGYPT. 301

great mart must have remained through the whole im-
perial period the centre of the Egyptio-Indian traffic ;
several places in the peninsula of Gujerat bear among the
Greeks Greek designations, such as Naustathmos and
Theophila. In the Flavian period, in which the monsoon-
voyages had already become regular, the whole west coast
of India was opened up to the Roman merchants as far
down as the coast of Malabar, the home of the highly-
esteemed and dear-priced pepper, for the sake of which
they visited the ports of Muziris (probably Mangaluru)
and Nelcynda (in Indian doubtless Nilakantha from one
of the surnames of the god Shiva, probably the modern
Niléswara); somewhat farther to the south at Kananor
numerous Roman gold coins of the Julio-Claudian epoch
have been found, formerly exchanged against the spices
destined for the Roman kitchens. On the island Sa-
lice, the Taprobane of the older Greek navigators, the
modern Ceylon, in the time of Claudius a Roman official,
who had been driven thither from the Arabian coast by
storms, had met with a friendly reception from the ruler
of the country, and the latter, astonished, as the report
says, at the uniform weight of the Roman pieces of money
in spite of the diversity of the emperor’s heads, had sent
along with the shipwrecked man envoys to his Roman
colleague. Thereby in the first instance it was only the
sphere of geographical knowledge that was enlarged ; it
was not till later apparently that navigation was extended
as far as that large and productive island, in which on
several occasions Roman coins have come to light. But
coins are found only by way of exception beyond Cape
Comorin and Ceylon,’ and hardly has even the coast of
Coromandel and the mouth of the Ganges, to say nothing
of the Further Indian peninsula and China, maintained
regular commercial intercourse with the Occidentals.

1 In Bamanghati (district Singh-
bhum) westward from Calcutta, a
great treasure of gold coins of Roman
emperors (Gordian and Constantine
are named), is said to have come to
light (Beglar, in Cunningham’s Archae-

ological Survey of India, vol. xiii. p.
72); but such an isolated find does
not prove that regular intercourse
extended so far. In Further India
and China Roman coins have never,
so far as we know, been found.

302 EG YPT. BOOK VIII,

Chinese silk was certainly already at an early period sold
regularly to the West, but, as it would appear, exclusively
by the land-route, and through the medium partly of the
Indians of Barygaza, partly and chiefly of the Parthians ;
the Silk-people or the Seres (from the Chinese name of silk
Sr) of the Occidentals were the inhabitants of the Tarim-
basin to the north-west of Thibet, whither the Chinese
brought their silk, and the Parthian intermediaries jealously
guarded the traffic thither. By sea, certainly, individual
mariners reached accidentally or by way of exploration at
least to the east coast of Further India and perhaps still
farther ; the port of Cattigara known to the Romans at
the beginning of the second century A.D. was one of the
Chinese coast-towns, perhaps Hang-chow-foo at the
mouth of the Yang-tse-kiang. The report of the Chinese
annals that in 166 A.D. an embassy of the emperor
Antun of Ta-(that is Great) Tsin (Rome) landed in Ji-nan
(Tonkin), and thence by the land-route arrived at the
capital Lo-yang (or Ho-nan-foo on the middle Hoang-
ho) to the emperor Hwan-ti, may warrantably be referred
to Rome and the emperor Antoninus. This event, how-
ever, and what the Chinese authorities mention as to a
similar appearance of the Romans in their country in the
course of the third century, can hardly be understood of
public missions, since as to these Roman statements would
hardly have been wanting ; but possibly individual cap-
tains may have passed with the Chinese court as mes-
sengers of their government. These connections had
perceptible consequences only in so far as the earlier
tales regarding the procuring of silk gradually gave way to
better knowledge.

CHAPTER XIII.
THE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

NORTH AFRICA, in a physical and ethnographic point of Nornh
view, stands by itself like an island. Nature has isolated Africa and
it on all sides, partly by the Atlantic and the Mediter- stock.
ranean Sea, partly by the widely-extended shore, incapable

of cultivation, of the Great Syrtis below the modern
Fezzan, and, in connection therewith, by the desert, like-

wise closed against cultivation, which shuts off the steppe-

land and the oases of the Sahara to the south. Ethno-
graphically the population of this wide region forms a
great family of peoples, distinguished most sharply from

the Blacks of the south, but likewise strictly separated
from the Egyptians, although perhaps with these there
may once have subsisted a primeval fellowship. They

call themselves in the Riff near Tangier AmAzigh, in the
Sahara Iméshagh, and the same name meets us, referred

to particular tribes, on several occasions among the Greeks

and Romans, thus as Maxyes at the founding of Carthage

(ii. 8), as Mazices in the Roman period at different ii, 7,
places of the Mauretanian north coast ; the similar desig-
nation that has remained with the scattered remnants
proves that this great people has once had a consciousness,

and has permanently retained the impression, of the rela-
tionship of its members. To the peoples who came into
contact with them this relationship was far from clear ;

the diversities which prevail among their several parts are

not merely at the present day glaring, after in the past
thousands of years the mixture with the neighbouring
peoples, particularly the Negroes in the south and the

Type.

304 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.
Arabs in the north, has had its effect upon them, but
certainly were as considerable even before these foreign
influences as their extension in space demands. A uni-
versally valid expression for the nation as such is wanting
in all other idioms ; even where the name goes beyond
the designation of stock,! it yet does not describe the
circle as a whole. That of Libyans, which the Egyptians,
and after their precedent the Greeks use, belongs origin-
ally to the most easterly tribes coming into contact with
Egypt, and has always remained specially pertaining to
those of the eastern half. That of Nomades, of Greek
origin, expresses in the first instance only the absence
of settlement, and then in its Roman transformation as
Numidians, has become associated with that territory
which king Massinissa united under his sway. That of
Mauri, of native origin, and current among the later Greeks
as well as the Romans, is restricted to the western parts
of the land, and continues in use for the kingdoms here
formed and the Roman provinces that have proceeded
from them. The tribes of the south are comprehended
under the name of the Gaetulians, which, however, the
stricter use of language limits to the region on the
Atlantic Ocean to the south of Mauretania. We are
accustomed to designate the nation by the name of
Berbers, which the Arabs apply to the northern tribes.
As to their type they stand far nearer to the Indo-
Germanic than to the Semitic, and form even at the
present day, when since the invasion of Islam North Africa
has fallen to the Semitic race, the sharpest contrast to the
Arabs. It is not without warrant that various geographers
of antiquity have refused to let Africa pass at all as a
third continent, but have attached Egypt to Asia and the

1 The designation Afer does not
belong to this series. So far as we can
follow it back in linguistic usage, it
is never given to the Berber in con-
trast to other African stocks, but
to every inhabitant of the Continent
lying over against Sicily, and particu-
larly also to the Phoenician ; if it has
designated a definite people at all,

this can only have been that, with
which the Romans here first and
chiefly came into contact (comp.
Suetonius, vifa Terent.). Reasons
philological and real oppose them-
selves to our attempt in i. 162 to trace
back the word to the name of the
Hebrews ; a satisfactory etymology
has not yet been found for it.

i, 154.

CHAP. XII. ZHE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

305
Berber territory to Europe. As the plants and animals
of northern Africa correspond in the main to those of the
opposite south-European coast, so the type of man, where
it has been preserved unmixed, points altogether to the
north :—the fair hair and the blue eyes of a considerable
portion, the tall stature, the slender but powerfully knit
form, the prevailing monogamy and respect for the position
of woman, the lively and emotional temperament, the
inclination to settled life, the community founded on the
full equality in rights among the grown-up men, which in
the usual confederation of several communities affords
also the basis for the formation of a state To strictly
political development and to full civilisation this nation,
hemmed round by Negroes, Egyptians, Phoenicians,
Romans, Arabs, at no time attained; it must have
approximated to it under the government of Massinissa.
The alphabet, derived independently from the Phoenician,
of which the Berbers made use under Roman rule, and which
those of the Sahara still use at the present day, as well as
the feeling which, as we have observed, they once had of
common national relationship, may probably be referred to
the great Numidian king and his descendants, whom the

later generations worshipped as gods.’

1 A good observer, Charles Tissot,
(Géogr. dela province romainede l Afri-
gue, i. p. 403) testifies that upwards
of a third of the inhabitants of Morocco
have fair or brown hair, and in the
colony of the inhabitants of the Riff in
Tangier two-thirds The women
made the impression on him of those
of Berry and of Auvergne. Sur les
hauts sommets de la chaîne atlaniique,
daprès les renseignements qui m'ont
été fournis, la population tout entière
serait remarquablement blonde. Elle
aurait les yeux bleus, gris ou “verts,
comme ceux des chats,” pour reproduire
Pexpression même dont sest servi le
cheikh qui me renseignatt, The same
phenomenon meets us in the moun-
tain masses of Grand Kabylia and of
the Aures, as well as on the Tunisian
island Jerba and the Canary Islands.
The Egyptian representations also

VOL. II.

In spite of all

show to us the Libu not red, like the
Egyptians, but white, and with fair or
brown hair.

2 Cyprian, Quod idola dit non sint,
c. 2: Mauri manifeste reges suos
colunt nec ullo velamento hoc nomen
obtexunt, Tertullian, Afpolog. 24:
Mauretaniae (dei sunt) reguli sui.
C. I. L. viii., 8834: emsali L. Per-
cenius L. f. Stel. Rogatus v. (s. l. a.),
found at Thubusuptu in the region of
Sitifis, which place may well have
belonged to, the Numidian kingdom
of Hiempsal. Thus the inscription
also of Thubursicum (C. Z. Z. viii. n.
7* (comp. Eph. epigr. v. p. 651, n.
1478) must have rather been badly
copied than falsified. Still, in the
year 70, it was alleged that in Maure-
tania a pretender to the throne had
ascribed to himself the name of Juba
(Tacitus, Mist. ii. 58).

20

Phoenician
immigra-
tion.

The gov-
ernment of
the Roman
republic,

306 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

invasions they have maintained their original territory to
a considerable extent ; in Morocco now about two-thirds,
in Algiers about half of the inhabitants are reckoned of
Berber descent.

The immigration, to which all the coasts of the
Mediterranean were subjected in the earliest times, made
North Africa Phoenician. To the Phoenicians the natives
had to give up the largest and best part of the north
coast; the Phoenicians withdrew all North Africa from
Greek civilisation. The Great Syrtis again forms the
linguistic as well as the political line of separation ; as
on the east the Pentapolis of Cyrene belongs to the
Greek circle, so on the west the Tripolis (Tripoli) of
Great-Leptis became and remained Phoenician. We
have formerly narrated how the Phoenicians after several
hundred years of struggle succumbed to the Romans.
Here we have to give account of the fortunes of Africa,
after the Romans had occupied the Carthaginian territory
and had made the neighbouring regions dependent on
them.

The short-sightedness and narrow-mindedness—we
may here say, the perversity and brutality—of the foreign
government of the Roman republic had nowhere so full
sway as in Africa. In southern Gaul, and still more in
Spain, the Roman government pursued at least a con-
solidated extension of territory, and, half involuntarily, the
rudiments of Latinising; in the Greek East the foreign
rule was mitigated and often almost compensated by
the power of Hellenism forcing the hand even of hard
policy. But as to this third continent the old national
hatred towards the Poeni seemed still to reach beyond
the grave of Hannibal’s native city. The Romans held
fast the territory which Carthage had possessed at its
fall, but less in order to develop it for their own benefit
than to prevent its benefiting others, not to awaken new
life there, but to watch the dead body; it was fear and
envy, rather than ambition and covetousness, that created
the province of Africa. Under the republic it had not
a history ; the war with Jugurtha was for Africa nothing

CHAP. XIII, THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 307

but a lion-hunt, and its historical significance lay in its
connection with the republican party struggles. The
land was, as a matter of course, turned to full account
by Roman speculation ; but neither might the destroyed
great city rise up afresh, nor might a neighbouring town
develop into a similar prosperity; there were here no
standing camps as in Spain and Gaul; the Roman
province, with its narrow bounds, was on all sides sur-
rounded by relatively civilised territory of the dependent
king of Numidia, who had helped in the work of the
destruction of Carthage, and now, as a reward for it,
received not so much the spoil as the task of protecting
it from the inroads of the wild hordes of the interior.
That thereby a political and military importance was
given to this state, such as no other client-state of
Rome ever possessed, and that even on this side the
Roman policy, in order merely to banish the phantom
of Carthage, conjured up serious dangers, was shown by
the share of Numidia in the civil wars of Rome; never
during all the internal crises of the empire before or
after did a client-prince play such a part as the last
king of Numidia in the war of the republicans against
Caesar.

All the more necessarily the state of things in Africa
became transformed by this decision of arms. In the
other provinces, as a consequence of the civil wars, there
was a change of rule; in Africa there was a change of
system. The African possession of the Phoenicians itself
was not a proper dominion over Africa ; it may be in some
measure compared with the dominion in Asia Minor of
the Hellenes before Alexander. Of this dominion the
Romans had then taken over but a small part, and of
that part they had nipped the bud. Now Carthage arose
afresh, and, as if the soil had only been waiting for the
seed, soon flourished anew. The whole country lying
behind—the great kingdom of Numidia—became a
Roman province, and the protection of the frontier
against the barbarians was undertaken by the Roman
legionaries. The kingdom of Mauretania became, in the

Extent of
the Roman
rule.

8o.

308 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

first instance, a Roman dependency, and soon also a part
of the Roman empire. With the dictator Caesar the
civilising and Latinising of Africa took their place among
the tasks of the Roman government. Here we have to
set forth how the task was carried out, first as to the
outward organisation, and then as to the arrangements
made and results achieved for the several districts.
Territorial sovereignty over the whole of North Africa
had doubtless already been claimed on the part of the
Roman republic, perhaps as a portion of the Carthaginian
inheritance, perhaps because “our sea” early became one
of the fundamental ideas of the Roman commonwealth ;
and, in so far, all its coasts were regarded by the Romans
even of the developed republic as their true property.
Nor had this claim of Rome ever been properly contested
by the larger states of North Africa after the destruction
of Carthage ; if in many places the neighbours did not
submit to the dominion, they were just as little obedient
to their local rulers. That the silver moneys of king
Juba I. of Numidia and of king Bogud of Mauretania
were coined after the Roman standard, and the Latin
legend—little as it was suited to the relations of language
and of intercourse then subsisting in North Africa—was
never absent from them, was the direct recognition of the
Roman supremacy, a consequence, it may be presumed,
of the new organisation of North Africa that in the
year 674 U.C. was accomplished by Pompeius. The
generally insignificant resistance which the Africans, apart
from Carthage, opposed to the Romans, came from the
descendants of Massinissa; after king Jugurtha, and later
king Juba, were vanquished, the princes of the western
country submitted without more ado to the dependence
required of them. The arrangements which the emperors
made were carried out quite after the same way in the
territory of the dependent princes as in the immediate
territory of Rome; it was the Roman government that
regulated the boundaries in all North Africa, and con-
stituted Roman communities at its discretion in the
kingdom of Mauretania no less than in the province of

CHAP. XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 309

Numidia. We cannot therefore speak, in the strict sense,
of a Roman subjugation of North Africa. The Romans
did not conquer it like the Phoenicians or the French ;
but they ruled over Numidia as over Mauretania, first as
suzerains, then as successors of the native governments.
It is so much the more a question, whether the notion of
frontier admits of application to Africa in the usual sense.
The states of Massinissa, of Bocchus, of Bogud, as also
the Carthaginian, proceeded from the northern verge, and
all the civilisation of North Africa is based pre-eminently
on this coast; but, so far as we can discern, they all
regarded the tribes settled or roving in the south as
subjects, and, if they withdrew themselves from subjection,
as insurgents, so far as the distance and the desert did
not by doing away with contact do away with control.
Neighbouring states, with which relations of right or of
treaty might have subsisted, can hardly be pointed out
in the south of northern Africa, or where such a one
appears, such as, in particular, the kingdom of the Gara-
mantes, its position is not to be strictly distinguished from
that of the hereditary principalities within the civilised
territory. This was the case also as regards Roman
Africa; as for the previous rulers, so also doubtless for
Roman civilisation there was to be found a limit to the
south, but hardly so for the Roman territorial supremacy.
There is never mention of any formal extension or taking
back of the frontier in Africa; the insurrections in the
Roman territory, and the inroads of the neighbouring
peoples, look here all the more similar to each other, as
even in the regions undoubtedly in Roman possession,
still more than in Syria or Spain, many a remote and
impassable district knew nothing of Roman taxation and
of Roman recruiting. For that reason it seems appropriate
to connect with the view of the several provinces at the
same time the slight information which has been left
to us in historical tradition, or by means of preserved
monuments, respecting the friendly or hostile relations
of the Romans with their southern neighbours.

The former territory of Carthage and the larger part

Province of
Africa and
Numidia.

iv, 447.

The two
Mauretan-
Lv. 438.
ian king-
doms.

310 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK viii.

of the earlier kingdom of Numidia, united with it by the
dictator Caesar, or, as they also called it, the old and the
new Africa, formed until the end of the reign of Tiberius
the province of that name, which extended from the
boundary of Cyrene to the river Ampsaga, embracing the
modern state of Tripoli as well as Tunis and the French
province of Constantine (iv. 470 f). The government,
however, for this territory, which was considerable, and
required an extended frontier-defence, reverted under
the emperor Gaius in the main to the twofold division of
the republican times, and committed the portion of the
province that did not stand in need of special border-
defence to the civil government, and the rest of the
territory furnished with garrisons to a military commandant
not further amenable to its authority. The cause of
this was, that Africa in the partition of the provinces
between emperor and senate was given to the latter, and,
as from the state of things there a command on a larger
scale could not be dispensed with, the co-ordination of the
governor delegated by the senate and of the military
commandant nominated by the emperor—which latter
according to the subsisting hierarchy was placed under
the orders of the former—could not but provoke and
did provoke collisions between these officials and even
between emperor and senate. To this an end was put in
the year 37 by an arrangement that the coast-land from
Hippo (Bonah), as far as the borders of Cyrene, should
retain the old name of Africa and should remain with the
proconsul, whereas the western part of the province with
the capital Cirta (Constantine), as well as the interior with
the great military camps to the north of the Aures, and
generally all territory furnished with garrisons, should be
placed under the commandant of the African legion. This
commandant had senatorial rank, but belonged not to the
consular, but to the praetorial class.

The western half of North Africa was divided at
the time of the dictator Caesar (iv. 461) into the two
kingdoms of Tingi (Tangier), at that time under king
Bogud, and of Iol, the later Caesarea (Zershell), at

49.

47.

CHAP. XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

311

that time under king Bocchus. As both kings had as
decidedly taken the side of Caesar in the struggle against
the republicans as king Juba of Numidia had taken the
side of the opposite party, and as they had rendered
most essential services to him during the African and
the Spanish wars, not merely were both left in possession
of their rule, but the domain of Bocchus, and probably
also that of Bogud, was enlarged by the victor." Then,
when the rivalries between Antonius and Caesar the
younger began, king Bogud alone in the west placed
himself on the side of Antonius, and on the instigation
of his brother and of his wife invaded Spain during the
Perusine war (714); but his neighbour Bocchus and his
own capital Tingis took part for Caesar and against him.
At the conclusion of peace Antonius allowed Bogud to
fall, and Caesar gave the rest of his territory to king
Bocchus, but gave Roman municipal rights to the town
of Tingis. When, some years later, a rupture took place
between the two rulers, the ex-king took part energetically
in the struggle in the hope of regaining his kingdom on
this occasion, but at the capture of the Messenian town
Methone he was taken prisoner by Agrippa and executed.

Already some years before (721) king Bocchus had
died ; his kingdom, the whole of western Africa, was soon

1 This is attested for the year 705
as regards both by Dio, xli. 42
(comp. Suetonius, Caes. §4). In the
year 707 Bogud lends assistance to
the Caesarian governor of Spain
(Bell. Alex. 59, 60), and repels an
incursion of the younger Gnaeus
Pompeius (Bell. Afric. 23). Bocchus,
in combination with P. Sittius, in
the African war makes a successful
diversion against Juba and conquers
even the important Cirta (Bell. Afr.
23; Appian, ii. 96; Dio, xliii. 3).
The two obtained in return from
Caesar the territory of the prince
Massinissa (Appian, iv. §4). In the
second Spanish war Bogud appears
in the army of Caesar (Dio, xliii. 36,
38); the statement that the son of
Bocchus had served in the Pompeian

army (Dio, /.c.) must be a confusion,
probably with Arabio the son of
Massinissa, who certainly went to
the sons of Pompeius (Appian, /.c.).
After Caesar’s death Arabio possessed
himself afresh of his dominion (Ap-
pian, Zc.) but after his death in
the year 714 (Dio, xlviii. 22) the
Caesarian arrangement must have
again taken effect in its full extent.
The bestowal on Bocchus and Sittius
is probably to be understood to the
effect that, in the western part of the
former Numidian kingdom otherwise
left to Bocchus, the colony of Cirta
to be founded by Sittius was to be
regarded as an independent Roman
town, like Tingi subsequently in the
kingdom of Mauretania, —

40.

33-

40.

25.

Juba II.

33:

30.

25.

312 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIIL

afterwards (729) obtained by the son of the last Numidian
king, Juba II., the husband of Cleopatra, the daughter
of Antonius by the Egyptian queen! Both had been
exhibited to the Roman public in early youth as captive
kings’ children, Juba in the triumphal procession of
Caesar the father, Cleopatra in that of the son; it was a
wonderful juncture that they now were sent away from
Rome as king and queen of the most esteemed vassal-
state of the empire, but it was in keeping with the
circumstances. Both were brought up in the imperial
family ; Cleopatra was treated by the legitimate wife of
her father with motherly kindness like her own children ;
Juba had served in Caesar’s army. The youth of the
dependent princely houses, which was numerously repre-
sented at the imperial court and played a considerable
part in the circle around the imperial princes, was generally
employed in the early imperial period for the filling up of
the vassal principalities, after a similar manner, according
to free selection, as the first class in rank of the senate
was employed for the filling up of the governorships
of Syria and Germany. For almost fifty years (729—
775 U.C., B.C.25——-A.D.23) he, and after him his son
Ptolemaeus, bore rule over western Africa; it is true that,
like the town Tingis from his predecessor, a considerable
number of the most important townships, particularly on
the coast, was withdrawn from him by the bestowal of

F- 1 Tf, according to Dio, xl. 43,
Caesar in the year 721, after the
death of Bocchus, nominates no
successor, but makes Mauretania a
province, and then (li. 15) in the
year 724, on occasion of the end of
the queen of Egypt, there is mention
of the marriage of her daughter with
Juba and his investiture with his
father’s kingdom, and, lastly (liii.
26), under the year 729 there is
reported Juba’s investiture with a
portion of Gaetulia instead of his
hereditary kingdom, as well as with
the kingdoms of Bocchus and Bogud ;
only the last account confirmed by
Strabo, xvii. 3, 7, p. 828, is correct.
The first is at least incorrect in its

way of apprehending the matter, as
Mauretania evidently was not made a
province in 721, but only the investi-
ture was held in abeyance for the
time being; and the second partly
anticipates, since Cleopatra, born be-
fore the triumph about 719 (ZEA.
epigr. i., p. 276), could not possibly
be married in 724, and is partly mis-
taken, because Juba certainly never
got back his paternal kingdom as
such. If he had been king of Nu-
midia before 729, and if it had been
merely the extent of his kingdom that
then underwent a change, he would
have counted his years from the first
installation and not merely from 729.

33.

CHAP, XIII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 313

Roman municipal rights, and, apart from the capital,
these kings of Mauretania were almost nothing but princes
of the Berber tribes.

This government lasted up to the year 40, when it
appeared fitting to the emperor Gaius, chiefly on account
of the rich treasure, to call his cousin to Rome, to deliver
him there to the executioner, and to take the territory into
imperial administration. Both rulers were unwarlike, the
father a Greek man of letters after the fashion of this
period, compiling so-called memorabilia of a historical or
geographical kind, or relative to the history of art, in end-
less books, noteworthy by his—we might say—interna-
tional literary activity, well read in Phoenician and Syrian
literature, but exerting himself above all to diffuse the
knowledge of Roman habits and of so-called Roman his-
tory among the Hellenes, moreover, a zealous friend of art
and frequenter of the theatre; the son a prince of the
common type, passing his time in court-life and princely
luxury. Among their subjects they were held of little
account, whether as regards their personality or as vassals
of the Romans; against the Gaetulians in the south king
Juba had on several occasions to invoke the help of the
Roman governor, and, when in Roman Africa the prince
of the Numidians, Tacfarinas, revolted against the Romans,
the Moors flocked in troops to his banner. Nevertheless
the end of the dynasty and the introduction of Roman
provincial government into the land made a deep impression.
The Moors were faithfully devoted to their royal house ;
altars were still erected under the Roman rule in Africa to
the kings of the race of Massinissa (p. 305). Ptolemaeus,
whatever he might be otherwise, was Massinissa’s genuine
descendant in the sixth generation, and the last of the old
royal house. A faithful servant of his, Aedemon, after the
catastrophe called the mountain-tribes of the Atlas to
arms, and it was only after a hard struggle that the
governor Suetonius Paullinus—the same who afterwards
fought with the Britons (I. 179)—was able to master the
revolt (in the year 42). In the organisation of the new
territory the Romans reverted to the earlier division into

Erection of
the pro-
vinces of
Caesarea
and Tingi.

Tripolis.

314 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

an eastern and a western half, or, as they were thenceforth
called from the capitals, into the provinces of Caesarea and
of Tingi ; or rather they retained that division, for it was, as
will be afterwards shown, necessarily suggested by the
physical and political relations of the territory, and must
have continued to subsist even under the same sceptre in
one or the other form. Each of these provinces was
furnished with imperial troops of the second class, and
placed under an imperial governor not belonging to the
senate.

The state and the destinies of this great and peculiar
new seat of Latin civilisation were conditioned by the
physical constitution of North Africa. It is formed by
two great mountain-masses, of which the northern falls
steeply towards the Mediterranean, while the southern, the
Atlas, slopes off slowly in the Sahara-steppe dotted with
numerous oases towards the desert proper. A smaller
steppe, similar on the whole to the Sahara and dotted with
numerous salt-lakes, serves in the middle portion, the modern
Algeria, to separate the mountains on the north coast and
those on the southern frontier. There are in North Africa
no extensive plains capable of culture; the coast of the
Mediterranean Sea has a level forelandonlyin a fewdistricts ;
the land capable of cultivation, according to the modern
expression the Tell, consists essentially of the numerous
valleys and slopes within those two broad mountain-masses,
and so extends to its greatest width where, as in the
modern Morocco and in Tunis,no steppe intervenes between
the northern and the southern border.

The region of Tripolis, politically a part of the province
of Africa, stands as respects its natural relations outside of
the territory described, and is annexed to it in peninsular
fashion. The frontier-range sloping down towards the
Mediterranean Sea touches at the bay of Tacapae (Gabes),
with its foreland of steppe and salt-lake, immediately on
the shore. To the south of Tacapae as far as the Great
Syrtis there extends along the coast the narrow Tripolitan
island of cultivation, bounded inland towards the steppe
by a chain of moderate height. Beyond it begins the

CHAP. XI. ZHE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

315
steppe-country with numerous oases. The protection of
the coast against the inhabitants of the desert is here of
special difficulty, because the high margin of mountains is
wanting ; and traces of this are apparent in the accounts
that have come to us of the military expeditions and the
military positions in this region.
It was the arena of the wars with the Garamantes. The wars

Lucius Cornelius Balbus, who in his younger years had —
fought and administered under Caesar with the most mantes.
adventurous boldness as well as with the most cruel reck-
lessness, was selected by Augustus to reduce these incon-
venient neighbours to quiet, and in his proconsulate (735)
he subdued the interior as far as Cidamus (Ghadames),
twelve days’ journey inland from Tripolis, and Garama
(Germa) in Fezzan;} at his triumph—he was the last com-
moner who celebrated such an one—a long series of towns
and tribes, hitherto unknown even by name, were displayed
as vanquished. This expedition is named a conquest ;
and so doubtless the foreland must have been thereby
brought in some measure under the Roman power. There
was fighting subsequently on many occasions in this region.
Soon afterwards, still under Augustus, Publius Sulpicius
Quirinius made an expedition against the tribes of Mar-
marica, that is, of the Libyan desert above Cyrene, and
at the same time against the Garamantes. That the war
against Tacfarinas under Tiberius extended also over this
region will be mentioned further on. After its termination
the king of the Garamantes sent envoys to Rome, to pro-
cure pardon for his having taken part in it. In the year 70
an irruption of the Garamantes into the pacified territory
was brought about by the circumstance that the town

1 That Balbus carried on this
campaign as proconsul of Africa, is
shown in particular by the triumphal
Fasti; but the consul L. Cornelius of
the year 732 must have been another
person, since Balbus, according to
Velleius ii. 51, obtained that consular
governorship, ex privato consularis,
3.¢. without having filled a curule
office. The nomination, therefore, can-

not have taken place according to the
usual arrangement by lot. To all
appearance he fell into disgrace with
Augustus for good reasons on account
of his Spanish quaestorship (Drumann
ii. 609), and was then, after the lapse
of more than twenty years, sent, as an
extraordinary measure, to Africa, on
account of his undoubted aptitude for
this specially difficult task.

The
Africano-
Numidian
territory
and army. -

316 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

Oea (Tripoli) called the barbarians to help the Tripolis in
a quarrel, which had grown into war, with the neighbouring
town Great-Leptis (Lebda), whereupon they were beaten
back by the governor of Africa and pursued to their own
settlements. Under Domitian on the coast of the Great
Syrtis, which had been from of old held by the Nasamones,
a revolt of the natives provoked by the exorbitant taxes
had to be repressed with arms by the governor of Numidia ;
the territory already poor in men was utterly depopulated
by this cruelly conducted war. The emperor Severus took
conspicuous care of this his native province—he was from
Great-Leptis—and gave to it stronger military protection
against the neighbouring barbarians. With this we may
bring into connection the fact, that in the time from
Severus to Alexanderthenearest oases, Cidamus (Ghadames),
Gharia el Gharbia, Bonjem, were provided with detach-
ments of the African legion, which, it is true, owing to the
distance from the headquarters, could not be much more
than a nucleus for the probably considerable contingents
of the subject tribes here rendering services to the Romans.
In fact the possession of these oases was of importance not
merely for the protection of the coast, but also for the
traffic, which at all times passed by way of these oases
from the interior of Africa to the harbours of Tripolis. It
was not till the time of decay that the possession of these
advanced posts was abandoned ; in the description of the
African wars under Valentinian and Justinian we find the
towns of the coast directly harassed by the natives.

The basis and core of Roman Africa was the province
of that name, including the Numidian, which was a branch
from it. Roman civilisation entered upon the heritage
partly of the city of Carthage, partly of the kings of
Numidia, and if it here attained considerable results, it
may never be forgotten that it, properly speaking, merely
wrote its name and inscribed its language on what was
already there. Besides the towns, which were demonstrably
founded by the former or by the latter, and to which we
shall still return, the former as well as the latter led the
Berber tribes, inclined at any rate to agriculture, towards

CHAP. XIII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 317

fixed settlements. Even in the time of Herodotus the
Libyans westward of the bay of Gabes were no longer
nomads, but peacefully cultivated the soil; and the Numidian
rulers carried civilisation and agriculture still farther into
the interior. Nature, too, was here more favourable for
husbandry than in the western part of North Africa; the
middle depression between the northern and the southern
range is indeed here not quite absent, but the salt lakes
and the steppe proper are less extensive than in the two

Mauretanias. The military arrangements were chiefly

designed to plant the troops in front of the mighty Aura-
sian mountain-block, the Saint Gotthard of the southern
frontier-range, and to check the irruption of the non-
subject tribes from the latter into the pacified territory of
Africa and Numidia. For that reason Augustus placed
the stationary quarters of the legion at Theveste (Tebessa),
on the high plateau between the Aures and the old
province ; even to the north of it, between Ammaedara and
Althiburus, Roman forts existed in the first imperial period.
Of the details of the warfare we learn little; it must have
been permanent, and must have consisted in the constant
repelling of the border-tribes, as well as in not less constant
pillaging raids into their territory.

Only as to a single occurrence of this sort has infor-
mation in some measure accurate come to us; namely, as
to the conflicts which derive their name from the chief
leader of the Berbers, Tacfarinas, They assumed unusual
proportions ; they lasted eight years (17-24), and the
garrison of the province otherwise consisting of a legion
was on that account reinforced during the years 20-22 by
a second despatched thither from Pannonia. The war had
its origin from the great tribe of the Musulamii on the south
slope of the Aures, against whom already under Augustus
Lentulus had conducted an expedition, and who now under
his successor chose that Tacfarinas as their leader. He
was an African Arminius, a native Numidian, who had
served in the Roman army, but had then deserted and
made himself a name at the head of a band of robbers.
The insurrection extended eastwards as far as the Cinithii

War
against
Tacfarinas.

Later con-
flicts.

THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII,

318
on the Little Syrtis and the Garamantes in Fezzan, westwards
over a great part of Mauretania, and became dangerous
through the fact that Tacfarinas equipped a portion of his
men after the Roman fashion on foot and on horseback, and
gave them Roman training ; these gave steadiness to the
light bands of the insurgents, and rendered possible regular
combats and sieges. After long exertions, and after the
senate had been on several occasions induced to disregard
the legally prescribed ballot in filling up this important
post of command, and to select fitting men instead of the
usual generals of the type of Cicero, Quintus Iunius Blaesus
in the first instance made an end of the insurrection by
a combined operation, inasmuch as he sent the left flank
column against the Garamantes, and with the right covered
the outlets from the Aures towards Cirta, while he advanced
in person with the main army into the territory of the
Musulamii and permanently occupied it (year 22). But
the bold partisan soon afterwards renewed the struggle, and
it was only some years later that the proconsul Publius
Cornelius Dolabella, after he had nipped in the bud the
threatened revolt of the just chastised Musulamii by the
execution of all the leaders, was able with the aid of the
troops of the king of Mauretania to force a battle in his
territory near Auzia (Aumale), in which Tacfarinas lost his
life. With the fall of the leader, as is usual in national
wars of insurrection, this movement had an end.!

From later times detailed accounts of a like kind are
lacking ; we can only follow out in some measure the
general course of the Roman work of pacification. The
tribes to the south of Aures were, if not extirpated, at
any rate ejected and transplanted into the northern districts ;
so in particular the Musulamii themselves,’ against whom

1 The tribes whom Tacitus names
in his account of the war, far from
clear, as always, in a geographical
point of view, may be in some measure
determined ; and the position between
the Leptitanian and the Cirtensian
columns (Amn. iii. 74) points for the
middle column to Theveste. The
town of Thala (Ann. iii. 20) cannot
possibly be sought above Ammaedara,

but is probably the Thala of the
Jugurthan war in the vicinity of Capsa.
The last section of the war has its
arena in western Mauretania about
Auzia (iv. 25), and accordingly in
Thubuscum (iv. 24) there lurks possibly
Thubusuptu or Thubusuctu. The
river Pagyda (Aaa. iii. 20) is quite
indefinable.

2 Ptolemaeus, iv. 3, 23, puts the

CHAP. XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 319
an expedition was once more conducted under Claudius.
The demand made by Tacfarinas to have settlements
assigned to him and his people within the civilised territory,
to which Tiberius, as was reasonable, only replied by
redoubling his exertions to annihilate the daring claimant,
was supplementarily after a certain measure fulfilled in this
way, and probably contributed materially to the consoli-
dation of the Roman government. The camps more and
more enclosed the Aurasian mountain-block. The garrisons
were pushed farther forward into the interior; the head-
quarters themselves moved under Trajan away from
Theveste farther to the west; the three considerable
Roman settlements on the northern slope of the Aures,
Mascula (Khenschela), at the egress of the valley of the
Arab and thereby the key to the Aures mountains, a colony
at least already under Marcus and Verus; Thamugadi,
a foundation of Trajan’s ; and Lambaesis, after Hadrian’s
day the headquarters of the African army, formed together
a settlement comparable to the great military camps on
the Rhine and on the Danube, which, laid out on the lines
of communication from the Aures to the great towns of
the north and the coast Cirta (Constantine), Calama
(Gelma), and Hippo regius (Bonah), secured the peace of
the latter. The intervening steppe-land was, so far as it
could not be gained for cultivation, at least intersected by
secure routes of communication. On the west side of the
Aures a strongly occupied chain of posts which followed
the slope of the mountains from Lambaesis over the oases
Calceus Herculis (el Kantara) and Bescera (Beskra), cut
off the connection with Mauretania. Even the interior
of the mountains subsequently became Roman ; the war,

Musulamii southward from the Aures,

them to the south of Calama (C. Z. Z.
and it is only in accord therewith that

viii. 484). In like manner the

they are called in Tacitus ii. 52,
dwellers beside the steppe and neigh-
bours of the Mauri; later they are
settled to the north and west of
Theveste (C. Z7. Z. viii. 270, 10667).
The Nattabutes dwelt according to
Ptolemaeus /.¢. southward of the
Musulamii; subsequently we find

Chellenses Numidae, between Lares
and Althiburus (24. epigr. V. n. 639),
and the conventus (civium Romanoram
et) Numidarum qui Mascululae hadit-
ant (ib. n. 597), are probably Berber
tribes transplanted from Numidia to
the proconsular province,

Roman
civilisation
in Maure-
tania.

320 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

which was waged under the emperor Pius in Africa, and
concerning which we have not accurate information, must
have brought the Aurasian mountains into the power of
the Romans. At that time a military road was carried
through these mountains by a legion doing garrison duty
in Syria and sent beyond doubt on account of this war to
Africa, and in later times we meet at that very spot traces
of Roman garrisons and even of Roman towns, which
reach down to Christian times; the Aurasian range had
thus at that time been occupied, and continued to be per-
manently occupied. The oasis Negrin, situated on its
southern slope, was even already under or before Trajan
furnished by the Romans with troops, and still somewhat
farther southward on the extreme verge of the steppe at
Bir Mohammed ben Janis are found the ruins of a Roman
fort; a Roman road also ran along the southern base of
this range. Of the mighty slope which falls from the
tableland of Theveste, the watershed between the Medi-

_terranean and the desert, in successive stages of two to

three hundred mètres down to the latter, this oasis is the
last terrace ; at its base begins, in sharp contrast towards
the jagged mountains piled up behind, the sand desert of
Suf, with its yellow rows of dunes similar to waves,
and the sandy soil moved about by the wind, a huge
wilderness, without elevation of the ground, without trees,
fading away without limit into the horizon. Negrin was
certainly of old, as it still is in our time, the standing
rendezvous and the last place of refuge of the robber chiefs
as well as of the natives defying foreign rule—a position
commanding far and wide the desert and its trading
routes. Even to this extreme limit reached Roman
occupation and even Roman settlement in Numidia.
Mauretania was not a heritage like Africa and Numidia.
Of its earlier condition we learn nothing; there cannot have
been considerable towns even on the coast here in earlier
times, and neither Phoenician stimulus nor sovereigns after
the type of Massinissa effectively promoted civilisation in
this quarter. When his last descendants exchanged the
Numidian crown for the Mauretanian, the capital, which

CHAP. XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 321

changed its name Iol into Caesarea, became the residence
of a cultivated and luxurious court, and a seat of seafaring
and of traffic. But how much less this possession was
esteemed by the government than that of the neighbouring
province, is shown by the difference of the provincial
organisation ; the two Mauretanian armies were together
not inferior in number to the Africano-Numidian,! but here
governors of equestrian rank and imperial soldiers of the
class of peregrini sufficed. Caesarea remained a con-
siderable commercial town ; but in the province the fixed
settlement was restricted to the northern mountain-range,
and it was only in the eastern portion that larger inland
towns were to be found. Even the fertile valley of the
most considerable river of this province, the, Shelif, shows
weak urban development ; further to the west in the
valleys of the Tafna and the Malua it almost wholly dis-
appears, and the names of the divisions of cavalry here
stationed serve partly in place of local designations. The
province of Tingi (Tangier) even now embraced nothing
but this town with its immediate territory and the stripe
of the coast along the Atlantic Ocean as far as Sala, the
modern RebAat, while in the interior Roman settlement did
not even reach to Fez. No land-route connects this
province with that of Caesarea; the 220 miles from Tingi
to Rusaddir (Melilla) they traversed by water, along the
desolate and insubordinate coast of the Riff. Conse-
quently for this province the communication with Baetica
was nearer than that with Mauretania; and if subsequently,
when the empire was divided into larger administrative
districts, the province of Tingi fell to Spain, that measure
was only the outward carrying out of what in reality had
long subsisted. It was for Baetica what Germany was
for Gaul; and, far from lucrative as it must have been,
it was perhaps instituted and retained for the reason that
its abandonment would even then have brought about an

1 In the year 70 the troops of the reckon on the average every fourth as
two Mauretanias amounted together, a double troop, to about 15,000 men.
in addition to militia levied in large The regular army of Numidia was
numbers, to § alae and 19 cohortes weaker rather than stronger.
(Tacitus, Æist. ii. 58), and so, if we

VOL. II. 2I

The Gae-
tulian wars.

322 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

invasion of Spain similar.to that which Islam accomplished
after the collapse of the Roman rule.

Beyond the limit of fixed settlement herewith indicated,
—the line of frontier tolls and of frontier posts—and in vari-
ous non-civilised districts enclosed by it,the land in the two
Mauretanias during the Roman times remained doubtless
with the natives, but they came under Roman supremacy ;
there would be claimed from them, as far as possible,
taxes and war-services, but the regular forms of taxation
and of levy would not be applied in their case. For
example, the tribe of Zimizes, which was settled on the
rocky coast to the west of Igilgili (Jijeli) in eastern
Mauretania, and so in the heart of the domain of the
Roman power, had assigned to it a fortress designed to
cover the town of Igilgili, to be occupied on such a footing
that the troops were not allowed to pass beyond the radius
of 500 paces round the fort.’ They thus employed these
subject Berbers in the Roman interest, but did not organise
them in the Roman fashion, and hence did not treat them
as soldiers of the imperial army. Even beyond their own
province the irregulars from Mauretania were employed in
great numbers, particularly as horsemen in the later period,’
while the same did not hold of the Numidians.

How far the field of the Roman power went beyond the
Roman towns and garrisons and the end of the imperial
roads, we are not abletosay. The broad steppe-land round
the salt-lakes to the west of Lambaesis, the mountain-region

1 Inscription C. Z. Z. viii. 8369
of the year 129: Termini positi inter
LIgtlgilttanos, in quorum finibus kastel-
lum Victoriae positum est, et Limiz(es),
ut sciant Zimizes non plus im usum se
habere ex auctoritate M. Vetti Latronis
pro(curatoris) Aug(usti) qua(m) in
circuitu a muro kastells) pledes) D.
The Zimises are placed by the Peu-
tingerian map alongside of Igilgili to
the westward.

2 If the praefect of a cohort doing
garrison duty in Numidia held the
command at the same time over six
Gaetulian tribes (nationes, C. I. L. V.
5267), men that were natives of
Mauretania were employed as irregu-

lars in the neighbouring province.
Irregular Mauretanian horsemen fre-
quently occur, especially in the later
imperial period. Lusius Quietus under
Trajan, a Moor and leader of a Moorish
troop (Dio lxviii. 32), no Alpus éx
ris Urnxdov AcBims, GAN é dddgou kal
arwxiopévns écxarias (Themistius, Or.
xvi. p. 250 Dind.), was without doubt
a Gaetulian sheikh, who served with
his followers in the Roman army.
That his home was formally independ-
ent of the empire, is not affirmed in
the words of Themistius; the ‘‘subject-
territory ” is that with Roman organis-
ation, the éoxarcd its border inhabited
by dependent tribes.

CHAP. XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 323

from Tlemsen till towards Fez, including the coast of the
Riff, the fine corn-country on the Atlantic Ocean south-
ward from Sala as far as the high Atlas, the civilisation of
which in the flourishing time of the Arabs vied with the
Andalusian, lastly, the Atlas range in the south of Algeria
and Morocco and its southern slopes, which afforded for
pastoral people abundant provision in the alternation ot
mountain and steppe pastures, and developed the most
luxuriant fertility in the numerous oases—all these regions
remained essentially untouched by the Roman civilisation;
but from this it does not follow that they were in the
Roman time independent, and still less that they were not
at least reckoned as belonging to the imperial domain.
Tradition gives us but slight information in this respect.
We have already mentioned (p. 313) that the proconsuls of
Africa helped to make the Gaetulians—that is, the tribes in
southern Algeria—subject to king Juba; and the latter con-
structed purple dyeworks at Madeira (p. 338, note). After
the end of the Mauretanian dynasty and the introduction
of the immediate Roman administration, Suetonius Paul-
linus crossed, as the first Roman general, the Atlas (p. 313),
and carried his arms as far as the desert-river Ger, which
still bears the same name, in the south-east of Morocco.
His successor, Gnaeus Hosidius Geta, continued this enter-
prise, and emphatically defeated the leader of the Mauri
Salabus. Subsequently several enterprising governors of
the Mauretanian provinces traversed these remote regions,
and the same holds true of the Numidian, under whose
command, not under the Mauretanian, was placed the
frontier-range stretching southward behind the province of
Caesarea ;' yet nothing is mentioned from later times of
war-expeditions proper in the south of Mauretania or
Numidia. The Romans can scarcely have taken over the
empire of the Mauretanian kings in quite the same extent
as these had possessed it; but yet the expeditions that
were undertaken after the annexation of the country were

1 To the inscriptions, which prove tionary column from the year 174,
this (C. Z.Z. viii. p. xviii. 747), falls found in the neighbourhood of Géry-
now to be added the remarkable dedi- ville (Zph. epigr. v. n. 1043).
cation of the leader of an expedi-

Incursions
of the
Moors into
Spain.

THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

324
probably not without lasting consequences. At least a
portion of the Gaetulians submitted, as the auxiliary troops
levied there prove, even to the regular conscription during
the imperial period ; and, if the native tribes in the south
of the Roman provinces had given serious trouble to the
Romans, the traces of it would not have been wholly
wanting.! Probably the whole south as far as the great
desert passed as imperial land,? and even the effective
dependence extended far beyond the domain of Roman
civilisation, which, it is true, does not exclude frequent
levying of contributions and pillaging raids on the one
side or the other.

The pacified territory experienced attack, properly
so called, chiefly from the inhabitants of the shore settled
around and along the Riff, the Mazices, and the Baquates ;
and this indeed took place, as a rule, by sea, and was
directed chiefly against the Spanish coast (I. 67).
Accounts of inroads of the Moors into Baetica run
through the whole imperial period,*? and show that the
Romans, in consequence of the absence of energetic

1 The fumultus Gaetulicus(C. T. L.
viii. 6958) was rather an insurrection
than an invasion.

2 Ptolemy certainly takes as bound-
ary of the province of Caesarea the
line above the Shott, and does not
reckon Gaetulia as belonging to it;
on the other hand he extends that of
Tingis as far as the Great Atlas.
Pliny v. 4, 30, numbers among the
subject peoples of Africa ‘‘all Gactulia
as far as the Niger and the Ethiopian
frontier,” which points nearly to Tim-
buctoo. The latter statement will
accord with the official conception of
the matter.

3 Already in Nero’s time Cal-
purnius (Zy/. iv. 40) terms the shore
of Baetica “ructbus obnoxia Mauris.
——If under Pius the Moors were beaten
off and driven back as far as and over
the Atlas (vita Pii, 5; Pausanias
viii. 43), the sending of troops at that
time from Spain to the Tingitana
(C. 7. Z. iii. 5212-5215) makes it
probable that this attack of the Moors

affected Baetica, and the troops of the
Tarraconensis marching against these
followed them over the straits. The
probably contemporary activity of the
Syrian legion at the Aures (p. 320)
suggests moreover that this war ex-
tended also to Numidia.—The war
with the Moors under Mareus (viża
Marci, 21, 22; vita Severi, 2), had its
scene essentially in Baetica and Lusi-
tania.—A governor of Hither Spain
under Severus had to fight with the
“ rebels ” by water and by land (C. Z.
L. ii. 4114).—Under Alexander (vita,
58) there was fighting in the province
of Tingi, but without mention of Spain
in the case.—From the time of Aurel-
ian (vita Saturnini, 9) there is mention
of Mauro-Spanish conflicts. We can-
not exactly determine the time of a
sending of troops from Numidia to
Spain and against the Mazices (C. Z.
Z. viii. 2786), where presumably not
the Mazices of the Caesariensis but
those of the Tingitana on the Riff
(Ptolem. iv. 1, 10), are meant; per-

CHAP, XIII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 325

offensive, found themselves here permanently on a de-
fensive, which indeed did not involve a vital danger for
the empire, but yet brought constant insecurity and often
sore harm over rich and peaceful regions. The civilised
territories of Africa appear to have suffered less under
the Moorish attacks, probably because the headquarters
of Numidia, immediately on the Mauretanian frontier,
and the strong garrisons on the west side of the Aures,
did their duty. But on the collapse of the imperial
power in the third century the invasion here also began ;
the feud of Five Peoples, as it was called, which broke
out about the time of Gallienus, and on account of which
twenty years later the emperor Maximianus went per-
sonally to Africa, arose from the tribes beyond the Shott
on the Numido-Mauretanian frontier, and affected par-
ticularly the towns of Eastern Mauretania and of Western
Numidia, such as Auzia and Mileu.*

We come to the internal organisation of the country.
In respect of language, that which belonged properly to
the people was treated like the Celtic in Gaul and the
Iberian in Spain; here in Africa all the more, as the
earlier foreign rule had already set the example in that
respect, and certainly no Roman understood this popular
haps with this is connected the fact tropius is supplied as to this war by
that Gaius Vallius Maximianus, as the inscribed stones, C. Z. L. viii.
governor of Tingitana, achieved in the 2615, 8836, 9045, 9047- According to
province Baetica (according to Hirsch- these the Quinguegentiant may be fol-
feld, Wiener Stud. vi. 123, under lowed out from Gallienus to Diocletian.
Marcus and Commodus) a victory The beginning is made by the
over the Moors and relieved towns Baquates who, designated as Tran-
besieged by them (C. Z. L. ii, 1120, stagnenses, must have dwelt beyond
2015) ; these events prove at least that the Shott. Four ‘kings ” com-
the conflicts with the Moors on the bine for an expedition. The most
Riff and the associates that flocked to dreaded opponent is Faraxen with his

them from the country lying behind gentiles Fraxinensts. Towns like
did not cease. When the Baquates Mileu in Numidia not far from Cirta
on the same coast besieged the pretty and Auzia in the Caesariensis are
remote Cartenna (Tenes) in the attacked, and the citizens must in
Caesariensis (C. Z Z viii. 9663), good part defend themselves against
they perhaps came by sea. Where the enemy. After the end of the
the wars with the Moors under war Maximian constructs great maga-
Hadrian (vita, 5, 12) and Commodus zines in Thubusuctu not far from
(vita, 13) took place is not known. Saldae. These fragmentary accounts

1 More information than in the give in some measure an insight into
scanty accounts of Victor and Eu- the relations of the time.

Quinque-

gentiani.

Continu-
ance of the
Berber

language.

Continu-
ance of the
Phoenician

language.

326 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

idiom. The Berber tribes had not merely a national
language, but also a national writing (p. 305); but never,
so far as we see, was use made of it in official inter-
course, at least it was never put upon the coins. Even
the native Berber dynasties formed no exception to this,
whether because in their kingdoms the more considerable
towns were more Phoenician than Libyan, or because the
Phoenician civilisation prevailed so far generally. The
language was written indeed also under Roman rule,
in fact most of the Berber votive or sepulchral inscrip-
tions proceed certainly from the imperial period; but
their rarity proves that it attained only to limited written
use in the sphere of the Roman rule. It maintained
itself as a popular language above all naturally in the
districts, to which the Romans came little or not at all,
as in the Sahara, in the mountains of the Riff of Morocco,
in the two Kabylias; but even the fertile and early
cultivated island of the Tripolis, Girba (Jerba), the seat
of the Carthaginian purple manufacture, still at the present
day speaks Libyan. Taken on the whole, the old popular
idiom in Africa defended itself better than among the
Celts and the Iberians.

The language which prevailed in North Africa, when
it became Roman, was that of the foreign rule which
preceded the Roman. Leptis, probably not the Tripolitan,
but that near Hadrumetum, was the only African town
which marked its coins with a Greek legend, and thus
conceded to this language an at least secondary position
in public intercourse. The Phoenician language pre-
vailed at that time so far as there was a civilisation in
North Africa, from Great Leptis to Tingi, most thoroughly
in and around Carthage, but not less in Numidia and
Mauretania." To this language of a highly developed

1 Apart from the coins this is
proved also by the inscriptions. Ac-
cording to the comparison, for which
I am indebted to Herr Euting, the great
mass of the old Punic inscriptions,
that is, those written probably before
the destruction of Carthage, falls to
Carthage itself (about 2500), the rest

to Hadrumetum (9), Thugga (the
famous Phoenico-Berber one), Cirta
(5), lol-Caesarea(1). The new Punic
occur most numerously in and around
Carthage (30), and generally they are
found not unfrequently in the pro-
consular province, also in Great
Leptis (5) and on the islands of Girba

CHAP. XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

327
although foreign culture certain concessions were made
on the change in the system of administration. Perhaps
already under Caesar, certainly under Augustus and
Tiberius, as well the towns of the Roman province,
such as Great Leptis and Oea, as those of the Mauretanian
kingdom, like Tingi and Lix, employed in official use the
Phoenician language, even those which like Tingi had
become Roman burgess-communities. Nevertheless they
did not go so far in Africa as in the Greek half of the
empire. In the Greek provinces of the empire the Greek
language prevailed, as in business intercourse generally,
so particularly in direct intercourse with the imperial
government and its officials; the coin of the city organ-
ised after the Greek fashion names also the emperor in
Greek. But in the African the coin, even if it speaks in
another language, names the emperor or the imperial
official always in Latin. Even on the coins of the kings
of Mauretania the name of the Greek queen stands
possibly in Greek, but that of the king—also an imperial
official—uniformly in Latin, even where the queen is
named beside him. That is to say, even the government
did not admit the Phoenician in its intercourse with the
communities and individuals in Africa, but it allowed
it for internal intercourse; it was not a third imperial
language, but a language of culture recognised in its own
sphere.

But this limited recognition of the Phoenician language
did not long subsist. There is no document for the public
use of Phoenician from the time after Tiberius, and it
hardly survived the time of the first dynasty. How and

when the change set in we

(1) and Cossura (1); in Numidia, in
and near Calama (23), and in Cirta
(15) 3 in Mauretania hitherto only in
Portus Magnus (2).

1 The coining in Africa ceases in
the main after Tiberius, and there-
after, since African inscriptions from
the first century after Christ are be-
fore us only in very small numbers,
for a considerable period documents
fail us. The coins of Babba in the

do not know; probably the

Tingitana, going from Claudius down
to Galba, have exclusively Latin
legends ; but the town was a colony.
The Latin-Punic inscriptions of Great
Leptis, C. Z. Z. viii. 7, and of Na-
raggara, C. Z7. Z. viii. 4636, may
doubtless belong to the time after Ti-
berius, but as bi-lingual tell rather for
the view that, when they were set up,
the Phoenician language was already
degraded.

328 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.
government, perhaps Tiberius or Claudius, spoke the deci-
sive word and accomplished the linguistic and national
annexation of the African Phoenicians as far as it could
be done by state authority. In private intercourse the
Phoenician held its ground still for a long time in Africa,
longer apparently than in the motherland ; at the begin-
ning of the third century ladies of genteel houses in Great
Leptis spoke so little Latin or Greek, that there was no
place for them in Roman society ; even at the end of the
fourth there was a reluctance to appoint clergymen in the
environs of Hippo Regius (Bona), who could not make
themselves intelligible in Punic to their countrymen ; these
termed themselves at that time still Canaanites, and Punic
names and Punic phrases were still current. But the
language was banished from the school! and even from
written use, and had become a popular dialect ; and even
this probably only in the region of the old Phoenician
civilisation, particularly the old Phoenician places on
the coast that stood aloof from intercourse on a large
scale.” When the Arabs came to Africa they found
as language of the country doubtless that of the Berbers,
but no longer that of the Poeni ;* with the Carthagino-
Roman civilisation the two foreign languages disappeared,
while the old native one still lives in the present day.
The civilised foreign dominions changed ; the Berbers re-
mained like the palm of the oasis and the sand of the desert.

The heritage of the Phoenician language fell not to

1 From the expression in the epi-
tome of Victor, that the emperor
Severus was Latinis litteris suf-
ficienter instructus, Graecis sermoni-
bus eruditus, Punica eloguentia promp-
tior, quippe genitus apud Leptim, we
may not infer a Punic course of rhe-
toric in the Tripolis of that time ; the
late and inferior author has possibly
given a scholastic version of the well-
known notice,

2 On the statement of the younger
Arnobius, writing about 460 (ad
Psalm. 104, p. 481 Migne: Cham
vero secundus filius Noe a Rhinocoruris
usgue Gadira habens linguas sermone

Punico a parte Garamantum, Latino
a parte boreae, barbaricoa parte meri-
diani, Aethiopum et Acevpltiorum ac
barbaris interioribus vario sermone
numero viginti duabus linguis in
patriis trecentis nonaginta et quatiuor),
no reliance is to be placed, still less
upon the nonsense of Procopius, de
bcllo Vand. ii. 10, as to the Phoenician
inscription and language in Tigisis.
Authorities of this sort were hardly
able to distinguish Berber and Punic.

3 In a single place on the Little
Syrtis the Phoenician may still have
been spoken in the eleventh century
(Movers, Pion. ii. 2, 478).

CHAP, XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 329
Greek, but to Latin. This was not involved in the
natural development. In Caesars time the Latin and
the Greek were alike in North Africa foreign languages, but
as the coins of Leptis already show, the latter by far more
diffused than the former ; Latin was spoken then only by
the officials, the soldiers, and the Italian merchants. It
would have at that time been probably easier to introduce
the Hellenising of Africa than the Latinising of it. But
it was the converse that took place. Here the same will
prevailed, which did not allow the Hellenic germs to
spring up in Gaul, and which incorporated Greek Sicily
into the domain of Latin speech; the same will, which
drew the boundaries between the Latin West and the
Greek East, assigned Africa to the former.

The Latin
language.

In a similar sense the internal organisation of the |

country was regulated. It was based, as in Italy on the
Latin and in the East on the Hellenic urban community,
so here on the Phoenician. When the Roman rule in
Africa began, the Carthaginian territory at that time con-
sisted predominantly of urban communities, for the most
part small, of which there were counted three hundred, each
administered by its sufetes ;' and the republic had made
no change in this respect. Even in the kingdoms the towns
formerly Phoenician had retained their organisation under
the native rulers, and at least Calama—an inland town of
Numidia hardly of Phoenician foundation—had demon-
strably the same Phoenician municipal constitution ; the
civilisation which Massinissa gave to. his kingdom must

have consisted essentially in

1 More clearly than by the Latin
inscriptions found in Africa, which
begin too late to illustrate the state of
things before the second century A.D.,
this is shown by the four contracts of
patronatus from the time of Tiberius,
quoted in next note, concluded by two
small places of the proconsular pro-
vince Apisa maius and Siagu, and two
others nowhere’ else mentioned,
probably adjacent, Themetra and
Thimiligi ; according to which the
statement of Strabo (xvii. 3, 15, p.
833) that at the beginning of the last

his transforming the villages

war the Carthaginian territory num-
bered 300 towns, appears not at all
incredible. In each of those four
smaller places there were sufetes ;
even where the old and new Punic
inscriptions name magistrates, there
are regularly two sufetes. That
these are comparatively frequent in
the proconsular province, and else-
where can only be pointed out in
Calama, serves to show how much
more strongly the Phoenician urban
organisation was developed in the
former.

The Phoe-
nician
urban
organisa-
tion.

328 350 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.
governmen of the agricuitural Berbers into towns after the Phoenician
sive word a. model The same will hold good of the few older urban
annexation of communities which existed in Mauretania before Augustus.
be done by sto far as we see, the two annually changing sufetes of the
Phoenician held frican communities coincide in the main with the analo-
longer apparently , previdents of the community in the Italian municipal
ning of the third C-itytion; and that in other respects, eg. in the com-
Leptis spoke so litts-uncits among the Carthaginians formed after a
place for them in Romau.-ther divergent {rom the Italian (ii 16), the
fourth there was a reluctanc. ~nnstitution of Roman Africa has pre-
environs of Hippo Regius (Bonaj;<, does not at least admit of
themselves intelligible in Punic to thers the contrast, if even but
termed themselves at that time still Canæhe Italian was retained
names and Punic phrases were still curage,a recognition of
language was banished from the school? anecurity for its con-
written use, and had become a popular dialect was recognised
this probably only in the region of the old ministration of
civilisation, particularly the old Phoenician flishment of
the coast that stood aloof from intercourse on -ity as well
scale? When the Arabs came to Africa they with the
as language of the country doubtless that of the B greatest
but no longer that of the Poeni ;° with the Carthsrround-
Roman civilisation the two foreign languages disappte great
while the old native one still lives in the present ¢eaven
The civilised foreign dominions changed ; the Berber?
mained like the palm of the oasis and the sand of the dẹ = :
The heritage of the Phoenician language fell sa ti

1 From the expression in the epi-

tome of Victor, that the emperor `

Severus was Latinis litteris suf-
fictenter instructus, Graecis sermoni-
bus eruditus, Punica eloguentia promp-
tior, quippe genitus apud Leptim, we
may not infer a Punic course of rhe-
toric in the Tripolis of that time; the
late and inferior author has possibly
given a scholastic version of the well-
known notice,

2 On the statement of the younger
Arnobius, writing about 460 (ad
Psalm. 104, p. 481 Migne: Cham
vero seundus filius Noe a Rhinocoruris
usgue Gadira habens linguas sermone

Punico a parte Garamantum, Latif?»
a parte boreac, barbarico a parte mert-
diani, Aethiopum et Aegypliorum a
barbaris interioribus vario sermone-
numero viginti duabus linguis 19
patriis trecentis nonaginta et quattuor),
no reliance is to be placed, still less
upon the nonsense of Procopius,
bello Vand. ii. 10, as to the Phoenician
inscription and language in Tigss.
Authorities of this sort were h:t
able to distinguish Berber and P

S In a single place on the |
Syrtis the Phoenician may still
been spoken in the eleventh ce
(Movers, Pion. ii. 2, 478).

CHAP. XII. ZHE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

331
Astarte, who at that time marched in with her votaries
anew into her old abode. It is true that in Carthage
itself this organisation soon gave place to the Italian colo-
nial constitution, and the protecting patroness Astarte
became the—at least in name— Latin Caelestis. But
in the rest of Africa and in Numidia the Phoenician
urban organisation probably remained throughout the first
century the predominant one, in so far as it pertained
to all communities of recognised municipal rights
and lacking Roman or Latin organisation. Abolished
in the proper sense it doubtless was not, as in fact
sufetes still occur under Pius; but by degrees they
everywhere make way for the duoviri, and the changed
principle of government entails in this sphere also its
ultimate consequences,

The transformation of Phoenician urban rights into
Italian began under Caesar. The old Phoenician town
of Utica, predecessor and heiress of Carthage—as some
compensation for the severe injury to its interests by the
restoration of the old capital of the country—obtained, as
the first Italian organisation in Africa, perhaps from the
dictator Caesar, Latin rights, certainly from his successor
Augustus the position of a Roman municipium. The
town of Tingi received the same rights, in gratitude for
the fidelity which it had maintained during the Perusine
war (p. 311). Several others soon followed; yet the
number of communities with Roman rights in Africa down
to Trajan and Hadrian remained limited.’ -Thenceforth
there were assigned on a great scale—although, so far as
we see, throughout by individual bestowal—to communities
hitherto Phoenician municipal or else colonial rights ;

1 For Africa and Numidia Pliny
(H. N., V. 4, 29 f.) numbers in all
516 communities, among which are
6 colonies, 15 communities of Roman
burgesses, 2 Latin towns (for the of-
pidum stipendiarium must, according
to the position which is given to it,
have been also of Italian rights), the
rest either Phoenician towns (oppida),
among which were 30 free, or else
Libyan tribes (zon civitates tantum,

sed pleraeque etiam nationes iure dici
possunt). Whether these figures are
to be referred to Vespasian’s time or
to an earlier, is not ascertained ; in
any case they are not free from errors,
for, besides the six colonies specially
adduced, six are wanting (Assuras,
Carpi, Clupea, Curubi, Hippo Diar-
rhytos, Neapolis), which are referable,
partly with certainty partly with pro-
bability, to Caesar or Augustus.

Transfor-
mation of
the Phoeni-
cian towns
into Italian.

332 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

for the latter too were subsequently as a rule conferred
merely in a titular way without settlement of colonists.
If the dedications and memorials of all sorts, that formerly
appeared but sparingly in Africa, present themselves in
abundance from the beginning of the second century, this
was doubtless chiefly the consequence of the adoption of
numerous townships into the imperial union of the towns

with best rights.
Settlement Besides the conversion of Phoenician towns into Italian
Seem municipia or colonies, not a few towns of Italian rights
Africa, arose in Africa by means of the settlement of Italian
colonists. For this too the dictator Caesar laid the
foundation—as indeed for no province perhaps so much
as for Africa were the paths prescribed by him—and the
emperors of the first dynasty followed his example. We
have already spoken of the founding of Carthage; the
town obtained not at once, but very soon, Italian settlers
and therewith Italian organisation and full rights of
Roman citizenship. Beyond doubt from the outset des-
tined once more to be the capital of the province and
laid out as a great city, it rapidly in point of fact became
so. Carthage and Lugudunum were the only cities of
the West which, besides the capital of the empire, had
a standing garrison of imperial troops. Moreover in
Africa—in part certainly already by the dictator, in part
only by the first emperor—a series of small country-
towns in the districts nearest to Sicily, Hippo Diarrhytus,
Clupea, Curubi, Neapolis, Carpi, Maxula, Uthina, Great-
Thuburbo, Assuras, were furnished with colonies, probably
not merely to provide for veterans, but to promote the
Latinising of this region. The two colonies which arose
at that time in the former kingdom of Numidia, Cirta
with its dependencies, and New-Cirta or Sicca, were the
result of special obligations of Caesar towards the leader
of free bands Publius Sittius from Nuceria and his Italiano-
iv. 447, African bands (iv. 470, 574). The former, inasmuch as
54+ the territory on which it was laid out belonged at that
time to a client-state (p. 311, note), obtained a peculiar
and very independent organisation, and retained it in

CHAP, XIII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 333

part even later, although it soon became an imperial city.
Both rose rapidly and became considerable centres of
Roman civilisation in Africa.

The colonisation, which Augustus undertook in the
kingdom of Juba and Claudius carried forward, bore
another character. In Mauretania, still at that time very
primitive, there was a want both of towns and of the
elements for creating them ; the settlement of soldiers of
the Roman army, who had served out their time, brought
civilisation here into a barbarous land. Thus in the later
province of Caesarea along the coast Igilgili, Saldae,
Rusazu, Rusguniae, Gunugi, Cartenna (Tenes), and farther
away from the sea Thubusuptu and Zuccabar, were settled
with Augustan, and Oppidum Novum with Claudian, veter-
ans; as also in the province of Tingi under Augustus
Zilis, Babba, Banasa, under Claudius Lix. These com-
munities with Roman burgess-rights were not, as was
already observed, under the kings of Mauretania, so long
as there were such, but were attached administratively to
the adjoining Roman province; consequently there was
involved in these settlements, as it were, a beginning
towards the annexation of Mauretania." The pushing
forward of civilisation, such as Augustus and Claudius
aimed at, was not subsequently continued, or at any rate
continued only to a very limited extent, although there
was room enough for it in the western half of the pro-
vince of Caesarea and in that of Tingi; that the later
colonies regularly proceeded from titular bestowal without
settlement, has already been remarked (p. 332).

Alongside of this urban organisation we have specially
to mention that of the large landed estates in this province.
According to Roman arrangement it fitted itself regularly
into the communal constitution; even the extension of

1 Pliny, v. 1, 2, says indeed only
of Zulil or rather Zili regum dicioni
exempta et iura in Baeticam petere
jussa, and this might be connected
with the transfer of this community
to Baetica as Julia Traducta (Strabo,
iii. I, 8, p. 140). But probably

Pliny gives this notice in the case of
Zili alone, just because this is the
first colony laid out beyond the im-
perial frontier which he names. The
burgess of a Roman colony cannot
possibly have had his forum of justice
before the king of Mauretania.

And in
Maure-
tania.

Large
landed
estates.

Organisa-
tion of the
Berbercom-
munities.

THE AFRICAN PROVINCES, BOOK VIII.

334

the /atifundia affected this relationship less injuriously
than we should think, since these, as a rule, were not
locally compact and were often distributed among several
urban territories. But in Africa the large estates were
not merely more numerous and more extensive than
elsewhere, but these assumed also the compactness of
urban territories ; around the landlord’s house there was
formed a settlement, which was not inferior to the small
agricultural towns of the province, and, if its president
and common councillors often did not venture and still
oftener were not able to subject such a fellow-burgess
to the full payment of the communal burdens falling upon
him, the de facto release of these estates from the com-
munal bond of union became still further marked, when
such a possession passed over into the hands of the
emperor.’ But this early occurred in Africa to a great
extent ; Nero in particular, lighted with his confiscations
on the landowners, as is said, of half Africa, and what
was once imperial was wont to remain so. The small
lessees, to whom the domanial estate was farmed out,
appear for the most part to have been brought from
abroad, and these imperial coloni may be reckoned in a
certain measure as belonging to the Italian immigration.
We have formerly remarked (p. 306) that the Berbers
formed a considerable portion of the population of Numidia
and Mauretania through the whole time of the Roman
rule. But as to their internal organisation hardly more
can be ascertained than the emergence of the clan (gens)?

1 Frontinus in the well-known pas-
sage, p. 53 Lachm., respecting pro-
cesses between the urban communities
and private persons, or, as it may be,
the emperor, appears not to presup-
pose state-districts de zure independent
and of a similar nature with urban
territories—such as are incompatible
with Roman law—but a de facto re-
fractory attitude of the great land-
owner towards the community which
makes him liable, e.g. for the furnishing
of recruits or compulsory services,
basing itself on the allegation that
the piece of land made liable is not

within the bounds of the community
requiring the service.

2 The technical designation gems
comes into prominence particularly in
the fixed title of the praefectus gentis
Musulamiorum, etc.; but, as this is
the lowest category of the independent
commonwealth, the word is usually
avoided in dedications (comp. C. Z. Z.
viii. p. 1100) and cévi¢as put instead,
a designation, which, like the opt-
dum of Pliny foreign to the technical
language (p. 331, note), includes in it
all communities of non-Italian or Greek
organisation, The nature of the gens

CHAP, XIII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

335

instead of the urban organisation under duoviri or sufetes.
The societies of the natives were not, like those of North
Italy, assigned as subjects to individual urban communities,
but were placed like the towns immediately under the
governors, doubtless also, where it seemed necessary, under
a Roman officer specially placed over them (praefectus
gentis), and further under authorities of their own'—the
“headman” (princeps), who in later times bore possibly
the title of king, and the “eleven first.” Presumably
this arrangement was monarchical in contrast to the col-
legiate one of the Phoenician as of the Latin community,
and there stood alongside of the tribal chief a limited
number of elders instead of the numerous senate of de-

is described by the paraphrase (C. J.
Z. viii. 68) alternating with civitas
Gurzensis (tb. 69): senatus populusque
civitatium stipendiariorum pago Gur-
zenses, that is, the ‘‘elders and com-
munity of the clans of tributary people
in the village of Gurza.”

1 When the designation princeps
(C. 7. Z. viii. p. 1102) is not merely
enunciative but an official title, it
appears throughout in communities
which are neither themselves urban
communities nor parts of such, and
with special frequency in the case of
the gentes. We may compare the
s‘ eleven first” (comp, Eph. epigr. v.
n. 302, 521, 533) with the seniores
to be met with here and there. An
evidence in support of both positions
is given in the inscription C. Z. L.
viii. 7041 : Forus Labaconis f. prin-
ceps et undecimprimus gentis Saboidum.
Recently at Bu Jelida, a little west-
ward of the great road between Car-
thage and Theveste, in a valley of
the Jebel Rihan, and so in a quite
civilised region, there have been found
the remains of a Berber village, which
calls itself on a monument of the time
of Pius (still unprinted) gens Bacchu-
tana, and is under ‘‘eleven elders” ;
the names of gods (Saturno Achaiaei
[?] Aug[usio}, like the names of men
(Candidus Bratsamonis fil.), are half
local, half Latin. In Calama the dat-
ing after the two sufetes and the prin-

ceps (C. T. L. viii. 5306, comp. 5369)
is remarkable ; it appears that this
probably Libyan community was first
under a chief, and then obtained suf-
etes without the chief being dropped.
It may readily be understood that our
monuments do not give much infor-
mation upon the gentes and their
organisation ; in this field doubtless
little was written on stone. Even
the Libyan inscriptions belong, at
least as regards the majority, to towns
in part or wholly inhabited by Ber-
bers ; the bilingual inscriptions found
at Tenelium (C. Z Z. viii. p. 514),
in Numidia westward from Bona in
the Shefha plain, the same place
that has furnished till now most of
the Berber stone inscriptions, show
indeed in their Latin part Libyan
names, e.g. Chinidial Misicir f. and
Naddhsen Cotusanis f., both from the
clan (¢r2b2) of the Misiciri or Misictri ;
but one of these people, who has
served in the Roman army and has
acquired the Roman franchise, names
himself in the Latin text i civitate
sua Tenelio famen perpetuus, accord-
ing to which this place seems to have
been organised likea town. If, there-
fore, success should ever attend the
attempt to read and decipher the
Berber inscriptions with certainty,
they would hardly give us sufficient
information as to the internal organis-
ation of the Berber tribes.

Hus-

bandry.

336 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

curiones of the towns. The communities of natives in
Roman Africa seem to have attained afterwards to Italian
organisation only by way of exception ; the African towns
with Italian rights, which did not originate from immi-
gration, had doubtless for the most part Phoenician civic
rights previously. Exceptions occur chiefly in the case
of transplanted tribes, as indeed the considerable town
Thubursicum originated from such a forced settlement of
Numidians. The Berber communities possessed especially
the mountains and the steppes; they obeyed the foreign-
ers, without either the masters or the subjects feeling any
desire to come to terms with one another; and, when
other foreigners invaded the land, their position in pre-
sence of the Vandals, the Byzantines, the Arabs, the
French, remained almost on the old footing.

In the economy of the soil the eastern half of Africa
vies with Egypt. Certainly the soil is unequal, and rocks
and steppes occupy not only the greater portion of the
western half, but also considerable tracts in the eastern ;
here too there were various inaccessible mountain-regions,
which yielded but slowly or not at all to civilisation ;
particularly on the rocky ridges along the coast the
Roman rule left few or no traces. Even the Byzacene,
the south-eastmost part of the proconsular province, is
only designated as a specially productive region by an
erroneous generalisation of what holds good as to indi-
vidual coast districts and oases; from Sufetula (Sbitla)
westward the land is waterless and rocky; in the fifth
century A.D. Byzacene was reckoned to have about a
half less per cent of land capable of culture than the
other African provinces. But the northern and north-
western portion of the proconsular province, above all the
valley of the largest river in north Africa, the Bagradas
(Mejerda), and not less a considerable part of Numidia,
yield abundant grain crops, almost like the valley of the
Nile. In the favoured districts the country towns, very
frequent, as their ruins show, lay so near to each other .
that the population here cannot have been much less
dense than in the land of the Nile, and according to all

CHAP. XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 337

traces it prosecuted especially husbandry. The mighty
armed masses, with which after the defeat at Pharsalus
the republicans in Africa took up the struggle against
Caesar, were formed of these peasants, so that in the
year of war the fields lay untilled. Since Italy used
more corn than it produced, it was primarily dependent,
in addition to the Italian islands, on the almost equally
near Africa; and after it became subject to the Romans,
its corn went thither not merely by way of commerce,
but above all as tribute. Already in Cicero’s time the
capital of the empire doubtless subsisted for the most
part on African corn ; through the admission of Numidia
under Caesar’s dictatorship the corn thenceforth coming
in as tribute increased according to the estimate about
I,200,000 Roman bushels (525,000 hectolitres) annually.
After the Egyptian corn supplies were instituted under
Augustus, for the third part of the corn used in Rome
North Africa was reckoned upon, and Egypt for a like
amount; while the desolated Sicily, Sardinia, and Baetica,
along with Italy’s own production, covered the rest of
the need. In what measure the Italy of the imperial
period was dependent for its subsistence on Africa is
shown by the measures taken during the wars between
Vitellius and Vespasian and between Severus and Pes-
cennius ; Vespasian thought that he had conquered Italy
when he occupied Egypt and Africa; Severus sent a
strong army to Africa to hinder Pescennius from occupy-
ing it.

Oil, too, and wine had already held a prominent place
in the old Carthaginian husbandry, and on Little-Leptis
(near Susa), for example, an annual payment of 3,000,000
pounds of oil (nearly 10,000 hectolitres) could be im-
posed by Caesar for the Roman baths, as indeed Susa
still at the present day exports 40,000 hectolitres of oil.
Accordingly the historian of the Jugurthan war terms
Africa rich in corn, poor in oil and wine, and even in
Vespasian’s time the province gave in this respect only
a moderate yield. It was only when the peace with the
empire became permanent—a peace which the fruit-tree

VOL, II. 22

Oil and
wine,

Manufac-
tures and
commerce,

338 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

needed even far more than the fruits of the field—that
the culture of olives extended ; in the fourth century no
province supplied such quantities of oi] as Africa, and the
African oil was predominantly employed for the baths in
Rome. In quality, doubtless, it was always inferior to
that of Italy and Spain, not because nature there was
less favourable, but because the preparation lacked skill
and care. The cultivation of the vine acquired no pro-
minent importance in Africa for export. On the other
hand the breeding of horses and of cattle flourished,
especially in Numidia and Mauretania.

Manufactures and trade never had the same import-
ance in the African provinces as in the East and in Egypt.
The Phoenicians had transplanted the preparation of
purple from their native country to these coasts, where
the island of Gerba (Jerba) became the African Tyre,
and was inferior only to the latter itself in quality. This
manufacture flourished through the whole imperial period.
Among the few deeds which king Juba II. has to show,
is the arrangement for obtaining purple on the coast of
the Atlantic Ocean and on the adjacent islands. Woollen
stuffs of inferior quality and leather goods were manu-
factured in Mauretania, apparently by the natives, also
for export? The trade in slaves was very considerable.
The products of the interior of the country naturally
passed by way of North Africa into general commerce,
but not to such an extent as bywayof Egypt. The elephant,

1 That the Gaetulian purple is to
be referred to Juba is stated by Pliny,
H. N. vi. 31, 201: paucas ( Maure-
taniae insulas) constat esse ex adverso
Autololum a Tuba repertas, in quibus
Gaetulicam purpuram tinguere insti-
tuerat ; by these insulae purpurariae
(76. 203) can only be meant Madeira.
In fact the oldest mention of this
purple is that in Horace, Æ. ii. 2,
181. Proofs are wanting as to the
later duration of this manufacture,
and, as the Roman rule did not
extend to these islands, it is not pro-
bable, although from the sagum pur-
purium of the tariff of Zarai (C. Z. L.

viii. 4508) we may infer Mauretanian
manufactures of purple.

2 The tariff of Zarai set up at the
Numidian customs - frontier towards
Mauretania (C. Z Z. viii. 4508)
from the year 202 gives a clear pic-
ture of the Mauretanian exports.
Wine, figs, dates, sponges, are not
wanting; but slaves, cattle of all
sorts, woollen stuffs (vestis Afra),
and leather wares play the chief part.
The Description of the earth also
from the time of Constantius says, c.
60, that Mauretania vestem et mancipia
negotiatur.

CHAP. XII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

339

it is true, was the device of Mauretania in particular, and
there, where it has now for long disappeared, it was still
hunted down to the imperial period ; but probably only
small quantities came thence into commerce.

The prosperity which subsisted in the part of Africa
at all cultivated is clearly attested by the ruins of its
numerous towns, which, in spite of the narrow bounds
of their domains, everywhere exhibit baths, theatres,
triumphal arches, gorgeous tombs, and generally buildings
of luxury of all kinds, mostly mediocre in art, often
excessive in magnificence. Not quite in the villas of
the superior nobility, as in the Gallic land, but in the
middle class of the farming burgesses must the economic
strength of these regions have lain.’

The frequency of intercourse, so far as we may judge
of it from our knowledge of the network of roads, must
within the civilised territory have corresponded to the
density of the population. During the first century the
imperial roads originated, which connected the head-
quarters of that time, Theveste, partly with the coast of
the Lesser Syrtis—a step, having close relation to the
formerly narrated pacification of the district between the
Aures and the sea—partly with the great cities of the
north coast, Hippo regius (Bona) and Carthage. From
the second century onward we find all the larger towns
and several smaller active in providing the necessary
communications within their territory; this, however,
doubtless holds true of most of the imperial lands, and
only comes into clearer prominence in Africa, because
this opportunity was made use of more diligently here
than elsewhere to do homage to the reigning emperor.

1 According to an epitaph found in
Mactaris in the Byzacene (Zf4. epigr.
v. D. 279), a man of free birth there,
after having been actively engaged in
bringing in the harvests far around in
Africa, first throughout twelve years
as an ordinary reaper and then for
other eleven as a foreman, purchased
for himself with the savings of his
pay a town and a country house, and

became in his turn a member of
council and burgomaster. His poetical
epitaph shows, if not culture, at least
pretensions to it. A development of
life of this sort was in the Roman
imperial period doubtless not so rare
as it at first may seem, but probably
occurred in Africa more frequently
than elsewhere.

Prosperity.

Roads.

Introduc-
tion of
camels.

Character
and culture
of the
people.

340 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

As to the road-system of the districts, which though
Roman were yet not Romanised, and as to the routes
which were the medium of the important traffic through
the desert, we have no general information.

But probably a momentous revolution occurred in the
desert-traffic during that time by the introduction of the
camel. In older times it meets us, as is well known, only
in Asia as far as Arabia, while Egypt and all Africa
knew simply the horse. During the first three centuries
of our era the countries effected an exchange, and, like
the Arabian horse, the Libyan camel, we may say, made
its appearance in history. Mention of the latter first
occurs in the history of the war waged by the dictator
Caesar in Africa; when here among the booty by the
side of captive officers twenty-two camels of king Juba
are adduced, such a possession must at that time have
been of an extraordinary nature in Africa. In the fourth
century the Roman generals demand from the towns of
Tripolis thousands of camels for the transport of water
and of provisions before they enter upon the march into
the desert. This gives a glimpse of the revolution that
had taken place during the interval in the circumstances
of the intercourse between the north and the south of
Africa ; whether it originated from Egypt or from Cyrene
and Tripolis we cannot tell, but it redounded to the
advantage of the whole north of this continent.

Thus North Africa was a valuable possession for the
finances of the empire. Whether the Roman nation
generally gained or lost more by the assimilation of
North Africa, is less ascertained. The dislike which the
Italian felt from of old towards the African did not
change after Carthage had become a Roman great city,
and all Africa spoke Latin; if Severus Antoninus com-
bined in himself the vices of three nations, his savage
cruelty was traced to his African father, and the ship
captain of the fourth century, who thought that “ Africa
was a fine country but the Africans were not worthy of
it, for they were cunning and faithless, and there might
be some good people among them, but not many,” was at

CHAP. XIII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 341

least not thinking of the bad Hannibal, but was speaking
out the feeling of the great public at the time. So far
as the influence of African elements may be recognised
in the Roman literature of the imperial period, we meet
with specially unpleasant leaves in a book generally far
from pleasant. The new life, which bloomed for the
Romans out of the ruins of the nations extirpated by
them, was nowhere full and fresh and beautiful ; even the
two creations of Caesar, the Celtic land and North Africa
—for Latin Africa was not much less his work than
Latin Gaul—remained structures of ruins. But the
toga suited, at any rate, the new-Roman of the Rhone
and the Garonne better than the “Seminumidians and
Semigaetulians.” Doubtless Carthage remained in the
numbers of its population and in wealth not far behind
Alexandria, and was indisputably the second city of the
Latin half of the empire, next to Rome the most lively,
perhaps also the most corrupt, city of the West, and the
most important centre of Latin culture and literature.
Augustine depicts with lively colours how many an
honest youth from the province went to wreck there
amid the dissolute doings of the circus, and how powerful
was the impression produced on him—when, a student of
seventeen years of age, he came from Madaura to Carthage
—by the theatre with its love-pieces and with its tragedy.
There was no lack in the African of diligence and talent ;
on the contrary, perhaps more value was set upon the -
Latin and along with it the Greek instruction, and on its
aim of general culture, in Africa than anywhere else in the
empire, and the school-system was highly developed. The
philosopher Appuleius under Pius, the celebrated Christian
author Augustine, both descended from good burgess-
families—the former from Madaura, the latter from the
neighbouring smaller place Thagaste—received their first
training in the schools of their native towns; then
Appuleius studied in Carthage, and finished his training
in Athens and Rome; Augustine went from Thagaste
first to Madaura, then likewise to Carthage; in this way
the training of youth was completed in the better houses

342 THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. BOOK VIII.

throughout. Juvenal advises the professor of rhetoric
who would earn money to go to Gaul or, still better,
to Africa, “the nurse of advocates.” At a nobleman’s
seat in the territory of Cirta there has recently been
brought to light a private bath of the later imperial
period equipped with princely magnificence, the mosaic
pavement of which depicts how matters went on once at
the castle; the palaces, the extensive hunting-park with
the hounds and stags, the stables with the noble race-
horses, occupy no doubt most of the space, but there is
not wanting also the “ scholars corner” (filosofi locus), and
beside it the noble lady sitting under the palms.

Scholas- But the black spot of the African literary character is

“cism. just its scholasticism. It does not begin till late; before
the time of Hadrian and of Pius the Latin literary world
exhibits no African name of repute, and subsequently the
Africans of note were throughout, in the first instance,
schoolmasters, and came as such to be authors. Under
those emperors the most celebrated teachers and scholars
of the capital were native Africans, the rhetor Marcus
Cornelius Fronto from Cirta, instructor of the princes
at the court of Pius, and the philologue Gaius Sulpicius
Apollinaris from Carthage. For that reason there prevailed
in these circles sometimes the foolish purism that forced
back the Latin into the old-fashioned paths of Ennius
and of Cato, whereby Fronto and Apollinaris made their
repute, sometimes an utter oblivion of the earnest austerity
innate in Latin, and a frivolity producing a worse imitation
of bad Greek models, such as reaches its culmination in
the—in its time much admired—“ Ass-romance” of that
philosopher of Madaura. The language swarmed partly
with scholastic reminiscences, partly with unclassical or
newly coined words and phrases. Just as in the emperor..
Severus, an African of good family and himself a scholar* ~
and author, his tone of speech always betrayed the
African, so the style of these Africans, even those who
were clever and from the first trained in Latin, like the
Carthaginian Tertullian, has regularly something strange
and incongruous, with its diffuseness of petty detail, its.

CHAP, XIII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 343

minced sentences, its witty and fantastic conceits. There
is a lack of both the graceful charm of the Greek and of
the dignity of the Roman. Significantly we do not meet
in the whole field of Africano-Latin authorship a single
poet who deserves to be so much as named.

It was not till the Christian period that it became
otherwise. In the development of Christianity Africa
plays the very first part; if it arose in Syria, it was in
and through Africa that it became the religion for the
world. As the translation of the sacred books from the
Hebrew language into the Greek, and that into the popular
language of the most considerable Jewish community out
of Judaea, gave to Judaism its position in the world, so
in a similar way for the transference of Christianity from
the serving East to the ruling West the translation of its
confessional writings into the language of the West
became of decisive importance; and this all the more,
inasmuch as these books were translated, not into the
language of the cultivated circles of the West, which early
disappeared from common life and in the imperial age
was everywhere a matter of scholastic attainment, but
into the decomposed Latin already preparing the way
for the structure of the Romance languages—the Latin
of common intercourse at that time familiar to the great
masses. If Christianity was by the destruction of the
Jewish church-state released from its Jewish basis (p. 229),
it became the religion of the world by the fact, that in
the great world-empire it began to speak the universally
current imperial language ; and those nameless men, who
since the second century Latinised the Christian writings,
' performed for this epoch just such a service, as at the
present day, in the heightened measure required by the
enlarged horizon of the nations, is carried out in the
footsteps of Luther by the Bible Societies. And these
men were in part Italians, but above all Africans.’ In

1 How far our Latin texts of the from one and the same translation as
Bible are to be referred to several a basis by means of manifold revision
translations originally different, or with the aid of the originals, are

whether, as Lachmann assumed, the questions which can scarcely be
different recensions have proceeded definitely decided—for the present at

Christian
literature
in Africa.

344

THE AFRICAN PROVINCES.

BOOK VIII.

Africa to all appearance the knowledge of Greek, which
is able to dispense with translations, was far more seldom
to be met with than at least in Rome; and, on the other
hand, the Oriental element, that preponderated particularly
in the early stages of Christianity, here found a readier
reception than in the other Latin-speaking lands of the

West.

Even as regards the polemic literature called

especially into existence by the new faith, since the

least—in favour of either one or the
other view. But that both Italians
and Africans took part in this work
—whether of translation or of correc-
tion—is proved by the famous words
of Augustine, de doctr. Christ. li. 15,
22, in ipsis autem interpretationibus
tala ceteris pracferatur, nam est
verborum tenacior cum perspicuitate
sententiae, over which great authorities
have been perplexed, but certainly
without reason. Bentley’s proposal,
approved afresh of late (by Corssen,
Jahrb. fiir protestant, Theol. vii.
p. 507 f.), to change rala into ¿la
and mam into guae, is inadmissible
alike philologically and in substance.
For the twofold change is destitute
of all external probability, and besides
nam is protected by the copyist
Isidorus, Etym. vi. 4, 2. The further
objection that linguistic usage would
require /ta/ica, is not borne out (e.g.
Sidonius and Iordanes as well as the
inscriptions of later times, C. Z% Z.
x. p. 1146, write /talus by tums
with /taéicus), and the designation of
a single translation as the most trust-
worthy on the whole is quite con-
sistent with the advice to consult as
many as possible; whereas by the
change proposed an intelligent remark
is converted into a meaningless com-
monplace. It is true that the Christian
Church in Rome in the first three
centuries made use throughout of the
Greek language, and that we may not
seek there for the /fa/t who took part
in the Latin Bible. But that in Italy
outside of Rome, especially in Upper
Italy, the knowledge of Greek was
not much more diffused than in
Africa, is most clearly shown by the
names of freedmen; and it is just to

the non-Roman Italy that the designa-
tion used by Augustine points; while
we may perhaps also call to mind she
fact that Augustine was gained for
Christianity by Ambrosius in Milan.
The attempt to identify the traces of
the recension called by Augustine
ftala in such remains as have survived
of Bible translations before Jerome's,
will at all events hardly ever be
successful ; but still less will it admit
of being proved that Africans only
worked at the pre-Hieronymian Latin
Bible texts. That they originated
largely, perhaps for the most part, in
Africa has certainly great probability.
The contrast to the one Zala can
only in reason have been several
Afrae; and the vulgar Latin, in
which these texts are all of them
written, is in full agreement with the
vulgar Latin, as it was demonstrably
spoken in Africa. At the same time
we must doubtless not overlook the
fact that we know?the vulgar Latin
in general principally from African
sources, and that the proof of the
restriction of any individual linguistic
phenomenon to Africa is as necessary
as it is for the most part unadduced.
There existed side by side as well
vulgarisms in general use as African
provincialisms (comp. £fA. epigr.
iv. p. 520, as to the cognomina in
-osus); but that forms like glorzfcare,
nudificare, justificare, belong to the
second category, is by no means
proved from the fact that we first
meet with them in Africa, since
analogous documents to those which
we possess, ¢.g. for Carthage in the
case of Tertullian, are wanting to us
as regards Capua and Milan.

CHAP, XIII. THE AFRICAN PROVINCES. 345

Roman church at this epoch belonged to the Greek circle
(p. 22 f.), Africa took the lead in the Latin tongue. The
whole Christian authorship down to the end of this period
is, so far as it is Latin, African; Tertullian and Cyprian
were from Carthage, Arnobius from Sicca, Lactantius,
and probably in like manner Minucius Felix, were, in
spite of their classic Latin, Africans, and not less the
already mentioned somewhat later Augustine. In Africa
the growing church found its most zealous confessors and
its most gifted defenders. For the literary conflict of the
faith Africa furnished by far the most and the ablest
combatants, whose special characteristics, now in eloquent
discussion, now in witty ridicule of fables, now in vehement
indignation, found a true and mighty field for their display
in the onslaught on the old gods) A mind—intoxicated
first by the whirl of a dissolute life, and then by the
fiery enthusiasm of faith—such as utters itself in the
Confessions of Augustine, has no parallel elsewhere in
antiquity.

INDEX

ABDAGAESES, ii. 44. j

Abgarus, of Edessa, ii. 46 (under
Claudius), 68 (under Trajan), 78
(under Severus).

Abrinca, rivulet, i. 119 7.

Achaeans, diet, i. 264.

Achaemenids, dynasty, ii 2, 3, 10;
‘‘ seven houses,” 6.

Achaia, province, i. 255 f. #.; under
the emperors, 260.

Acraephia, inscription, i. 265 #., 273 ”.

Actiads, i. 296 z.

Actian games, i. 296 7t.

Adane, ii. 288 f. ; destroyed, 293 f. #.

Adiabene, ii. 68, 78 #., 88.

Adiabenicus, ii. 78 n.

Adminius, i. 174.

Adrianopolis, i. 307.

Adulis, ii, 280, 281, 282, 296.

Aedemon, ii. 313.

Aegium, diet of, ii. 264 2.

Aeizanas, li. 284 7.

Aelana, ii. 288.

Aemilianus, Marcus Aemilius, i. 241.

Aemilianus, Egyptian tyrant, ii 251.

Aethiopia and Aethiopians, ii. 275-278 ;
traffic, 278.

Afer, ii. 304 n.

Africa, North, ii. 303; Berber stock,
303-305; Phoenician immigration,
306 ; government of republic, 306 f. ;
Caesar’s policy, 307 f.; extent of
Roman rule, 308 f.; no strict frontier,
309; province of, 310; two Maure-
tanian kingdoms, 310 f.; physical
conformation, 314 ; Africano-Numid-
ian territory, 316 f.; war against
Tacfarinas and later conflicts, 317-
320; Roman civilisation in Maure-
tania, 320 f.; continuance of Berber
language, 325 f.; of Phoenician, 326
f.; coinage, 327 ”.; Latin language,
329; Phoenician urban organisation,
329 ; transformed into Italian, 331 ;

number of towns, 331 .; Italian
colonists, 332; large landed estates,
333 f.; husbandry, 336; corn sup-
plied to Rome, 337; oil and wine,
337 f.; manufactures and commerce,
338 f; prosperity, 339; roads, 339
f.; introduction of camels, 340;
character and culture of people, 340
f.; scholasticism, 342; Christian
literature, 343-345 ; Latin Scriptures,
343 f. n.

Agonistic institutes, Í, 289 x.

Agonothesia, i. 347 A., 348 n.

Agricola, Gnaeus Julius, i. 182-184,
194.

Agrippa ; see Herod Agrippa.

Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, in tommand on
the Danube, i. 22; transference of
Ubii, 25 ; combats in Gaul, 8o.

Agrippa, Marcus Fonteius, i, 218.

Agrippina (Cologne), i. 119.

Ahenobarbus, Lucius Domitius, expedi-
tion to Elbe, i. 31; dyke between
Ems and Lower Rhine, 34.

Ahuramazda, ii. ro f., 84.

Alamanni, war with, i. 161 f., 163;
raids, 166 f.

Alani, ii. 62 7., 64, 73, 74 %.

Albani, ii. 72 f.

Alexander the Great, basing his empire
on towns, not on tribes, ii. 120.

Alexander II. of Egypt, testament, ii.
232.

Alexander, son of Cleopatra, ii. 24, 25,
26; installed king of Armenia, 33.

Alexander Severus, purchases peace in
Germany, i. 162; murder, 162;
ii, gz; character, 89 f.; war with
Ardashir, 90 #.; nicknamed ‘‘chief
Rabbi,” 263.

Alexander of Abonoteichos, i. 350.

Alexander, Tiberius Julius, ii. 168, 204,
242 n., 246 n.

Alexandria, in Egypt, under the Pal-

‘i

348

myrenes, ii. 107, 108 #., 250; num-
ber and ‘position of Jews, 165 ”., 200
n., 267; Jew-hunt, 192, 193 #.; de-
putations to Gaius, 193 f.; ‘‘ Greek
city,” 235 f.; chief priest of, 238;
exemptions and privileges, 240 n.;
libraries, 246, 271; chief officials,
248 .; distribution of corn, 251 4”. ;
Italian settlement in, 257 ; mariners’
guilds, 257 #.; comparison with
Antioch, 262; Alexandrian Fronde,
263; nicknames, 263; tumults fre-
quent and serious, 264 n., 265; wor-
ship, 265 f., 266 a.; old cultus
retaining its hold, 267 ; learned world,
267 f.; physicians and quacks, 268 ;
scholar-life, 269 f.; Museum, 271 f.,
272; labours of erudition, 271 f. ;
‘‘jointure”’ of Greek science, 273;
camp in suburb of Nicopolis, 274.

Alexandria, in Troas, i. 326 f.

Alexandropolis, ii, 15.

Aliso, fortress, i. 34 f., 36; defence by
Caedicius, 48.

Allegorical interpretation,
168 f.

Allobroges, i. 87, 88 z., 91.

Alps, subjugation, i. 15; military dis-
tricts, 17 f.; roads and colonies, 19.

Amasia, i. 331.

Amâzigh, ii, 303.

Ambubaia, ii. 133.

Amida, ii. 115.

Amisus, i, 331 f.

Amphictiony remodelled by Augustus,
i. 254 n., 255 7%.

Amsivarii, i 124.

Amyntas, i. 335 #.; ii. 24, 37.

Ananias, ii. 102 f.

Ancyra, i. 341 n.; 342 7.

Anthedon, ii. 210.

Antigonea, ii. 127 z,

Antigonus, son of Hyrcanus, ii. 175-178.

Antinoopolis, ii. 236, 237 n., 297 n.

Antioch, earthquake at, ii. 68; capture
by the Persians (260), 101, 132, and
by Aurelian, 109; creation of mon-
archic policy, 127; capital of Syria,
127; Daphne, 128; water supply,
and lighted streets, 129 ”.; poverty
of intellectual interests, 130; paucity
of inscriptions, 132 ; exhibitions and
games, 132; races, 132 #”.; immor-
ality, 133; dissolute cultus, 134;
fondness for ridicule, 134 f.; sup-
port of pretenders, 134; reception

Jewish, ii.

INDEX.

tomb of, 125; his buildings at Athens,
i. 278.

Antiochus Epiphanes, ii. 196.

Antoninus Pius: wall from Forth to
Clyde, i. 187 ”.; conflicts in Bnitain
under, 188 7.

Antonius, Marcus, ii. 22 f. ; position in
38 BC, 23 f.; his army, 24; his
aims, 24 f.; children by Cleopatra,
26 m.; preparations for Parthian war,
26 f.; temperament, 27; Parthian
war, 27 f.; resistance in Atropatene,
29; retreat, 30, 31; last years in
the East,’ 32 ; dismisses Octavia seek-
ing reconciliation, 33 ; punishes those
blamed for his miscarriage, 33; at-
tempt on Palmyra, 93; government
in Alexandria, 232.

Antipater the _Idumaean, ii. 174-177.

Apamea in Phrygia, i. 327.

Apamea in Syria, ii. 136, 141.

Aper, Marcus, i 113.

Apharban, ii. 114.

Apion, ii. 193, 194 ”.

Apocalypse of John: conception of
Roman and Parthian empires as
standing side by side, ii. 1 #.; pseudo-
Nero of, 64 f. ; directed against the
worship of the emperors, 196, 197-
199 n”.

Apollinaris, Gaius Sulpicius, ii 342.

Apollo, Actian, i. 295 f.

Apollonia, i. 201 f. ; 299.

Apollonius of Tyana, i. 350.

Appian, historian, ii. 221 f., 223.

Appuleius of Madaura, ii. 341, 342.

Appuleius, Pseudo-, Dialogue of the gods
quoted, ii. 266 n.

Apri, i. 306.

Apronius, Lucius, i. 125.

Apulum, i. 228.

Aquae Sextiae, i. 78, 81.

Aquileia, i. 197 f., 231, 233.

Aquincum, i 228; contra-Aquincum,
249.

Aquitania, wars, i., 64, 80; coins, 79
7#. ; province, 88 ; cantons of, 96.
Arabia, ii. 13; Roman, what it in-

cluded, 143 f.; institution of province
by Trajan, 152; west coast of, 284
f.; Homerites, 286 f.; Felix, 285,
289 ; policy of Augustus, 290; expi-
dition of Gallus, 290 f.; state of the
coast, 291 #.; expedition of Gaius,
293 ”.; injury to its commerce, 293.
Arachosia, ii. 13, 15.

of, and capture by Nushirvan, 135 ; | Aradus, ii. 138 2.

Jew-hunt at, 219.
Antioch in Pisidia, i. 336 f.

Aramaic language, ii. 164.
Arbela, ii. 4, 88.

Antiochus of Commagene, ii. 49, 53; | Archaism, Greek, i. 282 2.

‘

C

INDEX.

Archelaus of Cappadocia, ii. 4r.

Archelaus, son of Herod the Great, ii.
183 f.

Architecture, Syrian, ii, 156 f.

Ardashir (Artaxares), ii. 8r 7%., 83 %.,
84, 85, 89 7., 9I.

Arelate, i: 86, 89 ; amphitheatre, 106.

Aretas, ii. 148 7., 149 f. 7., 150 f.

Argentoratum, i. 119, 147, 159.

Ariarathes of Cappadocia, ii. 33.

Ariobarzanes, ii. 38, 39.

Aristobulus, of Chalcis, ii. 49.

Aristobulus, prince of Judaea, ii. 175 f.

Aristotle's recommendation to Alex-
ander, ii. 241.

Armenia, ii. 6, 19, 20, 33, 34, 35. 36,
40 f.; Parthian appanage for second
son, 51, 60 ; Roman policy as to, 50-
52; subdued by Corbulo, 53f.; under
Parthian prince vassal to Rome, 60 f.;
Roman province under Trajan, 67 f.,
gof.; becomes again vassal-state, 72 ;
Parthian invasion, 74 f.; 80 #., 89 f.,
Q2, 102, 104, 112 #., 113,114 %., 115%.

Arminius, i. 43; defeat of Varus, 46 f.;
combats with Germanicus, 54 ; attack
on Maroboduus, 60 f.; desertion of
Inguiomerus, 61; civil war and end,
62.

Arnobius, ii. 345.

Arrianus, Flavius, ii., 20 %2., 73 7.

Arsaces, founder of Parthian dynasty, ii.,
3» 4, 6.

Arsaces, son of Artabanus, ii. 42.

Arsacids and their rule, ii. 3-12 e/,

Arsamosata, ii. 56, 59.

Arsinoe, ii. 280, 291 f.

Art, constructive, in Gaul, i. rr5; in
Syria, ii. 156 f.

Artabanus (III.), king of the Parthians,
ii. 40-45.

Artabanus (IV.), ii. 87 f.

Artageira, ii. 40.

Artavazdes of Armenia, ii. 28-33.

Artavazdes of Atropatene, ii. 28, 29, 32.

Artaxares ; see Ardashir.

Artaxata, ii. 48, 53 f., 75.

Artaxes, ii. 33-38.

Artaxias of Armenia, ii. 42 f.

Asander, i. 312, 313 %.

Ascalon, ii. 212.

Asia Minor: natives and colonists, j i.
320; Hellenism, 321 f.; formation of
new centres, 322; provinces of, 323 ;
territories added to empire, 323 f. ;
senatorial and imperial government,
323 f.; changes in boundaries of
provinces and vassal-states, 324 %. ;
municipal vanity, 328 #.'; honorary
Hellenism, 344; leagues of Hellenism,

349

343, 344 n. ; representatives, 344 7. ;
land-diets and land festivals, 344 f. ;
provincial priests and Asiarchs, 345
f. ; superintendence of emperor-wor-
ship, 348 ; system of religion, 350;
public safety, 350; occupying force,
350 f. ; justice in, 352 z. ; constitu-
tion of towns, 352 f.; clubs, 353;
free autonomous communities, 354 ;
urban life, 354 f. ; prosperity, 354 f.;
defects of municipal administration,
357; roads, 358 #.; trade, 359 f. ;
commerce, 360; supplies teachers
and physicians to Italy, 361, 365;
literary activity, 362; instruction,
362 ; sophistic system, 362-366.

Asia, Roman : extent of province, i.
325; coast-towns, 325 f.; inland
townships, 326 f.; position under
Romans, 327; urban rivalries, 329
f. ; legions in, ii. 63.

Asiarchs, i. 345-347 ”.

Asklepios, i. 350.

Asoka, ii. 13, 14 7.

Astarte, ii. 331.

Astingi, i. 237.

Astures, i. 65, 71.

Asturica Augusta, i. 66.

Athens: privileged position, i. 254,
258; administration, 276 f.; pos-
sessions, 277; Hadrian's grants, 277
f.; street-riots, 279; state of the
language, 281, 282 z.

Atropatene, ii. 6, 19, 28 f., 33 f., 38.

Attalia, i. 334.

Augusta Emerita, i. 64 2.

Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), i. 19 f.

Augusta Vindelicorum, i. 19, 20, 154,
196 f.

Augustamnica, ii., 298.

Augustan History, falsification as to
Postumus, i. 164 2.

Augustodunum, seat of Gallic studies,
i. 112 f.

Augustinus, Aurelius, picture of Carth-
age, ii. 341; fala, 343 n.; Confes-
Sions, 345.

Augustus, the Emperor: expedition
against Alpine tribes, i. 16; monu-
ment to, above Monaco, 17; roads
or colonies in Alps, rg f. ; visit to
Germany, 26; German policy and
motives for changing it, 56-59 ; visits
Spain, 64; organisation of towns
there, 68 f.; organisation of the
three Gauls, 84 f. ; restricted fran-
chise of Gauls, 98; altar at Lugudu-
num, 94; altar for Germanic cantons,
35, 97, 118; discharge of Batavian
guards, 121; project of connecting

see
rt
“NX

a2

350

Rhine and Danube, 148; projects as
to Britain not carried out, 172;
reasons for and against its occupation,
172; conviction of its necessity,
173 f.; arrangements on the Dan-
ubian frontier, 195 f. ; Illyricum sub-
dued, 201 ; settlement of veterans in
Dalmatia, 202; his Amphictiony,
254 f. ; dealings with Greece, 261 ;
treatment of Athens, 277 ; insurrec-
tion at, 279; foundation and privi-
leges of Nicopolis, 294 f. ; colonies
in Macedonia, 301; pacification of
Cilicia and Pisidia, 335 f.; diets
and festivals for, in Asia Minor, 345 ;
cancels debtors’ claims there, 357 ;
decorum of, ii. 26 . ; first arrange-
ments in East, 34 f. ; policy open to
him, 36; inadequate measures, 36f.;
in Syria (20 B.C.), 37 f.; mission of
Gaius to East, 39 ; Nicolaus Damas-
cenus on his youth, 168 ; treatment
of the Jews, 171 f.; dealing with
Herod's testament, 182, 184; atti-
tude towards Jewish worship, 187 ;

= annexation of Egypt, 232 f., 239;
Egyptian titles, 244; policy as to
south-western Arabia, 290; expedi-
tion of Gallus, 290 f.; of Gaius, 293;
repression of piracy in Red Sea, 298 ;
colonisation in Mauretania, 333;
death, i. 50.

Aurelianus, defeats the Juthungi, i. 166;
combats with the Goths on Danube,
248 f.; against the Palmyrenes, ii.
108 f.; battle of Hemesa, 109 2.,
Iro #.; destruction of Palmyra,
III n.

Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus, Germany
under, i. 160; Chattan war, 161;
Roman wall in Britain attacked, 188;
Marcomanian war, 229 f.; his quali-
ties, 232; progress of war, 232 f. ;
takes name of Germanicus, 234;
terms laid down for the vanquished,
234; second war, 235; death, 235;
Parthian war under Marcus and Verus,
ii. 74 f.; embassy to China, 302.

Aures, ii. 317, 318, 320.

Ausonius, i. 109, 113, 114 ”.

Autonomy, idea of, ii. 120.

Autricum, i. 91.

Auzia, ii 319, 325.

Aventicum, i. 129.

Avesta, ii. 10.

Axidares, ii. 66 2.

Axomis, kingdom of, ii. 28r ”.; extent
and development, 282 f.; Rome and
the Axomites, 284 ; envoys to Arvidian,
284 ; relation to piracy, 298.

N
A Y

ee e
_

INDEX.

Azania, ii. 289.

BACTRA, ii. 14, I5 2., 18.

Bactro-Indian empire, ii. 14, 16 n.

Baetica, i. 67; towns with burgess-
rights, 68 ; exemption from levy, 73;
Moors in, ii. 324.

Bagradas, ii. 336.

Balbus, Lucius Cornelius, ii. 315 #.

Ballomarius, i. 230 #.

Bamanghati, coins found at, ii. 301 7.

Baquates, ii. 324, 325 n”.

Bar-Kokheba, Simon, ii. 224 2.

Barley-wine, i. 108 z.

Barsemias of Hatra, ii. 78.

Barygaza, ii. 16 ”., 300.

Basil of Caesarea, i. 333.

Bassus, Caecilius, ii. 2r f.

Bassus, Publius Ventidius, ii. 23, 27.

Bastarnae, i. 12, 217, 238.

Batanaea, ii. 144 ; see Haurfn.

Batavi, i. 26, 43, 97 #.; Settlements
and privileges, 120; rising of Bata-
vian auxiliaries, 129 f.; Civilis, 130;
progress of the movement, 130 f.; its
consequences, 143 f.; later attitude,
145.

Bato, the Dalmatian, i. 39, 41.

Bato, the Pannonian, i. 39-42.

Beads, glass, ii. 255.

Beer, i. 108.

Belatucadrus (Mars), i. 193.

Belgica, i. 85; division of command,
118 n.

Belus, ii. 266.

Berbers, ii. 302 f.; type, 304, 305 2.;
language, 325 f.; organisation of
gentes, 334 f.

Berenice, sister of Agrippa II., ii. arg.

Berenice, Trogodytic, ii. 280, 284 #.,
286, 288, 297.

Beroe, i. 240.

Berytus, ii. 121; Latin island in the
East, 130 ; factories in Italy, 139 2.

Bescera, ii. 319.

Bessi, i. 12, 209 2”.

Bether, ii. 225.

Betriacum, i. 130, 143.

Biriparach, ii. 80.

Bithynia, i. 323, 324, 330; Greek set-
tlements in, 330 f.; Hellenism of,
330 f.; place in literature, 331 ; Go-
thic raids, 245.

Bithyniarch, i. 346. ,

Blaesus, Quintus Junius, ii. 318.

Blemyes, ii. 250 ”., 277 #., 278.

Bocchus, ii. 309, 310, 311 ”.

Boeotian league, i. 259, 265.

Bogud, ii. 308 f., 310, 311 2.

Borani, i. 243, 245.

INDEX.

Bosporan kingdom, i. 242 ; Greek towns
of, 244, 312; kings, 314 .; extent
of, 314 f.; coins, 317 #., 318; titles,
316 m.; military position, 316 f. ;
court, 318 ; trade and commerce, 319.

Bostra, ii. 95; plain around, 144 f. ;
legionary camp at, 153; importance
of, 155; Hellenic basis, 155.

Boudicca, i. 179, 181.

Boule, the, in Egyptian cities, ii. 236 x.

Bracara, i. 16.

Breuci, i. 23.

Brigantes, i. 178, 181, 182, 188.

Brigetio, i. 228.

Britain, Caesar’s expedition, i. 170;
designs of Augustus, 171; reasons
for and against occupation, 172 f.;
conviction of its necessity, 173 f.;
occasion for the war, 174; arrange-
ments for occupation, 174 2.; its
course, 175 f.; Roman towns, 176 f.;
resistance in West Britain, 177 f.;
national insurrection, 179 f.; subju-
gation of the West, 180 f.; of the
North, 182; Caledonia abandoned,
184; grounds for this policy, 184 f.;
diversities of race, 185; fortifying of

. northern frontier, 186 f.; wars in
second and third centuries, 188 f.;
Roman fleet, 189; garrison and ad-
ministration, 190; taxation and levy,
190 f.; communal organisation, IQI ;
prosperity, 192; roads, 192; Roman
manners and culture, 193; country
houses, 194; scholastic training, 194.

Brixia, i. 191.

Bructeri, i. 36, SI, 133, 145.

Burdigala, i. 113.

Burebista, i. 10, 216, 220, 309 f.

Burgundiones, i. 167.

Buri, i. 221, 224.

Burnum, i. 203.

Burrus, ii. 206,

Busiris, ii. 251.

Buthrotum, i. 295.

Byzacene, ii. 336.

Byzantium, i. 246, 292, 305, 306 7%.,
308.

CABINET-SECRETARY, imperial, ii. 272 f.

Cadusians, ii. 88 7.

Caecina, Aulus, governor of Moesia, i.
40 f.; march to the Ems, and retreat,
52 f.

Caedicius, Lucius, defence of Aliso, i. 48.

Caesar, Gaius Julius, measures for Dal-
matian war, i. 7 f.; Romanising of
southern Gaul, 86; policy as to can-
tons of Gaul, 92 f.; Britannic expe-
dition and aims, 170; project of

351

crossing Euphrates, ii. 22; arrange-
ments as to Judaea, 175 f.; African
policy, 307 f.; Italian colonists in
Africa, 332.

Caesar, Gaius, mission to East, ii. 38 f.;
meeting with Phraataces, 39; early
death, 40.

Caesaraugusta, i. 68.

Caesarea in Cappadocia, i. 332; ii.
rox Í.

Caesarea (Iol), province of, ii, 313, 314,
321.

Caesarea Paneas, ii. 65, 147, I51.

Caesarea Stratonis, ii. 182, 186 f.; in-
surrection, 205 f., 209 f.; obtains
Roman organisation, 218.

Caesarion, ii. 25 7., 26 .

Caesian Forest, i. 124.

Calama, ii. 319 %2., 329 %., 335 %

Calceus Herculis, ii. 319.

Caledonia abandoned, i. 184 ; probable
grounds for this policy, 184 f.; under
Severus, 189.

Caligula, Gaius Caesar, incapable of
serious plans, i. 172; declines ‘‘ great
number” of statues, 291; the East
under, ii. 45; pardons Aretas, 151 ;
treatment of Jews, 191 f.; Jewish
deputations to, 193 f.; orders his
effigy to be set up in the Temple, 195;
death, 195.

Callaecia, Roman, i. 63 f.; separated
from Lusitania, 65.

Callistus, ii. 102 ”., 103.

Calybe, i. 303, 305 7”.

Camalodunum, i. 170, 171, 175, 176,
180, 192 f.

Camels in Africa, ii. 340.

Camunni, i. 15 f.

Canabae, i. 168.

Canal, Egyptian, ii. 279, 280, 297 f.

Canatha, ii. 147; temple of Baalsamin,
156 ; ‘‘Odeon,” 157.

Candace, ii. 275 2., 276, 277.

Cane, ii. 296.

Canius Rufus, i. 76.

Cannenefates, i. 36, 97 #., 121, 126 f.,
131, 139, 141.

Canopus, ii. 258 #.; decree of, 260.

Cantabri, i. 65, 66, 67.

Cantonal system of Spain, i. 71, 72 2.;
of Gaul, go f.; influence of, 94; can-
tons represented in diet, 95 2., 96 2.;
in Britain, rgr.

Cappadocia, i. 323, 324; inland, 332;
division into praefectures, 332 ; Greek
accent of, 333; ii. 19, 41, 63.

Caracalla, Severus Antoninus, campaign
against Alamanni, i. 162; named
Geticus, 139; Parthian war, ii. 87;

p—s

352

INDEX.

assassinated, 88; treatment of Alex- | Christianity in Syria, ii. 126; Syriac

andria, 263; uniting the vices of three
races, 126, 340.

Caratacus, i. 175 f., 178.

Caravans, Palmyrene, ii. 98 ”.

Carén, ii. 6, 46, 84.

Carnuntum, i. 23, 198, 206,

Carnutes, i. gr.

Carpi, i. 238 f.

Carrhae, ii. 21, 22, 23, 77, 114.

Carteia, i. 68.

Carthage, ii. 307, 330, 331, 341.

Carthage, New, i. 68.

Cartimandus, i. 182 f.

Carus, Marcus Aurelius, Persian war, ii.
112 f.; death, 113.

Caspian gates, ii. 62 n.

Cassius, Avidius, ii. 75 ”., 262.

Cassivellannus, i. 170.

Castra Regina, i. 197.

Cattigara, ii. 302.

Catualda, i. 61, 215.

Caucasian tribes, ii. 35, 36, 61, 68, 72 n.,
73: 9I 7.

Cavalry recruited mainly from Gaul, i.
107.

Celtic inscriptions, i. 100 ”.; divinities,
104 f.; language; see Gaul.

Cenomani, i. gr.

Census of Gaul, i. 84.

Cerialis, Quintus Petillius, i. 140 f., 142,
180, 183.

Cernunnos, i. 104.

Chaeremon, ii. 259, 273 7.

Chaeronea in the civil wars, i. 267,

Chalcedon, i. 245.

Chalcidian peninsula, i, 300.

Chandragupta, ii. 13.

Charax Spasinu, ii. 68, 98 2.

Charibael, ii. 294 ”.

Chariomerus, i. 146.

Chastisement, corporal, in Egypt, ii.
240 7.

Chatramotitis, ii. 286, 290, 295.

Chatti, i. 27, 28, 29, 51, 133; take the
lead, 149; Chattan wars, 150 n.;
under Domitian, 151 #., 158 ; under
Marcus, 161, 197, 230 f.

Chauci, i. 28, 29 ; renewed rising, 36,
43 ; settlements and attitude, 121 ;
revolt, 125.

Chemi, ii. 251.

Chemmis, ii. 235.

Cherusci, i. 27, 28, 29; rising, 36;
under Arminius, 43, 52, 60; later
position, 146.

China, embassy to, ii. 302.

Chosroes, ii. 66.

Chosroes Nushirvan, ii, 135.

Chrestus, ii. 199 7.

—

Christian literature, 124; Christian
symbols, 141 ; effect on Christians of
destruction of Jerusalem, 220 f. ;
Christians not, like Jews, a nation,
226 a.; Christianity and Judaism,
229 f.; Christians and the imperial
cultus, i. 348 ; conception of the per-
secutions of the Christians, ii. 198 2.

Chrysogonus, i. 245.

Cidamus, ii. 316.

Cilicia, i. 923, 324; piracy in, 334;
becomes province, 334-

Cimbri, i. 37.

Cinithii, ii. 317.

Circesium, li. 91, 95 ”.

Circumcision, ii. 224; prohibited, 228
n., 229.

Cirta, ii. 310, 311 %., 319, 332, 342.

Civilis, i. 130 f. ; siege of Vetera, 133
f.; capitulation of Romans, 138; last
Struggles, 141 f.

Classieus, Julius, i. 137 Í, 139.

Claudius I., emperor, a true Gaul, i.
98 ; cancels restriction of Gallic fran-
chise, 99; rising of Chauci, r25;
directs withdrawal from right-bank of
Rhine, 125; occupation of Britain,
172, 175 f.; Jazyges under, 216;
re-establishes old arrangement in
Greece, 276; policy of Claudius in
the East, ii. 45; death, 49; policy
towards the Jews, 199 f. ; directs his
works to be read publicly, 271.

Claudius Gothicus, Gothic victories of,
i. 247 f. ; renewed fortifying of Dan-
ubian frontier, 248.

Cleopatra, ii. 25 7%., 27, 178 f.

Clitae, i, 336.

Clubs, i. 353, 354 n., 356.

Cnidus, appeal to the Emperor from, .
352 7.

Cogidumnus, i. 176.

Colonate, i. 237.

Columella, i. 76.

Column of Trajan, i. 124 f.

Commagene, ii. 19; annexed, 41; king-
dom revived by Gaius, 45; province,
63 ”., 118.

Commodus, conflicts in Britain under, i.
188 ; frontier-regulation in Dacia,
228; character, 236; peace with
Marcomani, 236.

Concordia, coemeterium of, ii. 140.

Coptic, ii. 244.

Coptos, ii. 251, 280, 288, 297 7.

Corbulo, Gnaeus Domitius, reduces
Frisians, i, 125; directed to withdraw
from right bank of Rhine, 125; sent
to Cappadocia, ii. 49; character of

INDEX.

troops, 50; offensive against Tiri-
dates, 52; in Armenia, 53 #.; capi-
tulation of Paetus, 57 7., 58 ”.; con-
clusion of peace, 58-60; partiality of
Tacitus’s account, 57 2.; 58.; 60 2.

Corduba in Latin literature, i. 75.

Corinth, treatment of, i. 257; Caesar’s
atonement, 260 f.

Corn drawn from Egypt, ii. 239 f.

Correctores, i. 279 f.

Corycus, epitaphs of Christians at, i.
359 n., 361 7.

Costoboci, i. 242.

Cottius of Segusio, i. 16, 18.

Cotys, i. 210 2.

Cragus-Sidyma, i. 355 f.

Cremna, i. 335, 337, 338.

Crete, i. 323, 324, 343.

Ctesiphon, ii, 3, 8, 28, 77, 79, 83,
113.

Cugerni, i. 33, 124 #.

Cunobelinus, i. 171 %2., 174, 175.

Cyprian, ii. 345.

Cyprus, i. 323, 324, 343; Jews in, ii.
221 Í., 223, 226.

Cyrene, i. 323 f.; Pentapolis, 343;
‘‘ peasants," 343; categories of popu-
lation, ii. 165 m.; Jewish rising in,
221, 223, 234 n.

Cyzicus, i. 330, 348.

DABEL, ii. 149 7%., ISI.

Daci and Dacia: preparations for
Dacian war, i 10; internal troubles,
Ir; raid to Apollonia, 13; war of
Lentulus, 42; Dacian language, 208 ;
Daci under Tiberius, 217 ; war under
Domitian, 219; chronology of it,
220 m.; war under Trajan, 221 f. ;
second war, 222 f.; Dacia an ad-
vanced position, 228 f. ; loss of Dacia,
241.

Daesitiatae, i. 38 f., 41.

Dalmatia, war, i 8 f.; towns with
Roman franchise, 10o ; Dalmato-Pan-
nonian rising, 38 f.; Italian civilisa-
tion, 201; ports, 202; state of
interior, 203 ; prosperity under Dio-
cletian, 203 f.

Damascus, environs of, ii. 144 ; Greek,
146; under Nabataean protection,
148 7”. ; relation to Aretas, 149 2. ;
Jews in, 167; Jews put to death,
209.

Danava, ii. 95, 153.

Danube, region of i. 21 f.; boundary
of empire, 23, 195 f.; fleet, 205;
army, 218 f.; military position after
Trajan, 225; primacy of Danubian
armies, 250.

VOL, II.

353

Daphne, ii. 109;
128, 129 2.

Dardani, i. 9, 12, 299.

Decapolis, ii. 146 2.

Decebalus, i. 220 f., 223.

Decianus, i. 76.

Decianus Catus, i. 180.

Decius Traianus proclaimed emperor,
i. 240; conflicts with Goths and re-
lief of Nicopolis, 240; death, 241.

Declamations in Gaul, i. 114.

Decumates (agri), i, 152 n., 196 f.

Deiotarus, i. 339 f.

Dellius, ii. 32 2.

Delminium, i. 203.

Delos, i. 258, 269 ; Delian inscriptions,
ii, 257 f.

Dentheletae, i. 12.

Deultus, i. 307.

Deva, camp of, i. 178, 193.

Dexippus, i. 239 7%., 241 n., 243 ^.,
246 n., 247 ñ., 281.

Diegis, i. 221.

Dio of Prusa, i. 268 f., 274, 293
m., 366 f.; address to Rhodians, i.
270 f.

Diocletianus : favour for Dalmatia and
Salonae, i. 203 f.; Sarmatian victories,
250; Persian war under, ii. xro f.;
terms of peace, 115; revolt in Egypt,
251; edict, as to grain, 251 f., as to
linen, 254 #.; resolves to cede the
Dodecaschoinos to Nubians, 277 f.

Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, ii.
250 2%.

Dionysius, cabinet secretary, ii. 273 2.

Dionysos, Thracian shrine of, i. 14, 243
Thracian god, 209.

Dioscorides, island of, ii. 289, 296.

Dioscurias, i. 242.

Dmer, ii. 149, 153.

Dodecaschoinos, ii. 274 ñ., 277 n.,
278 n.

Dodona, i. 297 2.

Dolabella, Publius Cornelius, ii. 318.

Domitianus : careful administration, i.
108; restricts number of vines, 108
f.; wars with the Chatti, r50 f.; con-
struction of the ‘‘Flavian altars,”
153; Dacian war, arg f.; defeated
by Marcomani, 221; gives urban
rights to Philippopolis, 307.

Domitius Afer, Gnaeus, i. r11.

Double names in Egypt, ii. 244.

Drobetae, bridge at, i. 222.

Druids and Druidism in Gaul, i. 104 f.;
prohibited by Tiberius and Claudius,
tos; schools of priests, 112; in
Anglesey, 185.

Druidesses, i, 106.

pleasure - garden,

23

354 INDEX.’

Drusus, Nero Claudius: victory over
Raeti, i. 16, 17; sent to the Rhine,
22; German war, 26 f.; expedition
to North Sea, 28; death of, 29 f.;
character, 26, 30; German tribes
subdued, 123 f.

Dubnovellaunus, i. 171 2.

Durocortorum, i. 89, 90.

Durostorum, i. 227, 309.

Dusaris, ii. 153; Dusaria, 153 7.

Dyarchy not applied in Egypt, ii, 233.

Dyme, letter of governor to, i. 237 ^.,
260 n.

Dynamis, i, 313.

Dyrrachium, i. 201, 299, 301.

EARTHQUAKES in Asia Minor, i. 358.

Eburacum, i. 183, 186, 193, 194.

Ecbatana, ii. 4, 28.

Edessa, ii. 68 f., 76, 77, 79, IOO, 102,
I25m .

Education in Gaul, i. 112 f.; in Asia
Minor, 362 f.; in Africa, ii 341 f.
Egypt: annexation, ii. 232 f.; exclu-
sively an imperial possession, 233 f.;
twofold nationality, 234; land -dis-
tricts and Greek cities, 235 f.; coinage,
237 n., absence of land-diet, 238;
government of Lagids, 238f.; imperial
administration financially, 239 f.; re-
venues, 239 f.; privileged position of
Hellenes, 240 f.; personal privileges
in Roman period, 242; native lan-
guage, 243; titles of Augustus in,
244 m.; abolition of resident court,
244 f.; officials, general and local,
246-248 ; insurrections, 249; in the
Palmyrene period (ii. 107 f.), 249 f.;
revolt under Diocletian, 251 ; oppo-
sition emperors, 251; agriculture,
251; granary of Rome, 252 f.; re-
venue from imperial domains, 253 7.,
254; trades, 254; linen, 254; papy-
rus, 255; building materials, 256;
navigation of Mediterranean, 257 f.;
population, 258; manners, 258 f.;
religious customs, 259 f.; sorcery,
261; other abuses connected with
the cultus, 261; revolt of the ‘‘ Herds-
men,” 261 f.; Alexandria, 262-273 ;
strength of occupying army, 273 f.;
recruited from camp-children, 274;
task of the troops, 274; east coast
and general commerce, 278 f. ; canal,
279 f.; sea-route to India, 279;
eastern ports, 280; relations with
west coast of Arabia, 284 f.; land-
routes and harbours, 297 ; piracy re-
pressed, 298; active traffic to the

east, 298 f.

Eirenarchs, i. 35r #2., 353.

Elagabalus, origin of name, ii. 123. |

Elateia, i. 242.

Eleazar, ii. 207, 208, 214, 215.

Eleazar of Modein, ii. 224 a,

Elegeia, battle of, ii. 74.

Elentherolacones, i. 260.

Elis, i, 261 ; flax of, 292,

Elymais, ii. 7.

Emmaus, ii. 212 f., 218,

Emona, i. 10, 20, 198, 206.

Ephesus, i. 329, 360, 361.

Epictetus, i. 273.

Epidaphne, a blunder of Tacitus, ii.
128 2.

Epirus, i. 294 f.; northern, i. 297.

Equestrian offices in Egypt, ii. 233 #.,
242 N., 246, 247, 249.

Eratosthenes, ii. 241 #,

Esus, i. 104.
Ethnarch of the Jews in Alexandria, ii.
193 A.

Euergetes, title of, ii. 238.

Eumolpidae, i. 281.

Eupatorids, i. 314.

Euphorion, librarian to Antiochus the
Great, ii. 130.

Euphrates, frontier of the, ii. r ; Romano-
Parthian frontier-regions, 1g ; recog-
nised as boundary, 21; customs-dis-
trict, 70 f., 97 ”.; Romans on left
bank, 77; need of watch, 118 f.; as
route for commerce, 278 f.

Europus, battle at, ii. 76.

Eurycles, i. 283.

Exegetes in Alexandria, ii. 248 7.

Eziongeber, ii. 288 7. .

Ezra, ii. 161.

Fapus, Cuspius, ii. 204.

Faustinopolis, i. 333.

Favorinus, polymath, i. r1o f.

Felix, Antonius, ii. 202, 204.

Filosofi locus, ii. 342.

Firmus in Egypt, ii. 111 ”.

Flaccus, Avillius, ii. 192 #., 193.

“ Flavian altars,” i. 153 7.

Florus, Gessius, ii. 206.

Forath, ii. 98 ”.

Forum Julii, i. 86.

Frankincense routes, ii. 286 ”., 288 7.,
299.

Franks, i. 163, 165, 167; settled on
Black Sca, 250.

Frontinus, Sextus Julius, i. 181.

Fronto, Marcus Claudius, i. 234.

Fronto, Marcus Cornelius, ii. 342.

Frisians, i. 27, 28, 43, 97 %., 121, 124,
126 n., I20, I3I, 145.

Furtius, i. 233 f.

a m en o ad

INDEX.

Fuscus, Arellius, i. 365.
Fuscus, Cornelius, i. 220.

GABINIUS, Aulus, ii. 174 f., 232.

Gades, i. 68, 74 f.; Gaditanian songs,
75-

Gaetulians, ii. 304, 322 7., 323 f.

Galatia, i. 323 f., 336, 338 f.; Galatian
kingdom, 339 f.; province, 340;
inhabitants, 340; former cantons,
341; language under the Romans,
341 f.; Galatians as soldiers, 342;
garrison of, 350.

Galatarchs, i. 344 ”.; Julian's letter to,
349 %.

Galba, i. 130; ii. 198 ”., 213.

Galenus of Pergamus, i. 366.

Gallicus, Gaius Rutilius, ii. 64 7.

Gallienus, energetic action in Germany,
i. 163 ; victory over pirates at Thrace,
246; character, 247; murder, 247;
recognition of Odaenathus, ii. 103 f.

Gallus, Gaius Aelius, expedition of, ii.
290 f.; Strabo’s account of it, 291 2.

Gallus, Gaius Cestius, ii. 209 f.

Gallus, Trebonianus, i. 240 f.

Ganna, i. 146.

Gannascus, i, 125.

Garamantes, ii. 309, 315, 318.

Gaul, administrative partition of, i. 33
m.; acquisition of Southern, 78 § later
conflicts in three Gauls, 79 f.; Celtic
rising under Tiberius, 80; gradual
pacification, 81; rising after Nero's
death, 82, 136f.; Romanising policy,
82 f.; organisation of the three
Gauls, 84 f.; law and justice, 85;
Romanising of Southern province, 88
f.; cantonal organisation, go f.; in-
fluence of cantonal constitution, 92;
smaller client-unions, 92 ”.; diet, 94;
altar and priest, 94; composition of
the diets, 95 f.; officials, 94 m., 95
m.; restricted Roman franchise, 98 f. ;
Latin rights conferred on individual
communities, 99; Celtic language, 99
f.; evidences of its continued use,
ror; Romanising stronger in Eastern
Gaul, 102; land measurement, 102;
religion, 103; economic condition,
106 ; culture of vine, ro8 ; network of
roads, 109; Hellenism in South Gaul,
110 ; Latin literature in Southern pro-
vince, rr1; literature in imperial Gaul,
112; constructive and plastic art, 114;
extent of the three Gauls, 117; attempt
to establish a Gallic empire, 137-141.

Gaza, ii. 210.

Gedrosia, ii. 13.

Gelduba, camp at, i, 144 f.

355

Geneva, i. gr.

Gens and civitas, ii. 334 n.

Georgius, murder of, ii. 265.

Gerba, ii. 338.

Germanicus, associated with Tiberius,
i 41; in sole command on the
Rhine, 49; course after death of
Augustus, 50; renewed offensive, 51
f.; expedition to the Ems, 50 f.;
campaign of the year 16, 53 f.; dis- .
aster to his fleet, 54 ; recall, 55; aims
and results of campaigns, 55-59;
triumph, 62; mission to the East, ii,
40 ; its results, 41 f.

Germany and Germans: Rhine-boundary,
i. 25 f.; war of Drusus, 26 f.; Roman
camps and base, 31 f.; organisation
of province, 35; altar for Germanic
cantons, 35, 118; rising under Ar-
minius, 42 f.; character of Romano-
German conflict, 49; abolition of
command-in-chief on the Rhine, 55;
Elbe frontier and its abandonment,
56-59; Germans against Germans,
60; original province, 117; Upper
and Lower, 118 f. ; strength of the
armies, 119 #.; right bank of Rhine
abandoned, 125 f.; position after
fall of Nero, 127; consequences of
Batavian war, 143 f.; iater attitude
of Romano-Germans on left bank, 144
f.; free Germans there, 145; Upper
Germany, 147 f.; Limes, 154-160;
distribution of troops, 156 ”., 159 %.;
under Marcus, 160; later wars, 16r-
167; Romanising of, 167; towns
arising out of encampments, 168;
Germanising of the Roman state, its
beginnings and progress, 168 £.; pic-
ture of, by Tacitus, 169.

Gerusia, i. 353, 354 %.

Geta, Gnaeus Hosidius, ii. 323.

Getae, language of, i. 208.

Gibbon, i. 6.

Gindarus, battle of, ii. 23.

Gladiatorial games, latest in Greece, i.
272.

Glass of Sidon, ii. 137 ; glass-wares,
255. _°

Gods, Iberian, i. 75; Celtic, in Spain,
75 ”.; British, 193; Syrian, ìi. 123;
Egyptian, 235, 260 f.

Gondopharus, ii. 15, 16 z.

Gordianus, ‘‘conqueror of Goths,” i.
239; Persian wars of, ii. 91.

Gordiou Kome, i. 330.

Gorneae, ii. 48 2.

Gotarzes, ii. 7 z., 12 2., 46, 47.

Goths : migrations, i. 238 ; Gothic wars,
239; under Decius, 240 f. ; invasions

356 INDEX.

of Macedonia and Thrace, 240;
maritime expeditions, 243 f.; victories
of Claudius, 247 f.; character of
these wars, 248.

Graupian Mount, battle of, 183 f., 190,

Great-king, ìi. 7.

Greece: Hellas and Rome, i. 253;
towns under republic, 256; city-
leagues broken up, 256 f.; revived,
259 ; freed communities and colonies,
258-261; decay of, 261; decrease
of population, 268; statements of
Plutarch, Dio, and Strabo, 268 f. ;
tone of feeling, 270 f.; good old
manners, 271 f.; parallel between
Roman and Athenian life, 273 ; mis-
rule of provincial administration, 275 ;
misrule in towns, 276; clinging to
memories of past, 280; religion, 280 ;
worship of pedigrees, 280 f.; lan-
guage—archaism and barbarism, 281
f.; great familics, 283 f.; career of
State-offices, 284 f. ; personal service
of the emperor, 285; municipal ad-
ministration, 285; Plutarch on its
duties, 286; games, universal in-
terest In, 287-290; municipal ambi-
tion, its honours and toils, 290 f.;
trade and commerce, 292 f. ; roads,
294; piratic invasions, i. 245 f.; de-
scription of Greece from the time of
Constantius, i. 293 7.

Greek islands, places of punishment,
i. 343.

Gregorius Nazianzenus, i. 333.

HADRIANOI, i. 328.

Hadrianus : Hadrian’s wall, i. 186;
disaster at Eburacum, 188 .; Pan-
hellenism at Athens, 266; grants to
Athens, 277 f. ; his Novae Athenae,
278; Olympieion, 278; evacuates
Assyria and Mesopotamia, and re-
stores Armenia as vassal-state, ii. 71,
72; Jewish rising under, 223 f. ; lays
out Antinoopolis, 236; gives excep-
tional right of coining, 237; alleged
letter to Servianus, 256 2, ‘‘Had-
rian’s road” in Egypt, 297 m.

Haedui, i. 80, 99.

Hairanes, Septimius, ii, 97 z.

Harmozika, ii. 64.

Hasmonaeans, ii. 161.

Hatra, ii. 69, 78, 79, 89.

Haurin, red soil, ii. 144; mountain-
pastures, 145; cCave-towns, 147;
robbers, 147 #.; bilingual inscrip-
tions, 148 a.; forts, 153; agricul-
ture, 154; Ledj4, 154; aqueducts,
155; buildings, 156.

Hebron, ii. 213.

Hecatompylos, ii. 4.

Heliopolis, ii, 121, 123.

Helladarch i. 255, 265 m., 344 2.

Hellenism and Panhellenism, i. 252 f.

Helvetii, i. 27, 92, 93, 99, I17, 119,
128; ‘‘ Helvetian desert,” 152.

Hemesa, ii, 103, 106, 109 f.; oil-
presses near, 136 7.

Heraclea (Chersonesus), i, 305, 312;
coins of, 315 #.

Hercules in Gaul, i. 106.

Hermogenes of Smyrna, i. 366 n.

Hermunduri, i. 31, 38, 150 f,. 158, 214 f.

Herod the Great, ii. 176 f., confirmed
by Antonius as tetrarch, 177; king of
Judaea, 178; under Augustus, 179;
government in relation to the Romans,
179 f.; in relation to the Jews, 180;
character and aims, 180 f.; energy
of his rule, 182; extent of his do-
minions, 182; partition of his king-
dom, 183; revenues of, 187 #.;
territory beyond the Jordan, ii. 146
f. ; represses brigandage, 147.

Herod Agrippa I., ii. 49, 191, 194 Í.,
200.

Herod Agrippa II., ii. 152, 171, 173 %.,
181, 183, 207, 208, 209, 219.

Herod Antipas, ii. 150.

Herod of Chalcis, ii. 201.

Herodes Atticus, i 281, 282, 283 m.,
284.

Herodians, ii. 218.

Heroonpolis, ii. 261.

Heruli, i. 246 f.

Hiera Sycaminos, ii. 276 n.

Hieronymus, i. ror.

Hilary of Poitiers, opinion of his country-
men, i. 83.

Hippalus, ii. 299.

Hippo, ii. 310, 319, 328, 339.

Homerites, ii. 286 f. ; coinage, 287 f.,
290 ; later fortunes, 294 ; united with
kingdom of Axomites, 295 7%. ; com-
mercial intercourse of, 296.

Homonadenses, i. 335 f.

Hordeonius Flaccus, i, 132.

Hyginus, i. 75.

Hypatia, murder of, ii. 265.

Hyrcanus, ii 174, 175 7%., 177, 179-

IAPYDES, i. 9.

lazyges, i, 216, 220, 230, 234.

Iberians, range and language, i. 69;
Romanising, 69 f.; north of Pyrenees,
79; coinage, 79 7.

Iceni, i. 179.

Iconium, i. 336 f.

Idiologus, ii. 247 n.

INDEX.

Idumaea, ii. 213, 214.

Igel column, i. 115 £

Igilgili, ii. 324.

Illyrian stock, i. 199 f. ; range and
character, 199 f.; admixture of Celtic
elements, 200 f.

Illyricum, relation to Moesia, i. 14 2. ;
erection and extent of province, 20 f.;
rising in, 39; administrative sub-
division, 195, 201; excellence of
Illyrian soldiers, 250 f.; Illyrian
emperors, 251.

India, commercial intercourse with, ii.
300 f.

Indus, region of, ii. 13 f.

Inguiomerus, i. 52, 60, 61.

Insubres, i. 91.

Iol (Cacsarea), ii. 312, 321.

Iran, empire of: Iranian stocks and
rule, ii. x f.; religion, 9 f.; Bactria
bulwark of Iran, 18. See Persia.

Irenaeus, i. ror.

Isauria, i. 334 f., 337.

Isca, camp of, i. 178, 193.

Isidorus (leader of ‘‘herdsmen”’), ii.
262.

Isidorus, geographer, ii. 39.

Isis, i. 280 ; ii. 266.

Istachr ; see Persepolis,

Isthmus of Corinth, piercing of, i. 294.

Istria, i. 200.

Istros, i. 239.

Istropolis, i. 13.

iala version of Bible, by whom pre-
pared, ii. 343 7.

Italica, i, 67.

Italicus, i. 146.

Italy, northern frontier of, i. 7 f.; ceases
to be military, 251.

Ivernia, i. 178, 182, 184.

Izates of Adiabene, ii. 46, 167.

JAHVE, ii. 160, 161, 169.

Jamblichus, ii. 76 n., 123 ”., 13%.

Jannaeus Alexander, ii. 162.

Jerusalem, standing garrison, ii. 186;
destruction of, 215, 218; colony of
Hadrian, 224 ”. See Judaea.

Jews: Jewish traffic, ii. 14x f.; Pariah
position in Rome, 142 f. ; Diaspora,
142, 162 f.; at Alexandria, 162 2.,
163; at Antioch, 163; in Asia
Minor, 163 #.; Greek language com-
pulsory, 163 f. ; retention of nation-
ality, 164 f.; self-governing commu-
nity in Alexandria, 165; extent of the
Diaspora, 166 f.; proselytism, 166 f.;
Hellenising tendencies, 167; Jewish-
Alexandrian philosophy, 168; Neo-
Judaism, 168 f. ; fellowship of, as a

357

body, 169 f.; Philo, 170; Roman
government and Judaism, 171 f.;
policy of Augustus, 171 f.; of Tiber-
ius, 172; treatment in the West, 172;
and in the East, 173 f.; treatment by
Gaius, 191 f.; Jew-hunt at Alex-
andria, 192 f.; statue of emperor in
the Temple, 194 f. ; impression pro-
duced by the attempt, 195; hatred
of emperor - worship depicted in the
Apocalypse, 196-198 .; treatment by
Claudius, 199 f.; preparations for the
insurrection, 201 f.; high-priestly rule,
202; Zealots, 203 f.; outbreak in
Caesarea, 205 f.; and in Jerusalem,
206 f.; struggle of parties, 208 f. ;
extension of the war, 209; war of
Vespasian, 210 f.; forces, 211 ^. ;
first and second campaigns, 213;
Titus against Jerusalem, 213; task
of assailants, 214 f.; destruction of
Jerusalem, 215; breaking up of
Jewish central power, 216; central
worship set aside, 216 f.; tribute
transferred to Capitoline Jupiter, 217
f.; territory becomes domain - land,
218 m.; further treatment, 219 f. ;
consequences of catastrophe, 220;
Palestinian Jews, 220 f.; rising under
Trajan, 221; under Hadrian, 223, 225
m.; position in second and third cen-
turies, 225"f.; toleration of worship,
226; corporative unions, 226 f.;
patriarchs, 227 ”.; exemptions from,
and obligations to, public services,
227, 228 2.; circumcision prohibited,
228 n.; altered position of Jews and
altered character of Judaism in the
imperial period, 229, 230.

John of Gischala, ii. 214.

Joppa, ii. 175 2., 176.

Josephus, on cave-towns of Haurin, ii.
147 ; account ‘of Titus's council of
war, 217 2.; value of statements in
the preface to his History of the
Jewish War, ii. 205 2..

Jotapata, ii. 212.

Juba I., ii. 308.

Juba II., ii. 312, 313, 338 %.; his Col-
lectanea, ii. 39, 293 7.

Judaea : distinction between Jewish land
and Jewish people, ii. 160; priestly
rule under Seleucids, 160 f.; king-
dom of Hasmonacans, 161; Phari-
sees and Sadducees, 161; under the
republic, 174; Caesar's arrangements,
175 f.; freedom from dues, 175 ”.;
Parthians in Judaea, 177 f.; under
Herod, 180-182; under Archelaus,
183f.; Roman province, 184, 185 #.;

358

provincial organisation, 186; military
force in, 186; tribute, 186 f.; native
authorities, 187 ; deference to Jewish
scruples, 189 f.; the Jewish opposi-
tion, 190 f. See also Jews,

Judaism ; see Jews and Judaea.

Judas, the Galilean, ii. 195, 198.

Jugurtha, war with, ii. 307.

Julianus defeats Dacians at Tapae, i.
220.

Julianus, Emperor, epigram on barley-
wine. i, 108; reply to ‘‘ beard-
mockers ” of Antioch, ii. 135.

Julii, tomb of, at S. Remy, i. 115.

Juridicus, ii. 247 n”.

Jurisprudence, studied at Berytus, ii. 130.

Juthungi, i. 161, 166.

KAINEPOLIS, ii. 75 2.

Kanata and Canatha, ii. 146 n.
Kanerku, ii. 16, 17 2.
Kerykes, i. 246, 281.

King of kings, li, 11.

LABEO, Claudius, i. 136.

Labienus, Quintus, ii, 22, 23.

Lachares, i. 283.

Lactantius, ii. 345.

Lactora, i. 97 7.

Laetus, ii. 79.

Lagids, government of, ii. 238; finance
of, 239 f., 241.

Lambaesis, ii. 319.

Lancia, i. 66.

Langobardi, i. 35, 37, 146, 230.

Laodicea, i. 327, 360; ii. 130.

Larisa, i. 298.

Latifundia, ii. 334.

Latin version of Bible, ii. 343 ”.

Latobici in Carniola, i. 200.

Latro, Marcus Porcius, i. 76.

Lauriacum, i. 198.

Leagues of Greck cities, i. 259, 264 2.;
dicts, 264 f.

Lentulus, Gnaeus, Dacian war, i. 42.

Leptis, Great, ii, 316, 326, 327, 328.

Leuce Come, ii, 148, 280, 285, 288,
291.

Leuga, i. 103.

Lex Julia I1., i. 10.

Libanius, description of Antioch, ii.
129 7.

Library of Alexandria, ii. 271 f.

Libyans, ii. 304, 317.

Licinianus, Valerius, i. 76.

Limes, meaning of, i 122 2.; Limes
Germaniae, 122, f.; Upper Germanic,
154 f.; Raetzae, 155 f.; construction
of, 156, 197; object and effect of
these structures, i 157-160.

INDEX,

Lindum, i. 182.

Linen, Syrian, ii. 137, 138; Egyptian,
254 7.

Lingones, i. 102, 139, 140; testamen
of man of rank among, i. 107.

Logistae, i. 353.

Lollius, Marcus, defeat of, i. 26.

Londinium, i. 177, 180, 192.

Longinus (Pseudo-), on the Sublime, ii.
168, 231.

Lucanus, i. 76.

Lucian of Commagene, ii. 131 ; on the
Syrian goddess, 134 #.; (Pseudo-),
parallel between Roman and Athenian
life, 273 f.

Lugii, i. 37, 215, 220.

Lugudunum, i. 87-90.

Lusitania, i. 63, 64; towns with bur-
gess-rights in, 68.

Lutetia described by Julian, i. 109.

Lycia, i. 323 f., 333; Lycian cities-
league, 333.

Lydius, robber-chief, i. 337.

Lysimachia, i. 303, 322 ^.

MACEDONIA, frontier of, i. 11 f.; extent
under the empire, 298 f.; nationalities,
299 f.; Greek polity, 300 f.; dict,
300; economy, roads and levy, 301 f.;
Macedonians at Alexandria, ii. 164,
165 ”.

Machaerus, ii. 215.

Macrianus, Fulvius, ii, 102 #., 103.

Macrinus, ii. 88.

Mactaris, ii. 339 2.

Madaura, ii. 341.

Madeira, dyeworks at, ii. 323, 338 2.

Maeates, i. 189.

Magians, ii. ro, 84.

Magnesia on Macander, i. 325, 329.

Malchus, ii. 151.

Mamaea, ii. 90.

Marble quarries, i 292.

Marcianopolis, i. 308, 310.

Marcomani, i. 27; retire to Bohemia,
29 ; isolated, 31 ; under Maroboduus,
37, 6o f.; under Roman clientship,
214 f.; war under Marcus Aurelius,
229 f.; invasion of Italy, 231; pesti-
lence, 231; progress of war, 232 ;
submission of Quadi, 233 ; terms of,
234 ; second war, 235; results, 235
f.; conclusion of peace by Commodus,
236.

Mareades, ii. 101 7.

Margiane (Merv), ii. 18.

Mariaba, ii. 287 7%., 292, 295.

Mariamne, ii, 177, 181.

Mariccus, i. 129.

Marmarica, li. 315.

INDEX.

Marnus, temple of, ii. 133.

Maroboduus, i. 37, 43, 48, 60 f.

Marsi, i. 51.

Martialis, Valerius, i. 76. 3

Mascula, ii. 319.

Massada, ii. 215.

Massilia, i. 78, 79, 86, r10.

Massinissa, ii. 305, 309.

Mattiaci, i. 33, 133, 149 2.

Mauretania, Roman dependency, ii.
308; two Mauretanian kingdoms,
310 f.; Roman civilisation in, 320 f.;
Gaetulian wars, 322; incursions of
Moors into Spain, 324 #.; colonisa-
tion of Augustus, 333; large landed
estates, 333 f.

Mauri, ii. 304.

Maximianus, Galerius, ii. 114.

Maximinus, expedition into heart of
Germany, i. 162; Mesopotamia falls
to Ardashir, ii. 91r.

Maximus, Terentius, ii. 65.

Mazices, ii. 303, 324.

Media, ii. 4, 6, ro.

Mediolanum, i. 91.

Mediomatrici, i. 141.

Megasthenes sent to India, ii. 130.

Megistanes, ii. 5 f.

Meherdates, ii. 46.

Mela, Pomponius, i. 76.

Menahim, ii. 208.

Menecrates, physician, i. 366 n.

Menippus of Gadara, ii. 131.

Meroe, ii. 275, 277.

Mesembria, i. 305.

Mesene, ii. 68,

Mesopotamia ceded to Parthians, ii.
21 ; Vologasus in, 55; occupied by
Trajan, 68; revolt of Seleucia and
siege, 68 f.; Roman province, 68,
70 f.; evacuated by Hadrian, 72;
again Roman province under Severus,
79; battle of Nisibis, 88; falls to
Ardashir, 91 ; reconquered by Gor-
dian, 91; but ceded by Philippus,
92; struggle under Valerian, 100;
action of Odaenathus, 104; once
more Roman under Carus, 113 #. ;
invaded by Narseh, but recovered by
Diocletian, 113-115.

Messalla, Marcus Valerius, vanquishes
the Aquitanians, i. 80.

Minaeans, ii. 285 2., 286 7., 290, 295.

Minnagara, ii. 15, 16 z.

Minucius, Felix, ii. 345.

Mithra, worship of, ii. 126.

Mithradates I., ii. 4, 5.

Mithradates, brother of Pharasmanes, ii.
43, 45, 46 n., 47.

Mithradates of Pergamus, i. 313, 340.

359

Moesia, i. 12 ; subjugation by Crassus,
13, 212; relation to Illyricum, 14 #. ;
province, 22; Latin civilisation of,
213; legionary camps, 213 7%., 218,
227 ; Greek towns in lower, 308 f. ;
mints in, 308 n.

Mogontiacum, i.
168,

Mona, i. 178, 179, 180, 182.

Monachism cradled in Egypt, ii. 267.

Monaeses, ii. 24, 26, 28, 29, 31.

Monobazus of Adiabene, ii. 54.

Montanus, Votienus, i. III.

Months, Persian names of, ii. 85 7. ;
Palmyrene, 96 2.

Morini, i. 80.

Mosaic pavements in Britain, i. 194.

Moselle valley, i. 115 f.

Museum of Alexandria, president of th
ii, 248 2.; savants of the, 268 f.,
271 n., 272.

Musulamii, ii. 317, 318, 319 7%.

Muza, ii. 289, 296, 299 n”.

Muziris, ii. 301.

Myos Hormos, ii. 280, 288, 297, 298.

32, 49, 118, 149,

NABATA, ii. 275, 281, 282 n.

Nabataea: language and writing, iL 146;
kingdom of Nabat, 148; its extent
and power, 148 f.; Nabataean in-
scriptions, 148, 149 7”. ; king subject
to the Romans, 150; coins of, 150
n.; Greek designations of magistrates,
181 f.; merged partly in Roman pro-
vince of Arabia by Trajan, 152; wor-
ship, 153; Phylarchs, 154.

Naissus, i. 248.

Namara, stronghold of, ii. 153, 157.

Napoca, i. 228.

Narbo, i. 78 f., 86.

Narcissus, L 175.

Naristae, i. 237.

Narona, i. 202.

Narseh, ii. 114 7%.

Nasamones, ii. 316.

Nattabutes, ii. 319 2.

Naucratis, ii. 235 ., 236 7.

Nauplia, i. 293.

‘Nauportus, i. 8, 198.

Neapolis, Flavia, ii. 218.

Necho, ii. 278.

Neckar, region of the, i. 152 f.

Negrin, oasis of, ii. 320.

Neith, sanctuary of, ii. 260.

Nelcynda, ii, 301.

Nemausus, i, 87; temples, 106 ; coins,
ITO.

Neocorate, i, 346 f.

Neoi, i. 353.

Neo-Judaism, ii, 269.

360

Neo-Platonism, ii. 126, 209.

Neo-Pythagoreanism, ii. 269.

Nero, report of Aelianus as to Moesia,
i. 217; attempt to pierce the Isthmus
of Corinth, 294; under Burrus and
Seneca, ij. 49; aims of the government
in the East, so, 51; Parthian war
under, 55 f.; intended Oriental expe-
dition, 61 f.; Vologasus on Nero's
memory, 62; confiscations in Africa,
334; Pseudo-Nero, ii. 62, 64.

Nicaea, i, 245, 329.

Nicanor, Julius, buys back Salamis, i.
278.

Nicephorium, ii. 76, 94, 114.

Nicetes of Smyrna, i. 365.

Nicolaus of Damascus, ii. 167 f.

Nicomedia, i. 245, 329, 345;
address to, 330 #.

Nicopolis, Epirot, i. 254, 295 f.

Nicopolis on Haemus, i. 240, 307.

Nicopolis, suburb of Alexandria, ii. 274.

Niger, Pescennius, ii. 77, 78 #., 118.

Nile: Nile-flood, ii. 252, 253; Nile-
route for commerce, 278.

Nisibis, ii. 68 f., 76, 78 n., 79, 115;
battle at, 88, gr.

Nomes, constitution and distinctive
features of, ii. 235 f.; agoranomy in,
235 f., 239 .; presidents of the
nomes, 248 f.

Nonnus, epic of, ii. 268.

Noreia, i. 198.

Noricum, province of, i. 18, 196; Italis-
ing of, 197 f.; military arrangements,
198; townships, 199.

Novae, i. 227.

Novaesium, i. 132-136, 141, 142.

Novempopulana, i. 197.

Noviodunum, i. 87 7.

Noviomagus, i. 119, 120,

Nubians, ii. 275, 278.

Numidians, ii, 304; Numidia in civil
wars, 307 ; a province, 307, 310.

Dio's

OBODAS, ii. 150, 290.

Octavia, ii. 27, 32.

Odaenathus, Septimius, ii. 97 m.

Odaenathus, king of Palmyra, ii. 103
m.; campaign against Persians, 104
f.; assassination, 106 ”.

Odessus, i. 13, 315.

Odrysae, i. 11, 209 f., 304, 306 n.

Oea, ii. 316, 327.

Oescus, i. 214, 309.

Ogmius, i. 104.

Olbia, i. 239, 242, 305, 310 %., 311.

Olympic games, i. 288 f,

Ombites, ii. 261, 262.

Onias, temple of, closed, ii. 217.

INDEX.

Ordovici, i. 178, 182.
Orodes, ii. 21, 22, 23 f., 43.
Orontes valley, ii. 134, 141.
Osicerda, coin of, i. 70.
Osiris worship, ii. 266 x.
Osrhoene, ii. 88.

Otho, defeat of, i. 128.
Oxus, ii. 83.

Pacorus I., son of Orodes, ii. 21, 22,
23.

Pacorus, Parthian king in time of Tra-
jan, ii, 65 #.

Paetus, Lucius Caesennius, ii. 56 f.;
capitulation at Rhandeia, 57 f.; re-
called, 59.

Pahlavi language, ii. 11, 12 æ., 85.

Palikars, i. 207.

Palma, Aulus Cornelius, ii. 152.

Palmyra, ii. 92 f.; predatory expedition
of Antonius, 93; military independ-
ence, 93, 94 %.; distinctive position,
93 f.; administrative independence,
95 f.; language, 95 f.; votive inscrip-
tions, 96 .; magistrates, 96 f;
‘*Headman,"” 97; official titles, 97
m.; Customs-district, 97 ”.; com-
mercal position, 98; under Odaena-
thus, 103 f.; under Zenobia, 106-
110; destruction, 111 f.; chronology,
III”,

Pamphylia, i. 324 ; coast towns, 333 f.;
earlier rulers, 334; assigned to
governor of its own, 336.

Panhellenism, i. 252 f.; Panhellenes,
265; Panhellenion of Hadrian, 266
nm.; letters of recommendation, 267
n.; Olympia, 288 f.

Pannonia, province, i, 22; first Pan-
nonian war, 22 f.; Dalmatio - Pan-
nonian rising, 38 f.; military arrange-
ments, 204 f.; urban development,
206 f.; camps advanced, 219; pros-
perity, 229.

Panopeus, i, 290.

Panopolis, ii. 235.

Panticapaeum, i. 305, 312, 313, 315
n., 316 f., 318, 319.

Papak, ii. 87 n.

Papyrus, ii. 255 7”.

Paractonium, ii. 235 7.

Paropanisus, ii. 14.

Parthamaspates, ii. 69.

Parthia and Parthians, rule of, ii. 2 f. ;
Parthians Scythian, 3; regal office,
5; Megistanes, 5, 6 z.; satraps, 6;
as vassals, 7; Greek towns, 8;
counterpart to Roman empire, 9;
language, rr f. ; coinage, 12; extent
of empire, 12 f.; wars between Par-

INDEX.

thians and Scythians, 18 ; Romano-
Parthian frontier-region, rg ; during
the civil wars, 21; at Philippi, 22;
in Syria and Asia Minor, 22 ; [Judaea,
177 f.] ; seizure of Armenia, 45 2%. ;
occupation of Armenia, 47 f.; war
under Nero, 55 f.; the East under the
Flavians, 61 f.; coinage of pretenders,
65 ”.; war under Trajan, 65 f.; his
oriental policy, 70 f.; reaction under
Hadrian and Pius, 71 f.; war under
Marcus and Verus, 74 f. ; wars under
Severus, 77 f.; wars of Severus Anto-
ninus, 87; beginning of Sassanid
dynasty, 80 f., 89; Partho-Indian em-
pire, ii. 15 f., 17 n.

Parthini, i. 9.

Parthomasiris, ii. 66 z2., 67.

Patrae, i. 260 f., 292 f., 297.

Patriarchs of Jews, ii. 227 7.

Patrocles, Admiral, exploring Caspian,

ii. 130.

Patronatus, contracts of, ii. 329 n.,
330 ”.

Paul at Damascus, chronology of, ii.
149 7.

Paullinus, Gaius Suetonius, i. 179 f.,
181, 182; ii. 313, 323.

Pedigrees, i. 287 f.

Pentapolis, Pontic, i. 308 f. ; coinage
of, 309.

Pergamus, i. 326, 329, 345, 350.

Persepolis (Istachr), ii. 83.

Persian empire, extent of, ii. I f.; see
Sassanids.

Persis, viceroys of, how named, ii. 5 7. ;
king of, 7; royal dynasty, Sassanids,
81.

Pertinax, Helvius, i. 233.

Petra, client-state of Nabat, ii. 65;
residence of king, 148 ; traffic-route,
Ist, m. 288; constitution under
Hadrian, 155; structures of, 156;
rock-tombs, 157.

Petronius, Gaius, governor of Egypt, ii.
276.

Petronius, Publius, governor of Syria,
li. 194.

Pessinus, i. 341, 342 n.

Phanagoria, i. 315, 319.

Pharasmanes (I.), ii. 43, 47, 53.

Pharasmanes (II.), ii. 73.

Pharisees, ii. 161, 183, 188, 208.

Pharnaces, i. 312, 339.

Pharnapates, ii. 23.

Pharsalus, i. 298 2.

Phasael, ii. 177 f.

Philadelphia (in Lydia), i. 360.

Philadelphia (in Syria), ii. 146,

Philae, ii. 276, 278.

361

Philhellenism of the Romans, i. 276 f.
Philippi, i. 301, 303.
Philippopolis, i. 211, 232, 260, 304,

307.

Philippus, Marcus Julius, proclaimed
emperor, ii. 91 f. ; cession of Euphrates
frontier, 92.

Philo, Neo-Judaism, ii, 170; deputa-
tions to Gaius, 193; silence ac-
counted for, 196 #.

Phoenician language in Africa, ii, 326
f., 328 n.

Phraataces, ii. 39.

Phraates, ii. 24, 28 f., 34, 37, 38.

Phrygia, Great, i. 325 ; language, i. 328;
coins and inscriptions, 328.

Phylarchs, ii. 154, 158 #.

Picti, i. 189.

Piracy in Black Sea, i. 242 f. ; expedi-
tions to Asia Minor and Greece, 245
f.; in Pisidia, 334 f.; in Red Sea, ii.
298.

Piraeus, i. 278, 293.

Pirustae, i. 41.

Pisidia, independence, i. 334; subdued
by Augustus, 335; Pisidian colonies,
336; brigandage in, 351.

Piso, Lucius, Thracian war, i. 24 f.

Pityus, i. 242, 243 f.

Pius, Cestius, i. 365.

Plataeae, i. 266 n., 267 n.

Plautius, Aulus, i. 175, 177.

Plotinus, ii. 126.

Plutarch, knowledge of Latin, i. 272;
account of his countrymen, 272; on
population of Greece, 268 ; character
of, 274 f.; view of municipal duties,
286, 290.

Poetovio, i. 18, 23, 205, 206.

Polemon, i. 313; iil. 24, 35.

Polis and Nomos, ii. 237.

Politarchs, i. 300 z.

Pollio, Coelius, ii. 48.

Pompeianus, Tiberius Claudius, i. 233.

Pompeiopolis, ii. 102.

Pontus, province organised by Pom-
peius, i. 331 f.; annexation of king-
dom of, ii. 61.

Poppaea Sabina, ii. 167.

Porphyrius, ii. 126.

Portus, mariners’ guild at, ii. 257 n.

Posidonius of Apamea, quoted, ii. 133.

Postumus, Marcus Cassianius Latinius,
proclaimed emperor in Gaul, i. 164;
takes Cologne, 165; falsifications of
the Impcrial Biographies in his case,

164 n.
Potaissa, i. 228.
Praaspa, ii. 29.

Praefectus, ii. 233 n., 246, 247 n.

362 INDEX.

Prasutagus, i. 176.

Premis, ii. 276.

Priests in Asia Minor, i. 348.

Princeps: position as to Egypt, ii. 233 f.;
princeps et undecim primus, 335 ^.

Priscus, Statius, ii. 75.

Priscus, governor of Macedonia, i. 240.

Proacresios, ii. 268 7.

Probus, opens vine-culture to provincials,
i 109; resumes aggressive against
the Germans, 166 f.; transfers Bas-
tamĘae to Roman bank, 249; subdues
Lydus in Isauria, 337; delivers Egypt
from Palmyrenes, ii. 108, 250, 277;
restores water-works on Nile, 253.

Provincia, alleged use of term, ii. 233 7.

Prucheion, ii. 250, 251.

Pselchis, ii. 276.

Pseudo-Nero, ii. 62, 64 f.

Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, son of An-
tonius, ii. 25.

Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, ii. 280.

Ptolemaeus, king of Mauretania, ii.
312 f,

Ptolemais, '‘ Greek” city in Egypt, ii.
235, 236.

Ptolemais ‘‘for the Chase,” on Red
Sea, ii. 280.

Ptolemies, court of the, ii. 245 f.

Punic inscriptions, ii. 326 7.

Punt, ii. 285 z.

Purple dyeworks, Syrian, ii. 137.

Puteoli, called Little Delos, ii. 139 z.

QUADI, i. 214, 229, 230, 233, 234,
237.

Quadratus, Ummidius, ii. 48 f., 202.

Quarries, Egyptian, ii. 256.

Quietus, Fulvius, ii. 103.

Quietus, “Lusius, i. 222; ii. 69, 223,
322 n.

Quinquegentiani, ii. 325 7%.

Quintilianus, Marcus Fabius, i. 77.

Quirinius, Publius Sulpicius, i. 336;

. ii, 136, 188, 315.

RAETIA, affinity of Raeti, i. 196; sub-
jugation, 16, 17; organisation, 17
f.; war in Raetia, 161; late civili-
sation, 196; military arrangements,
197; Ractian dimes, 197.

Ratiaria, i. 214.

Religion in Spain, i 75; in Gaul, 103
f.; in Britain, 193; in Greece, 280 ;
in Asia Minor, 350; in Iran, ii. 9 f.;
in Syria, 123; in Egypt, 265, 266 n.

Resaina, battle at, ii. 91; 95.

Rhadamistus, ii. 47 f.

Rhagae, ii. 4, 28.

Rhandeia, capitulation of, ii. 56, 57 f.

ar eee en ee ee a eee ae

Rhapta, ii. 289.

Rhetoric, professors of, at Treves, i
89 m.; professorship of Greek, at
Rome, ii. 272.

Rhetors in Alexandria, ii. 264 ”.

Rhine, boundary, i. 25 ; camps on left
bank, 31 f.; positions on right bank,
33 f.; canal to Zuider-Zee, 28, 34;
dyke between Ems and Lower Rhine,
34; Rhine-army as bearing on Gaul,
81; Rhine fleet, 1x19; army of Lower
Rhine, 147 7.

Rhodians, Dio’s address to, i. 270 f.,
285.

Rhoemetalces, i. 40, 209 f.

Riff in Morocco, ii. 321, 324.

Roads in Spain, i. 74; in Gaul, 109 f.;
road-measurement in Gaul and Ger-
many, 102 f.; in Britain, 192; in
Greece, 294; in Asia Minor, 358;
in Egypt, ii. 297; in Africa, 339.

Roman empire, character of its history
as compared with that of the republic,
i. 3 f.; value of authorities for it, 4;
nature of task assigned to it, 4 f.;
object and limits of the present work,
4-6; its divisions, 6; northern fron-
tier of, 7f.

Roxolani, i. 217, 238.

SABAEANS, ii. 158, 286, 290.

Sabinus, Julius, i. 137, 139.

Sabinus, Oppius, i. 220.

Sacae, ii. 14; Sacastane, 15; empire
on Indus, 16, 17, n.

Sacrovir, Julius, rising of, i. 80 f.

Sadducees, ii. 161.

Sagalassus, i. 337.

Salabus, ii. 323.

Salassi, i. 15; extirpated by Augustus, 19.

Salice (Ceylon), ii. 301.

Salonae, i. 202, 204, 232.

Samaria, ii. 187.

Samaritans, ii. 160.

Sanabarus, ii. 16 ”.

Sapor, ii. 9r; title and policy of con-
quest, 99 f.

Sapphar, ii, 295.

Saracens, ii. 158 f.

Sarapis, ii. 265, 266 n., 268; festival of,
ii. 258”.

Sardes, i. 327, 330.

Sarmatae, ii. 43.

Sarmizegetusa, i. 221, 228.

Sassanids, ii. 3 f.; official historiography,
3 ”.; legend of, 81, 85 f.; dynasty of
Persis, 81 ; extent of Sassanid king-
dom, 82; distinction between Sassa-
nid and Arsacid kingdoms, 82 a. ;
official titles of ruler, 83 ”.; church

INDEX.

and priesthood, 84 f.; languages of
the country under, 85 f.; new Persians
and Romans, 86 ; strike gold pieces,
86 f.; chronology, 89 ”.; East for-
feited to Persians, ror.

Satraps, ii. 6.

Saturninus, Gaius Sentius, i, 38.

Saturninus, Lucius Antonius, i. 150.

Sauromates, i. 311, 314 #., 317 7.

Savaria, i. 205, 206.

Saxa, Decidius, ii. 22,

Saxons, i. 60 f., 167.

Scapula, Publius Ostorius, i, 178.

Scarbantia, i. 206,

Scaurus, Marcus, expedition against
Nabataeans, ii. 149 f.

Scironian cliffs, i. 294.

Scodra, i. 200.

Scordisci, i. 200 f., 300.

Scoti, i. 189.

Scythians, i, 239, 242, 243 ñ., 311;
(Asiatic) ii. 14, 15, 17.

Segestes, i. 43, 46, 51, 62.

Segusiavi, i. 88 z., 92 .

Sejanus, ii. 172 #., 173.

Seleucia (in western Cilicia), i. 334.

Seleucia Siderus (in Pisidia), i. 336, 337.

Seleucia (in Syria), ii. 127 ”., 128.

Seleucia (on the Tigris), ii. 8, 11, 43,
44, 45, 68, 77, 79, 85, 113, 127.

Seleucids, ii. 3 al.

Seleucus, saying of, ii, 245.

Selga, i. 337, 359.

‘‘Seminumidians and Semigaetulians,”’
ii. 341%.

Semnones, i. 146, 16x.

Senate and senators excluded from
Egypt, ii. 233 2.

Seneca, M. Annaeus and L, Annaeus, i.
76.

Septuagint, ii. 164.

Sequani, i. 80, 99, 139.

Seres, i," 302.

Servianus, letter (of Hadrian?) to, ii.
256 7.

Severianus, ii. 74.

Severus, Alexander ;
Severus,

Severus Antoninus ; see Caracalla,

Severus, Septimius, Wall of Severus, i.
187 ”.; conflicts in Britain, 189;
death at Eburacum, 189, 269; Par-
thian wars under, ii. 77 f.; title of
Parthicus, 78 2.; partition of Syria,
118.

Severus, Sextus Julius, ii. 224 f.

Sicca, ii. 332.

Sido, i. 216, 229.

Silk, Chinese, ii. 302; silk of Berytus,
ii. 137 £.

see Alexander

363

Silures, i. 177 f., 179, 181.

Silvanus Aelianus, Tiberius Plautius, i.
217.

Simon, son of Gioras, ii. 214.

Singidunum, i. 213, 228.

Sinnaces, ii. 44.

Sinope, i 331r f

Siraci, i 316 7%., 317, 319.

Siscia, i. 9, 205.

Sittius, Publius, ii. 311 2., 332.

Skipetars, i 199.

Slaves, treatment of, in Greece, i. 273;
traffic in, through Galatia, ii. 360.
Smyrna, i. 325 f., 329, 346, 354; Jews

at, li. 163 z.

Sohaemus of Hemesa, ii. 49.

Sohaemus, king of Armenia, ii. 75 2.,
126,

Sophene, ii. 115.

Sophists, addresses of, i. 363 f.; Asia
Minor takes the lead in, 365.

Sostra, dam at, ii. 102.

Spain, conclusion of its conquest, i. 63
f.; visit of Augustus to organise, 64 ;
triumphs over, 63 ”., 64; warfare in
north of Spain, 64 f.; military organ-
isation and distribution of legions, 65
m., 66; incursions of Moors, 67;
introduction of Italian municipal law,
67 ; diffusion of Roman language, 70 ;
cantons, 71; broken up, 72; levy,
73; traffic and roads, 73 f.; religious
rites, 75; Spaniards in Latin litera-
ture, 75-77.

Sparta, treatment of, i. 259 f.

Statianus, Oppius, ii. 29.

Statues, honorary, i. 291 2.

Stobi, i. 301.

Successianus, L 244.

Suebi, i. 60 f., 206, 214, 216, 220.

Sufetes, ii. 329, 330 7.

Sugambri, i. 26, 27, 28, 30, 33, 124;
probably = Cugerni, 124 n.

Sulis, i. 177, 194.

Surén, ii. 6, 84.

Syene, ii. 256, 280,

Syllaeos, ii, 291 7.

Symmachus, i. 113.

Synhedrion of Jerusalem, constitution
and jurisdiction, ii. 187 f. ; disappears,
217.

Synnada, i. 326.

Synoekismos, i. 295 f.

Syria, conquest of, ii. 116 ; boundaries
of territory, 117; provincial govern-
ment, and its changes, 117 f.; parti-
tion into Coele-Syria and Syro-Phoe-
nicia, 118; troops and quarters of
legions, 63 ., 118 #.; inferiority in
discipline, 66 72., 119 f.; Hellenising

364

of, 120 f.; Syria=New Macedonia,
121 ; continuance of native language,
121 f.; Macedonian native and Greek
names, 121 f.; worship, 123; later
Syriac literature, 124 2.; Syro-Hellenic
mixed culture, 125; minor Syrian
authorship, 130 f.; epigram and
feuilleton, 130 f.; culture of soil, 133
f.; wines of, 137 ; manufactures, 137;
commerce, 137 f.; ship-captains, 138
a.; Syrian factories abroad, 138 f. ;
Syrian merchants in the West, 139 2. ;
Syro-Christian Diaspora, 140 n.;
wealth of Syrian traders, 140; country
houses in valley of Orontes, 141; mili-
tary arrangements after 63 A.D., 210%”.

Syria, Eastern, conditions of culture in,
ii. 144 f.; Greek influence in, 145 f.;
inhabitants of Arabian stock, 145;
Pompceius strengthens Greek urban
system, 146; civilisation under Roman
rule, 153 f.; agriculture and com-
merce, 154; buildings, 156; south
Arabian immigration, 158.

Syrtis, Great, ii. 306, 316.

TACAPAE, ii. 314.

Tacfarinas, ii. 313, 314, 317, 318.

Tacitus, dialogue on oratory, i. 113;
picture of the Germans, 169 ; narra-
tive of war in Britain criticised,
18I a,

Tadmor, ii. 92 n.

Talmud, beginnings of, ii. 219, 231.

Tanais, i 315 #., 319.

Tarraco, i. 64.

Tarraconensis, towns in the, i. 68.

Tarsus, ii. TOI 122,

Taunus, i. 33, 148.

Tava (Tay), i. 183, 186.

Tavium, i. 341, 342 7.

Taxila, ii. 14 7.

Teachers and salaries at Tcos, i. 362.

Teima, description of, ii. 285 7.

Temple-tribute, Jewish, ii. 169, 173;
temple-screen, tablets of warning on,
189 7”.

Tencteri, i. 26, 27, 124, 133, 139 f.

Tenelium, ii. 335.

Teos, decree as to instruction, i, 362.

Tertullian, ii. 342, 345.

Tetrarch, title of, ii. 177 n.

Tetricus submits to Aurelian, i. 166.

Teutoburg forest, i. 53, 55.

Thaema, il. 148 1,

Thagaste, ii. 341.

Thamugadi, ii. 319.

Themistius, i. 342.

Theocracy, Mosaic, ii, 160.

Thessalonica, i. 300 f., 302.

INDEX.

Thessaly, i. 297 f.; diet in Larisa, 298.

Theudas, ii. 204.

Theudosia, i. 315.

Theveste, ii. 317, 320, 339.

Thrace: dynasts and tribes, i. 13 f.;
vassal-princes, 14; war of Piso, 24
f., 210; Thracian stock, 207 f.;
language, 208; worship, 209 ; prin-
cipate, 209 f.; province, 210f.; rising
under Tiberius, 211; garrison and
roads, 212 f.; Hellenism and Roman-
ism in, 212 f.; Hellenism imported,
302, 304; Philip and Alexander,
303; Lysimachus, 303; empire of
Tylis, 303; later Macedonian rulers,
304 ; Roman province, 304 f.; Greek
towns in, 305; strategies of, 306 2.;
townships receiving civic rights from
Trajan, 307; ‘‘ Thracian shore," i.
212,

Thubursicum, ii. 336.

Thubusuctu, ii. 325 7.

Tiberias, ii. 183.

Tiberius, assists Drusus in Raetia, i.
16, 17; first Pannonian war, 22 f.,
205; German war, 30 f.; resigns
Command on Rhine, 35; reconcilia-
tion with Augustus, 36; resumes
command, 36; further campaigns in
Germany, 36 f.; expedition to North
Sea, 37; campaign against Marobod-
uus, 37 f.; return to Illyricum, 40 f.;
again on Rhine after defeat of Varus,

48 f.; recall of Germanicus, 55;
German policy, 55; motives for
changing it, 56-59; Gallic rising

under, 80; Frisian rising, 124 ; road-
making in Dalmatia, 203; procures
recognition for Vannius, 215 ; Dacians
under, 217; takes Greece into his
own power, 276; small number of
statues, 291 f.; leads force into Ar-
menia, ii. 37 f.; again commissioned
to the East, but declines, 39 ; mission
of Germanicus to the East, 40 f.;
Artabanus and Tiberius, 42 f.; mission
of Vitellius, 42 f.; movement against
Arctas, 151; treatment of the Jews,
172; attitude towards Jewish customs,
189, 190; War against Tacfarinas,
317 f£.

Tigranes, brother of Artaxias, invested
with Armenia by Tiberius, il, 37,
38.

Tigranes, installed
Corbulo, ii. 54 f.

Tigranocerta, ii. 45, 54

Tigris, boundary of, ii. 71, 115 2.

Timagenes, ii. 106.

Timarchides, Claudius, i. 283 7.

in Armenia by

INDEX.

Timesitheus, Furius, ii. 91.

Tingi, i. 67; ii. 360 f., 312 f., 314, 321,
331.

Tiridates, proclaimed king of Parthia
under Augustus, ii. 34, 35, 37.

Tiridates set up as king of Parthia in
opposition to Artabanus, under Ti-
berius, and superseded, ii. 44.

Tiridates I., king of Armenia, brother
of Vologasus I., ii. 52, 53, 54, 55,
58, 59, 60 [and ii. 11].

Tiridates II., king of Armenia under
Caracalla, ii. 87.

Tiridates, king of Armenia under Sapor,
ii. 99.

Titus, against Jerusalem, ii. 213 f.;
Arch of, 216; refuses to eject Jews at
Antioch, 219.

Togodumnus, i. 175 f.

Tombstones, Gallic, i. 116.

Tomis, i. 13, 227 2., 305, 308; Ovid's
description of, 309; Mariners’ guild,
310 n.

Town-districts in Egypt, ii. 235 f.

Trachonitis, ii. 144; see Hauran.

Trajanus, M. Ulpius: military road from
Mentz towards Offenburg, i. 153;
settlements in Upper Germany, 160;
mission thither, 160 #.; Dacian war,
221 f.; second Dacian war, 222 f.;
column in Rome, 224 f.; confers civic
rights on Thracian townships, 309;
Parthian war, ii. 65 f.; death, 69 f.;
triumph accorded after death, 70;
Oriental policy, 70 f.; erects province
of Arabia, 143; Jewish rising under,

f.; enlargement of Egyptian
canal, 297 f.

Transport-ship, Egyptian, ii. 256, 257 7.

Trapezus, i. 245, 332; ii. 35, 53.

Trebellianus Rufus, Titus, i. 211.

Treveri, i. 80, 93, 94, 102, 136, 137,
139, 140.

Treves, primacy in Belgica, i. 89; sub-
sequently capital of Gaul, 89; receives
Italian rights, 99.

Triballi, i. 12.

Triboci, i. 117, 140, 147.

Trinovantes, i. 170, 171 #., 180.

Tripolis, ii, 314 f. ,

Trismegistus, Hermes, ii. 261, 266 %.,
268.

Troesmis, i. 227.

Trogodytes, ii. 280, 286.

Trogus Pompeius, historian of Hellenic
type, i Iro.

Trumpilini, i. rs.

Tungri, i. 133, 136.

Turan, ii. 12, 17, 45.

Turbo, Quintus Marcius, ii. 223.

365

Tyana, i. 333; ii 109.

Tylis, empire of, i. 303.

Tyra, i. 226, 239, 242, 244, 305, 310.
Tyrian factories in Italy, ii. 138 2.

UBII, i. 25, 35, 97, 98 f., 102, 117,
118, 119, 134, 136; Roman town of,
168.

Ulpia Noviomagus, i. 168.

Ulpia Traiana, i. 168.

Universe, anonymous treatise on, ii.
168.

Usipes, i. 26, 27, 51, 124, 133, I50.

Utica, ii. 331.

VABALLATHUS, ii. 106 #., 108,

Valerianus, Publius Licinius, conquers
Aemilianus, i. 241 ; piratical expedi-
tion of Goths, 243 f.; character, 247;
ii. 100; capture by the Persians,
IOO #., IOI ^.

Vangio, i. 215, 229.

Vannius, i, 215, 216.

Vardanes, ii. 45, 46.

Varus, Publius Quintilius, character, i.
44; defeat and death, 45-47; locality
of the disaster, 47 ”.; governor of
Syria, ii. 184.

Vascones, i. 66.

Vatinius, Publius, i. 89.

Veleda, i. 140, 142, 145.

Veneti, i. 200.

Verulamium, i. 179, 180, 193.

Verus, Lucius, character of, i. 232 f.;
in the East, ii. 75.

Verus, Martius, ii. 75.

Vespasianus : municipal organisation in
Spain, i 69, 73; proclaimed as
emperor, 128; instigation of Civilis,
130 f.; consequences of Batavian war,
143 f.; takes possession of ‘‘ Hel-
vetian desert,’ 152; pushes forward
camps on the Danube, 219; Eastern
arrangements, ii. 62 f.; Jewish war,
210 f.; possessing himself of Rome
through corn-fleet, 252; nicknamed
the ‘‘sardine-dealer’’ and ‘‘ six-far-
thing-man,”’ 263.

Vestinus, L. Julius, ii. 273 ”.

Vetera (Castra), i. 32, 49, 118, 133,
138.

Via Augusta in Spain, i. 74; in Gaul,
109 f.

Via Claudian, i. 20.

Via Egnatia, i. 302.

Victorinus, Gaius Aufidius, i. 230.

Vienna, i. 87, 88 #., 91.

Viminacium, i. 212, 213, 228, 241.

Vindelici, i. 16, 17, 196.

366 INDEX.

Vindex, rising of, i. 82, 127, 128 f. WEAVING in Asia Minor, i. 360.
Vindex, Marcus Macrinius, i. 234. Wines, Gallic, i, 109.

Vindobona, i. 206.

Vindonissa, i. 18, 119, 140, 159. XENOPHON, of Cos, physician, i. 361 n.

Vine-culture in Gaul, i. 108 f.; restricted
by Domitian, 108 ; on Moselle, 109. | ZARDAS, ii, 105 #., 107, 109.

Viroconium, camp of, i. 178, 182. Zaitha, ii. 92.
Vitellius, Lucius, i 128, 129, 130; ii. | Zarai, tariff of, ii. 338 2.

42, 43, 44, 213. Zealots, ii. 191, 203 f., 207, 208.
Vocula, Villius, i, 132, 134-136, 137, | Zenobia, government of, ii. 106 f. ; claim

138. to joint-rule, r06 #.; occupation of
Volcae, i. 86 f., 93. Egypt, 107, 249 f.; Aurelian against,
Vologasias, ii. 47, 65, 98 n. 108 ; battle of Hemesa, 109 f.; cap-
Vologasus I., ii. 47, 49, 52, 54 f., 57. ture, IIO.

62, 63, 64, 65 n. Zenodorus, of Abila, ii. 147.
Vologasus IV., ii. 74. Zimises, li, 322 7.
Vologasus V., ii. 77 f. Zoelae, i. 72 m.
Vonones, ii. 40, 41. Zoskales, ii. 283.
Vorodes, Septimius, ii, 104 #. Zula, ii. 280.

THE END.

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